The  Making  of 
An  Oration 


Ulilllii 


<c  ' 


THE  MAKING  OF  AN  ORATION 


The 

Making  of  an  Oration 


BY 

CLARK  MILLS  BRINK 

Professor  of  English  Literature  in  the 
Kansas  State  Agricultural  College 


CHICAGO 

A.  C.  McCLURG  &  CO. 
"9*3 


Copyright 

A.   C.   McCLURG  &  CO 
1913 

Published  October,  1913 


.  9.  fall  Printing 


TO    MY   WIFE 

and  to  the  hundreds  of 

STUDENTS 

whom  it  has  been  my  privilege  to  teach  in 

years  gone  by,  and  those  whom  I 

hope  to  teach  in  years  to  come 


281450 


FOREWORD 


manual  is  the  outgrowth  of  nearly  twenty  years* 
experience  in  teaching  rhetoric,  in  its  various  forms 
and  applications,  to  successive  classes  of  college  students. 
Much  of  it  was  given  originally  as  informal  and  un- 
written lectures  to  classes  in  oratorical  composition. 
Later  these  lectures  were  committed  to  writing  for  the 
purpose  of  making  them  more  useful  to  my  pupils.  It 
is  hoped  that  the  informal  style  and  methods  of  the 
classroom  will  not  detract  from  the  usefulness  of  the 
book. 

The  aim  of  the  following  pages  is  preeminently  prac- 
tical. Their  purpose  is  to  present  as  clearly  and  definitely 
as  may  be  the  distinctions  between  the  oration  and  other 
forms  of  discourse,  and  to  set  forth  concretely  and 
specifically  the  fundamental  methods  that  must  be  pur- 
sued by  him  who  would  attain  success  in  oratorical  com- 
position. 

No  attempt  is  made  to  teach  the  higher  and  finer 
forms  of  oratorical  style.  What  is  the  use  of  trying 
to  teach  in  a  book  what  can  not  be  taught  or  learned, 
in  any  large  and  satisfying  measure,  in  the  classroom 
or  from  a  book?  These  higher  and  finer  qualities  de- 


Foreword 

pend  upon  inborn  gifts,  a  cultivated  taste,  wide  reading, 
and  experience.  Webster  was  right  when  he  said  that 
eloquence  "must  exist  in  the  man,  in  the  subject,  and 
in  the  occasion."  These  are  things  that  can  not  be  taught 
or  learned  off-hand.  They  may  come,  if  the  man  have 
right  powers  of  body,  mind,  and  spirit,  which  have  been 
so  cultivated  that,  when  the  subject  and  the  occasion 
conjoin,  he  may  meet  them  with  success;  but  the  most 
that  a  textbook  can  do  in  preparing  him  for  that  occa- 
sion is  to  point  out  the  road  he  must  travel  and  the 
methods  he  must  pursue,  and  to  guide  him  in  studying 
great  speeches  of  others  and  in  the  practice  of  making 
speeches  of  his  own. 

Since  the  aim  of  this  book  is  practical, —  that  is,  since 
its  purpose  is  to  help  those  who  study  it  how  to  proceed 
in  order  to  prepare  a  speech  in  persuasion,  it  is  of  neces- 
sity largely,  indeed  mainly,  concerned  with  the  mechanism 
of  oratory.  It  is  a  discussion  of  the  art  of  oratory,  except 
that  it  does  not  consider  the  elocution  of  that  art ;  it  is 
the  rhetoric  of  persuasive  public  speech. 

The  principles  of  this  art  are  not,  of  course,  the  inven- 
tion of  the  teacher.  Oratory  existed  before  books  were 
thought  of.  There  is  no  better  way,  then,  of  testing  the 
truth  and  practicalness  of  the  principles  presented  in  the 
book,  than  to  study  those  principles  as  exemplified  in 
actual  speeches  of  the  great  orators.  For  this  reason, 
many  of  the  principles  set  forth  in  this  book  are 
illustrated  by  examples  drawn  from  some  of  the  great 
speeches  of  the  world,  and  also  as  many  complete 


Foreword 

speeches  are  added  as  space  will  permit.  This  collection 
is  supplemented  by  a  list  of  some  of  the  world's  other 
masterpieces  of  eloquence,  which  the  student  will  find 
it  profitable  to  study. 

In  their  early  experience  students  often  find  difficulty 
in  choosing  subjects  for  oratorical  treatment.  In  the 
hope  of  helping  them  to  solve  this  difficulty,  lists  of 
topics  are  added  that  are  appropriate  for  such  exercises. 
This  list  might  be  indefinitely  extended;  questions  of 
current  interest  will  present  themselves  every  day,  giving 
to  the  alert  student  abundant  matter  for  practice  in  per- 
suasive discourse. 

It  has  been  thought  well  not  to  introduce  many  notes 
on  the  speeches  included,  but  to  leave  the  student  free 
to  study  out  for  himself  the  meaning  of  any  expressions 
that  are  not  perfectly  clear  at  the  first  reading.  The 
wide-awake  teacher  and  the  interested  student  will  need 
little  help  of  this  kind.  One  gteat  objection  to  many 
editions  of  masterpieces  published  for  school  use  is 
found  in  the  fact  that  they  are  so  overloaded  with  notes 
as  to  make  the  mastery  of  the  notes  seem  more  impor- 
tant than  the  mastery  of  the  literature  itself.  If  the 
student  is  led  to  make  his  own  notes,  he  will  gain  the 
necessary  information,  and,  what  is  far  better,  he  will 
get  something  of  the  inspiration  coming  from  the  study 
of  real  literature.  The  oration,  then,  becomes  vital  to 
him,  and  quickens  his  own  powers  to  similar  creative 
effort. 

I  wish  to  express  my  appreciation  of  the  courtesy  of 


Foreword 

the  Honorable  William  Jennings  Bryan,  for  permission 
to  use  any  of  his  speeches,  to  Harper  &  Brothers,  for 
their  approval  of  my  use  of  the  address  of  George  William 
Curtis  as  printed  in  their  edition  of  Mr.  Curtis's  orations 
and  addresses  edited  by  Professor  Norton,  and  for  a 
similar  favor  granted  by  Lothrop,  Lee  &  Shepard  Com- 
pany, to  use  their  copy  of  the  oration  quoted  from 
Wendell  Phillips. 

There  are  many  evidences  of  a  marked  revival  of 
interest  in  the  study  and  practice  of  oratory  in  the 
schools  and  colleges  of  our  country  —  especially  west 
of  the  Alleghanies.  It  is  with  the  hope  of  contributing 
something  to  this  widening  interest,  and  of  helping  in 
some  measure  the  ambitious  student  of  this  noble  art  on 
his  way  to  success,  that  this  little  book  has  been  written 
and  is  now  published. 

C.  M.  B. 
Manhattan,  Kansas,  1913. 


CONTENTS 

PART  I 

THE  NATURE  AND  ELEMENTS  OF  ORATORY 
CHAPTER  PAGE 

I.    A  WORKING  DEFINITION ,     3 

II.    TYPES  OF  ORATORY   1 1 

III.  THE  PARTS  OF  AN  ORATION 14 

PART  II 

THE  PLAN  OF  AN  ORATION 

IV.  NECESSITY  OF  A  PLAN  33 

V.    THE  CHOICE  OF  A  THEME 40 

VI.     THE  OBJECT 48 

VII.     How  TO  GATHER  MATERIAL 53 

VIII.    THE  ORDERING  OF  MATERIAL 58 

PART  III 

THE  COMPOSITION  OF  AN  ORATION 

IX.  THE  COMPOSITION  OF  AN  ORATION 73 

X.  QUALITIES  OF  THE  INTRODUCTION   78 

XL  THOUGHT  AND  STYLE  OF  THE  CONCLUSION  . .  86 

XII.  GENERAL  QUALITIES  OF  ORATORICAL  STYLE.  95 

XIII.  ESSENTIAL  QUALITIES  OF  ORATORICAL  STYLE.  163 


Contents 

PART  IV 

GIFTS  AND  HABITS  OF  THE  ORATOR 

PAGE 

XIV.  INBORN  GIFTS  r 169 

XV.  READING  FOR  THE  ORATOR 172 

XVI.  Two  LINES  OF  PREPARATION 186 

XVII.  THE  DELIVERY  OF  THE  ORATION 196 

PART  V 

SPEECHES  FOR  CAREFUL  STUDY 209 

A  LIST  OF  SPEECHES  FOR  FURTHER  STUDY 404 

A    LIST   OF    SUBJECTS    SUITABLE   FOR    ORATORICAL 

TREATMENT    407 

INDEX  .423 


LIST  OF  ORATIONS 

PAGE 

Affairs  in  Cuba John  M.  Thurston 324 

Ahab  and  Micaiah Alexander  Maclaren 388 

"  Cross  of  Gold,"  The William  J.  Bryan 314 

First  Inaugural  Address.  .Abraham  Lincoln 214 

Gettysburg  Address Abraham  Lincoln 226 

Inaugural  Address Woodrow  Wilson 398 

Liberty  or  Death Patrick  Henry 209 

Liverpool  Speech Henry  Ward  Beecher 250 

New  South,  The Henry  W.  Grady 301 

Paul  to  the  Athenians St.  Paul 386 

Paul  to  the  Jews St.  Paul 381 

Paul's  Speech  to  Agrippa . .  St.  Paul 383 

Philippine  Question,  The.  .George  F.  Hoar 339 

Public  Duty  of  Educated 
Men,  The  George  William  Curtis. .  .281 

Second  Inaugural  Address.  Abraham  Lincoln 227 

Under  the  Flag Wendell  Phillips 230 


PART  I 

THE  NATURE  AND  ELEMENTS  OF  ORATORY 


The  Making  of  an  Oration 


CHAPTER  I 
A  WORKING  DEFINITION 

IN  ORDER  to  attain  success  in  any  art,  it  is  necessary 
to  have  a  clear  conception  of  what  that  art  is.    This 
principle  applies  no  less  truly  to  the  art  of  oratory  than 
it  does  to  the  art  of  painting. 

Oratory  may  be  treated  either  as  an  art  or  as  a  science. 
A  science  has  been  well  defined  as  classified  knowledge. 
From  this  point  of  view  a  discussion  of  oratory  would 
have  as  its  aim  the  presentation  of  the  principles  of 
oratory  in  a  systematic  order,  without  special  reference 
to  the  practical  application  of  those  principles  in  actual 
public  speech.  One  may  know  oratory  as  a  science  and  be 
wholly  unskilled  as  an  orator;  just  as  one  may  be  a 
critic  of  painting  without  being  a  painter.  He  may  be 
able  to  point  out  with  profound  insight,  keen  perception 
of  truth,  and  exact  knowledge,  the  artistic  qualities  of 
Rosa  Bonheur's  great  painting,  "  The  Horse  Fair,"  and 
not  possess  enough  skill  on  his  own  part  to  draw  a  saw- 
horse.  In  other  words,  one  may  be  familiar  with  a 

3 


4  The  Making  of  an  Oration 

science  and  not  be  master  of  the  corresponding  art. 
Whether  the  reverse  of  this  law  is  true  may  well  be 
questioned;  whether  one  can  be  a  skilled  artist  without 
knowing  the  laws  of  that  art  is  more  than  doubtful.  It 
may  be  granted  that,  through  native  gifts  and  constant 
practice,  one  may  attain  some  measure  of  success  in  a 
given  art;  but  it  is  only  the  genius  that  can  reach  the 
highest  success  without  knowing  the  science  on  which 
the  art  is  based,  and  we  have  little  if  any  conclusive 
evidence  that  even  genius  has  ever  attained  supreme 
success  in  any  art  without  familiarity  with  the  funda- 
mental laws  or  science  of  that  art.  Demosthenes  and 
Cicero  are  the  leading  names  in  the  history  of  oratory; 
both  of  them  studied  for  years  in  order  to  perfect  them- 
selves in  this  art  of  all  the  arts.  They  studied  the  science 
in  order  to  perfect  themselves  in  the  art. 

Oratory  will  here  be  considered  primarily  as  an  art. 
The  aim  of  this  manual  is  preeminently  practical.  But 
in  order  to  make  it  practical,  some  attention  will  need 
to  be  given  to  the  science  on  which  it  is  founded  and  of 
which  it  is  the  outgrowth.  Such  attention,  however, 
will  be  incidental.  So  far  as  we  shall  study  the  science 
of  this  type  of  discourse,  we  shall  study  it  for  the 
sole  purpose  of  developing  skill  in  the  art  of  preparing 
orations. 

The  relation  of  oratory  to  rhetoric  in  general  is  not 
difficult  to  understand.  Indeed,  oratory  is  rhetoric 
turned  in  a  specific  direction  and  applied  in  a  particular 
way.  It  is  the  species  of  which  rhetoric  is  the  genus; 


A  Working  Definition  5 

or  more  precisely,  rhetoric  is  the  family,  while  per- 
suasive discourse  is  the  genus,  and  oratory  the  species. 
Therefore  all  the  laws  of  rhetoric  must  find  exemplifi- 
cation in  oratory,  and  in  addition  there  is  something 
added  that  differentiates  this  type  of  discourse  from  all 
other  forms. 

What,  then,  is  an  oration  ?  Its  general  nature  may  be 
developed  by  combining  the  following  characteristics: 

i.  An  oration  is  an  oral  address.  It  is  not  a  short 
story;  it  is  not  an  expository  address;  it  is  not  exclu- 
sively ari  argument.  It  may  combine  the  characteristics 
of  any  or  all  these,  but  these  are  not  what  give  it  its 
distinctive  character.  It  is  an  oration  partly  because  it 
is  designed  for  presentation  in  a  face-to- face  and  an 
eye-to-eye  contact  with  an  audience.  This  fact  gives  it 
peculiarities  of  structure  and  peculiarities  of  style  that 
adapt  it  to  effective  vocal  delivery,  but  that  would  not 
always  be  desirable  or  even  allowable  in  other  forms  of 
discourse. 

It  is  said  that  Edmund  Burke  held  the  theory  that 
oratory,  so  far  as  its  style  is  concerned,  should  differ  in 
no  respect  from  discourse  written  for  leisurely  reading. 
But  Burke  himself,  although  professedly  exemplifying 
his  theory,  actually  proved  the  rule  to  the  contrary;  for, 
while  he  adorned  his  speeches  with  all  the  fullness  of 
thought  and  richness  of  imagery  appropriate  to  written 
discourse,  he  not  infrequently  emptied  the  House  of 
Commons.  The  speeches  that  are  read  with  delight 
were  often  heard  with  indifference. 


6  The  Making  of  an  Oration 

Because  it  is  oral  discourse  the  oration  has  both  advan- 
tages and  disadvantages  that  do  not  pertain  to  that 
which  is  written  for  the  reader.  It  has  the  advantages 
of  the  magnetic  presence,  the  kindling  eye,  the  thrilling 
voice,  the  suggestive  gesture.  On  the  other  hand,  the 
orator  labors  under  the  disadvantage  incident  to  the 
necessity  of  delivering  his  soul  in  a  single  utterance,  with 
no  opportunity  to  elaborate  his  thought  or  to  give  to  its 
expression  those  graces  of  style  that  the  essayist  or  the 
novelist  has,  who  writes  at  leisure  for  the  instruction 
or  amusement  of  those  who  read  at  leisure.  Because  it 
is  an  oral  address,  therefore,  the  oration  must  possess 
all  the  ease,  flexibility,  rhythm,  simplicity,  directness,  and 
intensity  of  earnest  extemporaneous  speech,  and  at  the 
same  time  it  must  proceed  on  those  broad  and  general 
lines  of  thought  adapted  to  arouse  the  interest  of  the 
hearers,  fit  their  understanding,  and  especially  direct 
their  purposes. 

2.  In  the  second  place,  an  oration  is  an  oral  discourse 
on  a  ivorthy  and  dignified  theme.  Not  all  subjects  are 
suitable  for  oratorical  treatment.  They  lack  dignity,  or 
they  lack  seriousness,  or  they  lack  that  elevation  of 
thought  essential  to  genuine  eloquence.  They  may  be 
too  literary  in  substance, —  appropriate  to  the  essay  or 
book,  but  requiring  too  elaborate  treatment  for  the  plat- 
form. They  may  be  too  philosophical,  or  too  abstract, 
or  too  technical,  and  thus  be  incapable  of  impressing  the 
popular  mind,  of  arousing  the  popular  feeling,  or  of 
moving  the  popular  will. 


A  Working  Definition  7 

To  admit  of  oratorical  treatment  a  subject  must  be 
worthy  of  noble  thought.  No  trivial  topic  will  answer. 
A  student  once  offered  the  plan  of  an  oration  on  the 
subject,  "  The  Dog  as  Man's  Best  Friend,"  stating  that 
his  purpose  was  to  induce  his  hearers  to  buy  a  dog.  It 
is  needless  to  say  that  the  discussion  of  such  a  theme  is 
not  oratory.  That  student  might  have  been  a  "  howling 
success  "  as  the  doorkeeper  of  a  menagerie,  but  he  would 
hardly  be  likely  to  develop  into  a  Demosthenes.  The 
harangue  of  an  auctioneer  or  a  street  peddler  is  never 
synonymous  with  eloquence.  If  the  theme  is  ignoble, 
no  art  can  make  the  discourse  noble.  At  the  best  the 
result  will  be  either  bombast  or  burlesque.  The  speech 
must  be  on  a  theme  suited  by  its  very  nature  to  quicken 
the  mind,  to  lift  the  imagination,  to  stir  the  feelings, 
to  strengthen  the  convictions,  to  arouse  all  that  is  highest 
in  the  speaker  and  prepare  him  to  exercise  his  best 
powers  with  such  vigor  and  effectiveness  that  his  hearers 
will  not  only  be  led  to  accept  his  opinions,  but  be 
strengthened  in  the  determination  to  act  accordingly. 

The  intimate  relation  between  the  theme  and  its  treat- 
ment cannot  be  too  strongly  emphasized.  A  theme  may, 
in  itself,  be  a  good  theme,  yet  not  a  theme  suitable  for 
oratory,  properly  so  called.  Nor  does  the  fact  that  it  is 
orally  delivered  necessarily  classify  the  discourse  as  an 
oration.  Because  all  orations  are  oral  addresses,  it  by 
no  means  follows  that  all  oral  addresses  are  orations. 
Such  addresses  may  be,  and  often  are,  simply  expositions 
of  some  truth,  or  some  idea,  or  some  fact.  They  may  be 


8  The  Making  of  an  Oration 

merely  essays  in  criticism  or  in  history  orally  presented. 
The  method  of  presentation  does  not  in  itself  classify 
them  as  orations.  A  subject  to  be  suitable  for  oratorical 
treatment  must,  as  already  suggested,  be  susceptible  of 
such  development  as  shall  appeal  to  the  whole  spiritual 
nature  of  the  hearer  —  to  his  intellect,  his  sensibilities, 
and  his  will.  Then  and  only  then  is  it  "  a  worthy  and 
dignified  theme/' 

3.  In  the  third  place,  an  oration  is  an  oral  discourse 
on  a  worthy  and  dignified  theme  adapted  to  the  average 
hearer.  The  speech,  in  both  theme  and  treatment,  should 
be  of  such  a  nature  as  to  appeal  to  the  every-day  mind. 
It  is  not,  exclusively,  for  any  "  aristocracy  of  intellect " ; 
nor,  on  the  other  hand,  is  it  primarily  for  the  dullard. 
It  is,  at  once,  for  all  grades  of  ability  and  training,  such 
as  are  to  be  found  in  any  popular  audience.  It  is  this 
element  that  lies  at  the  basis  of  any  rational  discussion 
of  oratory  as  an  art.  For,  since  the  art  does  not  find 
its  end  in  itself  but  is  practiced  with  a  view  to  its  desired 
effect  upon  the  hearer,  any  treatment  of  the  subject 
must  be  mainly  occupied  with  a  consideration  of  how 
best  to  accomplish  this  purpose.  How  shall  I  gain  the 
respect  and  confidence  of  my  hearers?  How  shall  I 
remove  their  indifference  or,  it  may  be,  their  prejudice 
toward  my  subject?  How  shall  I  excite  their  interest 
and  convince  their  reason  ?  How  shall  I  arouse,  control, 
and  direct  their  passions?  How  shall  f  do  all  these 
things  so  as  to  lead  them,  ultimately,  to  the  desired 
decision  of  will?  These  are  questions  that  the  orator 


A  Working  Definition  9 

must,  consciously  or  unconsciously,  ask  himself  in  pre- 
paring and  pronouncing  every  speech.  And  the  answer 
to  these  questions  involves  all  the  considerations  that 
have  to  do  with  the  discovery,  selection,  and  arrange- 
ment of  material,  with  the  choice  of  words,  the  con- 
struction of  sentences,  the  use  of  figures,  the  employment 
of  illustrations,  the  final  delivery  —  in  a  word  with  all 
the  considerations  that  involve  questions  of  invention, 
of  style,  and  of  utterance. 

4.  In  the  fourth  place,  an  oration  is  an  oral  discourse 
on  a  worthy  and  dignified  theme,  adapted  to  the  average 
hearer,  and  whose  aim  is  to  influence  the  will  of  that 
hearer.  It  is  a  speech  pronounced  in  order  to  persuade. 
As  such  it  belongs  to  the  highest  type  of  prose  discourse. 
It  may,  and  not  improbably  will,  contain  exposition  and 
argument,  but  it  does  not  find  its  end  in  these  forms  of 
discourse.  They  are  satisfied  when  they  have  enlightened 
the  understanding  or  convinced  the  reason.  Oratory 
may  subserve  both  these  purposes,  and  may  likewise 
kindle  the  imagination  and  arouse  the  emotions,  but  it 
does  not  stop  there.  It  not  only  appeals  to  the  intellect 
and  stirs  the  sensibilities,  but  most  of  all,  it  lays  hold 
of  the  will. 

It  is  this  feature  more  than  any  other  that  differentiates 
oratory  from  all  other  types  of  discourse.  One  may 
pronounce  an  oral  discourse  on  a  worthy  theme,  but 
unless  his  speech  is  designed  and  adapted  to  move  the 
will  it  cannot  properly  be  classed  as  oratory.  Webster 
truly  describes  eloquence,  which  is  the  soul  of  oratory, 


10  The  Making  of  an  Oration 

as  "  urging  the  whole  man  onward,  right  onward  to  his 
object."  He  who  fails  to  attain  that  "  object,"  fails  in 
his  ultimate  purpose  as  an  orator.  Whatever  other  excel- 
lences his  production  may  possess  of  learning,  of  noble 
thought,  of  beautiful  language,  lacking  the  element  of 
persuasion,  it  is  not  oratory.  The  crown  of  eloquence 
encircles  the  brow,  not  of  him  that  "  draws  a  bow  at  a 
venture/*  but  of  him  that  consciously  and  successfully 
aims  to  bring  down  the  game.  The  true  orator,  as  the 
late  President  E.  G.  Robinson,  himself  no  mean  orator, 
was  wont  to  say,  "  puts  a  hook  in  the  nose  of  his  audi- 
ence and  leads  it " ;  or,  to  use  the  expressive  phrase  of 
President  Martin  B.  Anderson,  the  orator  by  the  power 
of  speech  "brings  things  to  pass."  Thus  it  was  the 
highest  praise  of  eloquence  when,  after  listening  to  a 
fiery  philippic  of  Demosthenes,  the  Athenians  raised  the 
cry :  "  Up,  let  us  march  against  Philip !  " 


CHAPTER  II 

TYPES  OF  ORATORY 

THE  fourth  characteristic  of  an  oration,  as  above  de- 
fined, gives  rise  to  the  inquiry  whether  we  do  not  too 
much  limit  the  province  of  oratory  by  describing  it  as 
invariably  an  appeal  to  the  will.  How,  then,  shall  we 
class  those  addresses  that  do  not  aim  at  definite  action? 
Dr.  Nott's  great  address  on  "  The  Death  of  Hamilton," 
Webster's  speech  on  "  The  First  Settlement  of  New 
England"  —  were  not  these  orations? 

This  inquiry  suggests  a  distinction,  which  needs  to  be 
recognized,  between  the  different  types  of  oratory  —  a 
distinction  based  on  the  recognized  difference  between 
speeches  calling  for  immediate  and  definite  decision  and 
action  and  those  not  so  calling.  This  distinction  gives 
rise  to  a  twofold  division,  to  which  have  been  given  the 
names :  Determinate  Oratory  and  Demonstrative  Oratory. 

i.  Determinate  Oratory. —  Under  this  name  may  be 
included  all  those  examples  of  persuasive  speech  that 
anticipate  direct  and  specific  action  on  the  part  of  those 
addressed. 

The  action  contemplated  in  this  class  of  discourse  may 
culminate  in  a  vote,  a  resolution,  a  verdict,  or  in  a  silent 
yet  real  resolution  to  pursue  a  certain  course.  But  it  is 
definite  and  the  operation  of  the  will  is  positive  and 

11 


12  The  Making  of  an  Oration 

immediate.  Such  is  the  oratory  of  deliberative  assem- 
blies, or  legislative  bodies,  where  the  action  under  dis- 
cussion has  to  do  with  public  policy;  the  oratory  of  the 
platform,  whose  end  is  to  gain  votes  in  an  approaching 
election,  or  to  secure  cooperation  in  some  proposed  under- 
taking; the  oratory  of  the  bar,  whose  end  is  to  secure 
a  verdict  of  a  jury  or  a  favorable  decision  from  a  court; 
much  of  the  oratory  of  the  pulpit,  whose  conscious  pur- 
pose is  to  win  those  who  are  not  Christians  to  a  definite 
and  willing  acceptance  of  the  Christian  faith  and  those 
who  are  Christians  to  resolve  upon  a  life  of  closer 
obedience  and  service.  Thus,  wherever  and  however 
displayed,  determinate  oratory  includes  all  those  speeches 
that  seek  for  a  specific  decision  of  the  will,  attended  or 
followed  by  some  act  or  course  of  action. 

2.  The  other  great  type  of  oratorical  discourse  has  been 
called  Demonstrative  Oratory.  Under  this  name  we  may 
include  all  those  speeches  that  do  not  call  for  a  specific 
action  at  a  definite  time  on  the  part  of  the  hearer,  but 
that  nevertheless  demand  a  genuine  decision  of  the  will 
on  his  part.  Such  speeches  aim  to  bring  about  in  each 
hearer's  mind  an  unexpressed  and  perhaps  even  unf  ormu- 
lated  resolution  to  live  differently,  to  cherish  certain  senti- 
ments, to  hold  a  certain  attitude,  to  cultivate  certain 
habits,  to  follow  a  certain  course,  or  to  be  a  certain  kind 
of  man.  Although  no  particular  action  is  aimed  at,  this 
type  of  oratory  is  none  the  less  an  appeal  to  the  will; 
the  chief  difference  between  this  and  determinate  oratory 
is  that  this  seeks  for  a  decision  that  shall  manifest  itself 


Types  of  Oratory  13 

not  in  a  single  immediate  action  so  much  as  in,  perhaps, 
a  course  of  life,  in  an  attitude.  The  decision  of  the  will, 
as  already  suggested,  may  not  be  expressed  in  language, 
and  the  hearer  may  not  be  conscious  that  he  has  formed 
a  decision.  It  is  manifest,  rather,  in  a  general  bracing 
of  the  will  in  regard  to  the  question  at  issue.  Like  a 
rivulet  flowing  into  a  river,  the  speech  contributes  a  real, 
even  if  an  imperceptible,  accretion  to  the  stream  of  the 
hearer's  determination. 

Not  a  little  preaching  and  much  platform  speaking  may 
be  classed  as  demonstrative  oratory.  Here  is  where  Dr. 
Nott's  "Death  of  Hamilton"  and  Webster's  "First 
Settlement  of  New  England  "  belong.  A  speech  on  such 
a  theme  as  "  The  Character  of  Lincoln,"  if  it  presented 
that  character  in  such  a  manner  as  to  lead  the  hearers 
to  resolve  to  cultivate  Lincoln's  virtues;  an  address  on 
"  The  Oratory  of  Wendell  Phillips,"  if  it  portrayed  that 
oratory  with  such  attractiveness  as  to  induce  the  hearers 
to  emulate,  so  far  as  their  gifts  and  opportunities  would 
permit,  the  qualities  of  that  oratory;  an  eloquent  dis- 
cussion of  "  True  Patriotism,"  if  it  so  exalted  such 
patriotism  as  to  persuade  the  hearers  to  exemplify  it  in 
their  own  lives,  would  be  true  oratory,  because  it  would 
lay  hold  on  the  will.  Such  addresses  belong  to  demon- 
strative oratory.  Indeed,  most  speeches  that  serve  to 
arouse  public  sentiment,  to  quicken  patriotism,  to  awaken 
admiration  for  exalted  character  or  high  achievement,  to 
stir  and  stimulate  a  purpose  for  right  living  and  noble 
endeavor,  are  of  this  type. 


CHAPTER  III 

THE  PARTS  OF  AN  ORATION 

AN  ORATION,  like  any  other  well  constructed  dis- 
course, is  made  up  of  a  variety  of  parts.  The 
number  of  parts  that  should  be  recognized  will  vary 
according  to  circumstances,  to  the  kind  of  oratory,  to 
the  minuteness  of  analysis  desired,  and  to  other  factors 
that  need  not  now  be  enumerated.  For  example,  a  ser- 
mon has  an  element  not  found  in  other  forms  of  public 
speech  in  the  text  that  is  commonly  used  in  this  type  of 
discourse.  The  text  may  well  be  regarded  as  a  part 
of  the  sermon,  and  not  rarely  it  is  the  best  part. 

Still  further  the  analysis  will  depend  upon  the  use  of 
terms.  No  two  writers  precisely  agree  in  their  nomen- 
clature. They  use  words  in  different  senses  and  give 
different  names  to  the  same  idea.  Aristotle,  for  example, 
recognized  as  parts  of  an  oration  the  introduction,  the 
proposition,  the  proof,  and  the  conclusion,  but  he  claimed 
that  neither  the  introduction  nor  the  conclusion  was 
essential.  Quintilian,  the  great  Latin  rhetorician,  on  the 
other  hand,  enumerated  five  parts,  which  he  named  the 
introduction,  the  narration,  the  proof,  the  refutation,  and 
the  conclusion.  What  he  called  the  narration  belonged 
especially  to  the  oratory  of  the  bar;  it  was  what  in 

14 


The  Parts  of  an  Oration  15 

modern  times  is  termed  the  lawyer's  statement  of  his 
case,  and  included  substantially  the  ground  covered  by 
Aristotle's  "  Proposition."  So,  likewise,  the  "  Proof  " 
and  the  "  Refutation  "  in  Quintilian's  analysis  are  simply 
the  positive  and  the  negative  sides  of  one  process. 

In  the  present  discussion  it  is  desired  to  avoid  extended 
and  minute  analysis,  and  to  proceed  as  much  as  may 
be  on  broad  and  general  lines.  For  the  sake  of  simplicity, 
therefore,  we  need  to  recognize  only  four  main  divisions 
of  a  completed  oration:  (i)  the  introduction;  (2)  the 
proposition  or  object;  (3)  the  discussion;  (4)  the  con- 
clusion. 

We  say  the  "  completed  "  oration  reveals  these  parts, 
because  we  wish  to  distinguish  between  the  finished 
product  and  the  skeleton  on  which  that  product  is  built. 
The  skeleton,  or  plan,  includes  and  sharply  defines  all  the 
details  and  particulars;  it  states  the  title,  theme,  object, 
introduction,  discussion  with  its  various  partitions  and 
subdivisions,  and  the  nature  of  the  conclusion ;  but  in  the 
speech,  as  pronounced,  some  of  these  details  are  buried. 
They  are  present,  giving  unity,  coherence,  order,  propor- 
tion, progress,  strength,  and  climax  to  the  discourse,  but 
they  do  not  usually  appear  to  the  hearer  —  at  least  not 
so  prominently  as  to  obtrude  themselves  upon  his  atten- 
tion. What  he  realizes,  so  far  as  the  topic  now  under 
discussion  is  concerned,  is  that  the  discourse  has  a  begin- 
ning, a  pervading  general  thought,  the  development  of 
that  thought,  and  an  appropriate  ending,  and  that  these 
different  parts,  while  vitally  connected,  are,  nevertheless, 


16  The  Making  of  an  Oration 

distinct  one  from  another.  If  he  be  an  intelligent  and 
attentive  listener,  he  knows  where  one  ends  and  another 
begins.  For  purposes  of  convenience,  therefore,  the  four 
parts  above  named  may  be  considered  as  constituting 
the  groundwork  of  a  typical  oration.  It  is  the  present 
purpose  to  discuss  simply  the  nature,  functions,  and  in  a 
limited  measure  the  form  of  these  parts,  leaving  such 
matters  as  the  method  of  development  and  details  of 
style  for  later  consideration. 

I.  The  Introduction. —  As  its  name  implies,  the  intro- 
duction is  that  part  at  the  beginning  of  an  oration  which 
"  leads  into  "  the  discourse  and  prepares  the  way  for  the 
presentation  and  proposed  discussion  of  the  main  topic. 
Its  aim  is  simply,  naturally,  briefly,  and  effectively  to 
interest  the  audience  in  the  theme  and  prepare  it  for 
listening  fairly  and,  if  it  may  be,  sympathetically  to  the 
development  of  that  theme.  It  is  the  nexus  between  the 
theme  and  the  hearers.  The  speaker  has  these  factors 
before  him  —  his  theme  and  his  audience.  How  shall  he 
bring  these  two  factors  together?  This  is  the  problem 
that  is  set  for  him.  The  process  of  solving  this  problem 
is  revealed  in  the  introduction.  That  it  be  solved  is  of 
supreme  importance. 

The  introduction  has  for  one  of  its  functions  to  lead 
the  audience  into  the  subject  without  shock.  "  Mental 
processes,  to  be  agreeable,  must  be  gradual."  For  an 
orator  to  plunge  without  preface  of  some  sort  into  the 
heat  of  a  discussion  would  be  as  contrary  to  the  law  of 
mind  as  for  the  sun  to  burst  from  midnight  darkness  to 


The  Parts  of  an  Oration  17 

noonday  splendor  without  the  gradations  of  the  dawn 
would  be  contrary  to  the  law  of  the  physical  universe. 
The  introduction  performs  the  office  of  a  herald,  grace- 
fully to  announce  and  impressively  to  marshal  in  the  full 
procession  of  the  thought. 

But  the  introduction  does  more  than  this.  It  serves 
to  arouse  sympathy  on  the  part  of  the  audience  with  the 
speaker's  own  feelings  toward  his  subject.  He,  pre- 
sumably, is  not  only  interested  in  the  question  in  hand, 
but  excited  over  it.  His  hearers,  on  the  contrary,  are 
relatively  indifferent  if  not  positively  hostile  in  their 
attitude  toward  that  question.  It  will  never  do  to  plunge 
without  prelude  into  the  full  blaze  of  the  discussion. 
The  heat  would  be  too  great;  instead  of  warming  the 
sympathies  of  the  hearers  it  would  rather  scorch  and 
wither  them.  "  Behold  how  great  a  conflagration  a  little 
fire  kindleth ! "  The  orator  must  begin  not  with  the 
blasting  conflagration  but  with  the  little  fire.  He  may  be, 
himself,  profoundly  stirred;  indeed  he  must  be  if  he 
would  achieve  the  highest  oratorical  success;  but  to 
arouse  his  hearers  to  a  similar  frame  of  mind  is  a  gradual 
process.  He  must  first  overcome  their  intellectual  and 
emotional  inertia.  The  engineer  that  pulls  the  throttle 
of  the  locomotive  wide  open  at  the  first  touch  invites 
disaster.  He  does  not  move  the  train,  he  breaks  the 
coupling,  and  if  the  machine  does  not  jump  the  track 
it  goes  tearing  along  the  course  alone.  The  introduction 
to  a  speech  is  the  gradual  opening  of  the  valve,  by  which 
the  wise  orator  puts  his  audience  in  motion,  so  to  speak, 


18  The  Making  of  an  Oration 

with  himself,  and  prepares  them  to  move  without  jar 
in  full  harmony  with  his  own  thought  and  feeling  to  the 
chosen  destination. 

Once  more,  the  introduction  affords  the  speaker  an 
opportunity  of  putting  not  only  his  theme  but  himself 
on  good  terms  with  his  audience.  If  his  hearers  are 
indifferent  or  hostile  to  him,  or  if  they  are  distrustful 
of  him,  he  can  do  nothing  with  them.  They  do  not 
separate,  in  their  thoughts,  the  speech  from  the  speaker. 
He  must  remove  their  prejudices  before  he  can  move 
them.  The  introduction  affords  him  an  opportunity  of 
doing  this.  It  gives  him  a  chance  to  convince  them  of 
his  frankness  and  sincerity,  of  his  honesty  of  purpose 
and  method,  of  his  profound  conviction  of  the  truth  and 
importance  of  the  position  he  holds,  of  the  uprightness 
of  his  character,  of  his  mastery  of  the  subject  in  hand, 
so  that  they  may  hear  him  as  one  that  speaks  with 
authority.  Such,  then,  is  the  threefold  function  of  the 
introduction :  it  prepares  the  audience  for  the  intellectual 
apprehension  of  and  interest  in  the  subject;  it  enables 
the  speaker  to  place  himself  on  good  terms  with  his 
hearers ;  it  helps  him  bring  them  into  sympathy  of  feeling 
with  himself  toward  the  subject.  All  this  is  what  Cicero 
meant  by  his  famous  assertion  that  the  purpose  of  the 
exordium  is  "  reddere  auditores  benevolos,  attentos,  doci- 
les "  —  that  is,  to  render  the  hearers  "  well  disposed  " 
toward  the  speaker,  "  attentive  "  to  what  he  may  have  to 
say,  and  "  teachable  "  or  open-minded  in  regard  to  the 
sentiments  he  may  have  to  express.  At  least  one  and 


The  Parts  of  an  Oration  19 

perhaps  all  these  purposes  will  be  exemplified  and  sub- 
served in  every  effective  introduction.  This  principle  will 
explain  why  so  many  speeches  and  lectures  begin  with  a 
more  or  less  amusing  story  or  joke.  It  is  an  attempt,  on 
the  part  of  the  speaker,  to  put  himself  at  the  outset  on 
good  terms  with  his  hearers.  Some  speakers  manifest 
great  tact  and  adroitness  in  taking  advantage  of  unfore- 
seen circumstances  to  secure  the  goodwill  of  their  audi- 
ences. Several  years  ago,  at  a  large  religious  convention 
in  Washington,  a  great  audience  had  gathered  to  listen 
to  a  distinguished  speaker.  When  the  speaker  was  intro- 
duced, there  was  the  usual  courteous  applause.  In  the 
midst  of  the  applause  a  pane  of  glass  fell  from  one  of  the 
windows  to  the  floor.  There  was  an  instant's  hush  at 
the  unexpected  interruption.  "  There,"  exclaimed  the 
speaker,  before  the  sound  of  the  breaking  glass  was 
fairly  ended,  "  I  'm  bringing  down  the  house  already," 
and  this  time  the  applause  was  genuine.  By  such  a  ready 
wit  he  had  placed  himself  on  terms  of  good-fellowship 
with  his  audience  and  they  were  prepared  to  listen  in  a 
friendly  attitude  to  all  that  he  had  to  say.  His  intro- 
duction was  made  for  him  by  circumstances. 

Some  modern  illustrations  of  introductions  that  fulfill 
the  purposes  above  enumerated  are  to  be  found  in  the 
speeches  delivered  in  Great  Britain  during  the  Civil 
War  by  Henry  Ward  Beecher.  One  of  these  speeches 
was  made  at  Liverpool.  There  were  many  sympathizers 
with  secession  in  England,  and  they  were  determined  that 
Mr.  Beecher  should  not  speak.  The  hall  where  the 


20  The  Making  of  an  Oration 

address  was  to  be  given  was  packed  with  a  turbulent  mob, 
hostile  to  the  cause  of  the  North,  sympathizers  with  the 
secessionists,  and  they  had  come  prepared  to  break  up 
the  meeting.  When  the  speaker  appeared  he  was  greeted 
with  jeers,  catcalls,  yells,  hisses,  insults,  dead  cats,  over- 
ripe eggs,  and  decayed  vegetables.  Whenever  there  was 
a  lull  in  the  uproar,  he  would  manage,  with  great  good 
nature,  supreme  tact,  and  indomitable  courage,  to  make 
himself  heard  for  a  sentence  or  two,  in  which  he  would 
appeal  to  the  traditional  British  sentiment  of  fair  play. 
The  following  passage  will  reveal  something  of  the  for- 
midable task  that  confronted  him  and  the  marvelous  skill 
with  which  he  performed  that  task: 

Personally,  it  is  a  matter  of  very  little  consequence  to  me 
whether  I  speak  here  tonight  or  not  [Laughter  and 
cheers.]  But  one  thing  is  very  certain,  if  you  do  permit  me 
to  speak  here  tonight,  you  will  hear  very  plain  talking. 
[Applause  and  hisses.]  You  will  not  find  a  man  [interrup- 
tion] you  will  not  find  me  a  man  that  dared  to  speak  about 
Great  Britain  three  thousand  miles  off,  and  then  is  afraid  to 
speak  to  Great  Britain  when  he  stands  on  her  shores.  [Im- 
mense applause  and  hisses.]  And  if  I  do  not  mistake  the 
tone  and  temper  of  Englishmen,  they  had  rather  have  a  man 
who  opposes  them  in  a  manly  way  —  [applause  from  all  parts 
of  the  hall]  —  than  a  sneak  that  agrees  with  them  in  an  un- 
manly way.  [Applause  and  "  Bravo."  ]  Now,  if  I  can  carry 
you  with  me  by  sound  convictions,  I  shall  be  immensely  glad 
—  [applause]  ;  but  if  I  cannot  carry  you  with  me  by  facts  and 
sound  arguments,  I  do  not  wish  you  to  go  with  me  at  all ;  all 
that  I  ask  is  simply  Fair  Play.  [Applause,  and  a  voice: 
"  You  shall  have  it,  too !  "  ] 


The  Parts  of  an  Oration  21 

Thus  the  great  and  eloquent  man  gained  a  hearing, 
rendered  most  of  his  audience  "  well  disposed,  attentive, 
teachable,"  and  transposed  a  howling,  jeering,  turbulent 
mob,  determined  to  break  him  down  in  his  effort  to  speak, 
into  an  enthusiastic,  cheering  company  of  listeners, 
clambering  wildly  over  the  seats  to  shake  the  orator  by 
the  hand.  That  series  of  five  addresses  so  turned  the 
tide  of  sentiment  in  England  that  thenceforth  it  was  im- 
possible for  the  English  Government  to  recognize  the 
independence  of  the  Confederacy.  It  will  well  repay 
any  student  of  oratory  to  study  those  addresses  as  among 
the  very  greatest  triumphs  in  the  history  of  eloquence. 

2.  The  Proposition  or  Object. —  The  proposition  or 
object  may  be  explained  as  that  part  of  a  speech  in  which 
the  subject  is  narrowed  and  defined  for  discussion.  It 
is  the  expression  in  language  of  the  fact,  thought,  truth, 
principle,  or  duty  that  is  laid  down  for  treatment  in  the 
discourse  as  a  whole.  It  is  the  central  idea  of  the  speech 
on  which  everything  turns.  It  is  the  theme  stated  in  a 
definite  form  appropriate  to  a  specific  type  of  discourse. 
That  form  is  not  restricted  to  a  declarative  sentence,  but 
may  be  an  interrogative,  and  for  the  speaker's  own  use 
an  imperative.  Indeed,  since  oratory  is  preeminently  an 
appeal  to  the  will,  an  imperative  sentence  is  the  best  form 
for  the  statement  of  this  element.  That  is  why  the  term 
"  Object "  is  employed.  It  is  the  definition  in  the  speech 
itself  of  precisely  that  phase  of  the  general  subject  which 
the  speaker  intends  to  talk  about  and  develop  in  the  dis- 
cussion in  such  a  way  as  to  appeal  to  the  hearers'  will. 


22  The  Making  of  an  Oration 

As  stated  to  his  hearers,  it  may  or  it  may  not  reveal  the 
attitude  that  he  purposes  to  hold  with  reference  to  the 
topic  in  hand,  but  it  does  hold  him,  and  so  his  hearers,  to 
the  consideration  of  that  topic  and  of  that  alone. 

Although  the  proposition  may  be  expressed  in  a  single 
brief  sentence  or  even  a  phrase  of  two  or  three  words, 
its  importance,  indeed  its  necessity,  to  successful  oratory, 
cannot  be  overestimated.  And  this,  because  it  is  the  heart 
of  the  speech.  The  connection  is  a  vital  one.  Without 
it  the  discourse  will  be  as  powerless  as  would  be  a  body 
without  a  heart  beating  to  send  the  red  blood  to  every 
part  of  the  organism.  Without  this  feature  the  address 
may  have,  indeed,  a  reasonably  correct  outward  form ; 
but  it  needs  the  proposition  to  breathe  into  that  form  the 
breath  of  life  so  that  it  becomes  a  living  soul. 

For  one  thing,  this  element  serves  to  steady  and  give 
direction  to  the  thought,  and  thus  secure  the  great  ele- 
ment of  rhetorical  unity.  Lacking  this  factor  the  dis- 
course is  chaos,  "  without  form,  and  void."  The  prop- 
osition broods  over  the  speech  and  out  of  the  chaos 
brings  order  and  light.  On  his  own  account  the  speaker 
needs  this  concentrated  and  definite  statement  of  his 
central  topic.  Mere  fluency  of  speech,  if  he  have  it,  is 
not  sufficient.  How,  without  a  properly  formulated 
proposition,  shall  he  secure  the  solidity,  depth,  harmony, 
concreteness,  and  progression  essential  for  strong  think- 
ing? He  may  have  "thoughts  that  wander  through 
eternity  " ;  but  there  is  just  the  danger ;  they  may  wander 
through  eternity  and  for  eternity ;  but  to  be  of  value  to 


The  Parts  of  an  Oration  23 

anyone  they  must  stop  their  wandering  and  get  their  feet 
upon  the  solid  earth.  It  is  the  function  of  the  proposition 
to  gather  in  the  speaker's  wandering  thoughts  that  would 
otherwise  befog  his  mind,  and  marshal  them,  as  it  were, 
upon  the  ground  among  real  men. 

The  correct  statement  of  his  proposition  is  also  of 
great  value  to  the  speaker  in  the  work  of  invention.  The 
young  and  inexperienced  speech  maker  is  often  led  to  the 
choice  of  broad  and  general  themes,  on  the  supposition 
that  vastness  of  subject  will  insure  richness  of  material. 
Just  the  reverse  is  true.  He  who  has  thus  deceived  him- 
self will  soon  find  his  inventive  powers  floundering  in 
the  slough  of  intellectual  barrenness.  It  is  better  to  culti- 
vate well  a  small  field  than  to  scratch  the  surface  of  a 
large  field.  Right  here  is  where  the  young  preacher,  for 
example,  often  makes  a  mistake.  Feeling  upon  him  the 
burden  of  making  two  sermons  every  week,  he  may 
imagine  that  if  he  chooses  a  very  broad  theme  he  will 
more  easily  find  enough  to  say  to  keep  things  going  for 
the  conventional  thirty  minutes.  So  he  is  tempted  to 
cover  the  entire  territory  in  every  discourse,  from  the 
"  In  the  beginning "  of  Genesis  to  the  benediction  of 
Revelation.  The  result  invariably  is  that  instead  of 
adding  to  the  fertility  and  productiveness  of  his  mind, 
he  is  reducing  it  to  a  condition  of  intellectual  barrenness. 
The  mind  works  best  intensively  rather  than  extensively ; 
therefore  a  restricted  theme  is  suggestive.  The  speaker 
has  a  certain  amount  of  intellectual  force  to  expend  upon 
a  subject;  in  proportion  as  his  subject  is  enlarged,  there- 


24  The  Making  of  an  Oration 

fore,  will  the  intensity  of  his  thinking  be  restricted.  On 
the  other  hand,  as  he  calls  in  his  mind  from  the  oceanic 
wastes  of  an  extensive  subject  and  directs  it  to  the  con- 
templation of  a  particular  theme,  he  will  find  many 
materials  in  view  that  previously  escaped  his  vision,  and 
his  use  of  these  materials  will  be  more  effective  than 
would  be  possible  were  his  attention  dissipated  over  a 
wide  area.  Chain  lightning  is  always  more  effective  than 
sheet  lightning. 

But  if  the  proposition  is  requisite  to  the  definiteness, 
unity,  and  inventive  power  of  the  orator's  own  thinking, 
no  less  essential  is  it  for  the  guidance  of  the  audience. 
Hearers  do  not  want  to  be  trifled  with  or  babied.  They 
instinctively  demand  early  in  the  speech  a  definite  knowl- 
edge of  the  particular  question,  to  a  discussion  of  which 
they  are  expected  to  listen.  They  begin  to  consider  and 
perhaps  to  inquire:  "What  is  the  speaker  driving  at? 
What  particular  phase  of  the  general  subject  does  he 
purpose  to  discuss?  "  They  demand  that  he  shall  "  drive 
at "  something  and  that  he  shall  make  known  to  them 
precisely  what  that  something  is.  Suppose,  for  illustra- 
tion, that  the  subject  is  "  The  College  Settlement."  Will 
he  discuss  the  whole  subject?  That  is  obviously  too  ex- 
tensive for  a  brief  speech.  Wrhat  then?  Its  origin?  Its 
history?  Its  fundamental  purpose?  The  nature  of  its 
work?  Its  achievements?  Its  prospects?  Its  opportu- 
nities ?  A  score  of  themes  may  thus  be  deduced  from  any 
subject  that  is  worthy  of  consideration  at  all.  Suppose 
the  last  theme  suggested  is  near  the  speaker's  thought, 


The  Parts  of  an  Oration  25 

and  finally  the  idea  is  formulated  as  "  The  College  Set- 
tlement as  a  Sphere  of  Usefulness."  But  at  once  the 
query  arises,  Usefulness  for  whom?  Everybody?  No; 
naturally  for  those  that  have  been  to  college.  So  we 
question  the  matter  until  finally  the  whole  statement  is 
formulated :  "  The  College  Settlement  as  a  Sphere  of 
Usefulness  for  Educated  Men."  The  general  subject 
thus  holds  in  solution  all  the  particular  topics.  It  is  the 
business  of  the  orator  to  bring  the  reagent  of  his  own 
thinking  into  contact  with  his  general  subject,  and  from 
it  precipitate  a  particular  topic  in  the  form  of  a  prop- 
osition, which  not  only  he  but  his  hearers  can  measure, 
and  see  and.  feel.  When  the  proposition  is  thus  revealed, 
and  not  till  then,  are  the  hearers  in  a  condition  of  mind 
to  listen  with  patience  and  intelligence  to  the  unfolding 
of  the  speaker's  thought,  and  to  weigh  with  discrimi- 
nation and  confidence  the  question  as  presented  to  them. 
By  its  aid  they  are  saved  from  vagueness  and  haziness  of 
impression.  After  listening  to  an  address  thus  centered 
in  one  definite  thought,  hearers  are  never  heard  express- 
ing doubt  as  to  what  the  speaker  has  been  aiming  at. 
They  do  not  feel  that  he  has  been  talking  about  every- 
thing in  general  and  nothing  in  particular.  They  do  not 
regard  the  orator  as  a  man  who  has  been  "  drawing  a 
bow  at  a  venture."  On  the  contrary  they  realize  that  the 
oratorical  archery  has  been  directed  at  the  "  bull's-eye," 
whether  it  has  pierced  that  mark  or  not. 

3.  The  Discussion. —  The  discussion  may  be  defined  as 
that  part  of  an  oration  which  contains  the  development 


26  The  Making  of  an  Oration 

>f  the  thought  expressed  in  the  proposition.  The  propo- 
sition is  the  germ;  the  discussion  is  the  outgrowth  of 
:hat  germ.  It  bears  a  relation  to  the  proposition  analo- 
gous to  that  which  a  full-grown  tree  bears  to  the  seed 
From  which  the  tree  sprung.  In  the  proposition  is  the 
leart  of  the  speech;  the  discussion  is  the  body  of  the 
speech,  through  every  fiber  of  which  the  heart's  blood 
Deats  to  give  character  and  vitality. 

When  once  the  proposition  is  settled  upon  and  stated 
n  words,  then  comes  the  work  of  so  developing  this 
proposition  as  to  give  it  the  desired  significance  and 
-equisite  weight  with  the  hearers.  What  the  develop- 
ment shall  be  will  depend  upon  the  nature  of  the  propo- 
sition and  the  attitude  toward  it  held  and  desired  on 
:he  part  of  the  hearers.  The  discussion  may  expound, 
infold,  amplify,  illustrate,  exemplify,  prove,  apply,  or 
n  any  way  develop  the  attitude  of  the  speaker  toward 
:he  thought  contained  in  essence  in  the  proposition. 

It  is  easy  to  be  seen  that  the  discussion  constitutes  the 
:>ulk  of  the  discourse,  and  that  it  lays  the  heaviest  burden 
apon  the  inventive  powers  of  the  speech  maker.  At  the 
cutset  of  his  preparation  he  must  solve  the  problem 
is  to  what  shall  be  the  method  of  his  discussion.  Shall 
it  be  mainly  illustrative,  or  argumentative,  or  hortatory, 
Dr  a  combination  of  all  these?  Involving  this  problem, 
be  must  estimate  the  value  of  a  number  of  factors :  such 
is  the  nature  of  the  subject  itself,  the  character  of  his 
prospective  audience,  the  demands  of  the  occasion,  his 
own  taste  and  acquirements.  All  these  elements  are 


The  Parts  of  an  Oration  27 

prerequisites  of  a  successful  discussion.  Yet  they  are 
prerequisites  only;  they  simply  aid  the  speaker  in  reach- 
ing a  conclusion  as  to  his  method  of  procedure.  There 
still  remains  the  task  of  following  out  the  method  to  a 
successful  issue  in  the  prepared  and  spoken  address. 

Although  the  discussion  is  simply  the  amplification  of 
the  thought  contained  in  the  proposition,  it  by  no  means 
follows  that  it  is  a  mere  dilution  of  that  thought.  Instead 
it  offers  opportunity  for  and,  indeed,  demands  sound 
and  rigid  reasoning,  compact  thought,  solid  and  stern 
intellectual  labor. 

Perhaps  someone  will  ask,  Why  is  the  discussion 
necessary?  If  the  proposition  contains  the  essence  of  the 
entire  thought,  why  not  give  it  to  the  hearers  in  that 
simple  form  and  leave  them  to  ruminate  over  and  amplify 
it  for  themselves? 

(1)  In  reply  to  the  above  query  it  may  be  said  in  the 
first  place  that  the  discussion  is  necessary  because,  with- 
out it,  the  hearers  will  not  grasp  the  real  limits  of  the 
idea,  much  less  its  true  significance.    They  need  to  have 
its  metes  and  bounds  surveyed  for  them,  so  that  they 
may  know  how  much  it  means  and  especially  what  it 
does  not  mean.    A  mere  statement  of  the  theme  without 
amplification  is  not  likely  to  suggest  to  the  hearer  all 
that  it  includes. 

(2)  Again,  the  discussion  enables  the  speaker  to  give 
such  bulk  to  his  thought  as  will  compel  the  hearer  to 
have  a  just  appreciation  of  its  value.     The  real  impor- 
tance of  an  idea  may  not  be  grasped  unless  it  is  so 


28  The  Making  of  an  Oration 

amplified  as  to  make  it  loom  large  in  the  mental  vision. 
By  thus  dwelling  upon  it,  showing  its  various  applica- 
tions, its  fundamental  truth,  its  general  importance,  he 
allows  time  for  his  hearers  to  take  it  in,  and  gives  it 
body  by  which  they  can  grasp  and  hold  it. 

(3)  Still  further,  the  discussion  affords  the  speaker 
opportunity  to  impart  to  his  thought  the  requisite  force 
—  the  impulse  and  impetus  necessary  for  the  accom- 
plishment of  his  purpose.  His  ultimate  object,  as  we 
have  seen,  is  to  move  the  will  of  his  hearers.  In  order 
to  attain  this  object,  he  must  appeal  to  their  intellect 
by  expounding  or  demonstrating  his  thought,  or  by  estab- 
lishing its  truth;  or  he  must  move  their  sensibilities  by 
stirring  their  emotions  or  quickening  their  imaginations; 
or  more  likely  he  must  both  appeal  to  their  intellect  and 
move  their  sensibilities.  In  a  word,  he  must  present 
his  thought  so  fully  and  so  attractively  as  to  play  upon 
the  whole  gamut  of  their  souls  in  order  to  move  them 
ultimately  to  a  response  that  shall  be  in  harmony  with 
his  final  purpose.  He  can  accomplish  this  purpose  only 
as  he  has  time  to  give  his  idea  all  the  qualities  that  it 
possesses  in  his  own  mind.  So  only  can  he  make  his 
thought  lay  hold  of  and  control  his  hearers  as  it  lays 
hold  of  and  controls  him. 

4.  The  Conclusion. —  The  conclusion  may  be  explained 
as  that  part  of  the  oration  in  which  the  thoughts,  argu- 
ments, emotions,  appeals,  and  general  significance  of  the 
entire  discourse  are  gathered  together  and  so  used  with 
reference  to  the  audience,  occasion,  and  purpose,  as  to 


The  Parts  of  an  Oration  29 

make  upon  the  minds,  hearts,  and  determination  of  those 
that  hear,  a  single,  definite,  profound,  and  indelible  im- 
pression. Thus  the  conclusion  is  the  focus  of  all  that 
precedes,  in  which  the  various  elements  of  effective 
oratory  are  centered  and  where  they  glow  and  burn  with 
their  greatest  intensity. 

The  conclusion  bears  to  the  discussion  a  relation  some- 
what similar  to  that  which  the  proposition  bears  to  the 
introduction.  The  proposition  is  the  essence  of  the  intro- 
duction. As  the  introduction  centers  the  attention  upon 
the  idea  expressed  in  the  proposition,  so  the  conclusion 
gathers  together  the  various  lines  of  treatment  contained 
in  the  discussion  and  fuses  them  into  a  harmonious  unit 
in  keeping  with  the  spirit  and  purpose  of  the  whole 
speech.  It  is  what  some  of  the  old  preachers  called  the 
"  application."  It  is  that  part  of  the  discourse  in  which, 
as  it  were,  a  burst  of  splendor  smites  the  hearer  and  a 
compelling  voice  speaks  to  him,  causing  him  to  cry: 
"What  wilt  thou  have  me  to  do?"  and  answering  the 
cry. 

Such  being  the  function  of  the  conclusion,  it  is 
obviously  of  prime  importance  to  the  speech.  Indeed, 
rhetorically,  it  is  the  end  for  which  the  speech  is  made. 
If  the  proposition  is  the  seed  and  the  discussion  the  full- 
grown  tree,  then  the  conclusion  may  be  regarded  as  the 
fruit  for  which  the  seed  was  planted  and  the  tree  grown 
to  maturity.  To  make  the  purpose  of  the  speech  effective, 
therefore,  it  needs  no  argument  to  show  that  in  the 
strength  and  nobleness  of  its  sentiments;  in  the  clear- 


30  The  Making  of  an  Oration 

ness,  energy,  and  beauty  of  its  language;  in  all  the 
qualities  that  go  to  make  true  eloquence,  the  conclusion 
should  be  preeminent.  Suggestions  as  to  the  means  of 
securing  these  qualities  need  not  now  concern  us.  The 
present  purpose  is  to  set  forth  in  as  simple,  clear,  and 
definite  a  manner  as  possible  the  nature  and  functions 
of  the  essential  parts  of  an  oration. 


PART  II 

THE  PLAN  OF  AN  ORATION 


CHAPTER  IV 

THE  PLAN  OF  AN  ORATION 

HAVING  considered  the  nature  and  kinds  of  oratory 
and  the  main  rhetorical   divisions  into  which   an 
oration  is  separated,  let  us  now  give  attention  to  the 
subject  of  The  Plan. 

What  the  plan  is  needs  little  explanation.  The  name 
itself  defines  it.  It  is  simply  the  framework  on  which 
the  production  is  built.  Its  purpose  is  to  insure  clear- 
ness, unity,  comprehensiveness,  order,  symmetry,  logical 
coherence,  progress,  and  climax  to  the  whole  work, — 
in  a  word,  it  covers  the  work  of  "  invention,"  so  far  as 
invention  has  to  do  with  the  selection  and  arrangement 
of  material.  It  includes  the  logic  of  discourse,  and  is  as 
essential  in  making  the  speech  effective  in  accomplishing 
its  chosen  end  as  is  the  language  in  which  the  speech  is 
pronounced. 

I  — NECESSITY  OF  A  PLAN 

It  would  seem  as  if  the  importance  of  the  plan  would 
be  sufficiently  apparent  to  obviate  the  necessity  of  empha- 
sizing its  value ;  yet,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  the  inexperienced 
writer  and  speaker  seems  to  have  an  inborn  aversion  to 
working  from  a  skeleton.  Students  almost  invariably 

33 


34  The  Making  of  an  Oration 

question  at  first  its  advantages  and  yield  reluctantly  to 
its  demands.  "  Why  restrict/'  they  ask,  "  the  free  opera- 
tion of  the  mind?  Why  shackle  the  feet  of  genius  or 
clip  its  wings  ?  "  Adherence  to  a  rigid  plan,  they  claim, 
hinders  invention,  robs  composition  of  ease  and  grace,  if 
not,  indeed,  of  power,  and  makes  the  entire  work  stiff 
and  mechanical. 

Although  these  sentiments  are  based  on  mistaken 
notions,  such  objections  are  so  prevalent  that  it  is  worth 
while  to  consider,  briefly,  some  of  the  reasons  for  insist- 
ing on  a  carefully  wrought-out  plan. 

The  objection  to  working  from  a  plan,  so  far  as  it  has 
any  validity,  is  a  confession  on  the  part  of  the  speaker  of 
a  lack  of  skill  in  making  and  using  a  plan,  not  an  objection 
to  the  plan  itself.  If  it  makes  the  speech  seem  mechan- 
ical, it  is  because  the  speaker  is  not  yet  a  good  mechanic. 
It  is  not  any  proof  that  a  tool  is  not  a  good  tool  because 
it  cuts  the  workman's  fingers.  It  may  be  an  indication 
that  the  workman  has  not  learned  how  to  handle  the 
tool.  It  may  mean,  simply,  that  he  needs  more  practice. 
Ease  and  grace  of  style,  when  writing  or  speaking  to  a 
plan,  are  largely  a  matter  of  skillful  transition  and  of 
command  of  one's  materials. 

For  the  orator  to  speak  without  a  plan  and  expect  the 
highest  success  is  as  irrational  as  it  would  be  for  the 
architect  to  build  a  cathedral  without  a  plan. 

i.  In  the  first  place,  a  carefully  wrought-out  skeleton 
is  a  great  help  both  to  the  speaker  and  to  the  hearer. 
It  aids  the  speaker  in  perspicuity  of  thought  and  of  dis- 


The  Plan  of  an  Oration  35 

cussion.  Clear  mental  action  of  necessity  involves  orderly 
mental  action.  The  writer  or  speaker  clarifies  his  own 
mind  on  a  subject  by  putting  an  outline  of  his  thinking 
and  reading  on  that  subject  in  definite,  exact,  logical, 
and  climacteric  form  —  his  own  thoughts  are  more  lucid 
for  the  exercise. 

2.  Secondly,  such  analysis  is  an  aid  to  composition. 
By  giving  a  concreteness  to  the  treatment,  it  suggests 
lines  of  reasoning  and  illustration  that  would  altogether 
elude  the  mind  without  such  device.     When  the  outline 
is  well  worked  out,  the  orator  can  devote  all  his  energies 
to  the  work  of  composition. 

3.  Still  further,  a  good  plan  is  a  help  to  the  memory. 
It  answers  the  purpose  of  a  system  of  mnemonics,  one 
division  suggesting  another  as  its  supplement  or  correl- 
ative, as  the  case  may  be,  and  each  part  serving  to  remind 
the  speaker  of  the  subordinate  topics  that  are  marshaled 
under  its  leadership. 

4.  Once  more,  a  thorough  analysis  also  promotes  com- 
prehensiveness of  treatment.     Instead  of  hindering,  it 
helps  the  work  of  invention.     By  the  classification  of 
materials  demanded  by  his  plan,  the  degree  of  the  com- 
pleteness of  his  discussion  is  revealed  to  the  maker  of  a 
speech  at  a  glance.    Is  an  argument  defective?    A  good 
outline  will  reveal  the  fact.    Is  an  illustration  needed  to 
enforce  or  vivify  the  thought?     A  well-made  plan  will 
show  the  need  of  illumination.     Is  some  point  of  the 
discussion  left  unguarded?     The  plan  will  indicate  the 
fact  and  point  out  the  place  that  demands  further  forti- 


36  The  Making  of  an  Oration 

fication.  Is  an  appeal  made  to  wrong  motives  ?  Or  is  it 
not  legitimately  drawn  from  the  discussion  that  precedes? 
The  plan  will  call  attention  to  the  fallacy  and  direct  to 
the  right  path.  Whatever  be  the  defect  in  the  discussion, 
a  well  ordered  plan  will  reveal  the  deficiency  and  suggest 
measures  for  remedying  it. 

5.  Another  reason  for  insisting  on  a  careful  plan  is 
that  it  promotes  unity.     As  the  proposition   insures  a 
center  of  thought,  so  the  plan  promotes  a  development 
on  the  basis  of  that  center.    He  must,  indeed,  be  a  wild 
thinker  who  can  deliberately  make  a  plan  wander  inco- 
herently over  the  surface  of  a  subject,  until  his  produc- 
tion is  a  mere  crazy  quilt  of  logic,  beginning  somewhere 
in  the  region  of  the  nowhere  and  ending  at  the  same 
place.    To  classify  materials  in  the  plan  is  to  unify  those 
materials  in  the  discussion. 

6.  Again,  a  well  ordered  plan  is  a  promoter  of  progress. 
It  aids  the  speaker  in  getting  on  in  his  work.    At  every 
step  he  feels,  and  his  hearers  are  made  to  feel,  that  he 
is  advancing  by  a  chosen  route.     He  is  not,  as  someone 
has  well  said,  perpetually  "  marching  round  the  periphery 
of  a  treadwheel ;  not  a  top,  spinning  on  its  own  axis  but 
never  advancing."     He  can  realize  at  every  division  of 
his  plan  that  so  much  is  done :  he  has  finished  that,  he  is 
ready  to  consider  this ;  he  is  so  far  along  toward  his  goal. 

7.  The  last  advantage  of  a  good  plan  that  needs  here  to 
be  mentioned  is  that  it  promotes  permanence  of  impres- 
sion.    If  it  is  a  help  to  the  memory  of  the  orator  in 
pronouncing  his  speech,  it  is  no  less  a  help  to  the  memory 


The  Plan  of  an  Oration  37 

of  the  listener  in  retaining  that  speech.  A  well  articulated 
discourse  is  the  one  that  best  fixes  the  attention  and  that 
consequently  pierces  deepest  the  recollection  of  an  audi- 
ence. The  various  divisions  of  his  speech  are  the  nails 
with  which  the  speaker  fastens  his  leading  thoughts  into 
the  minds  of  those  that  hear.  They  serve  to  give  weight, 
dignity,  force,  velocity  to  his  thought  and  style,  and 
consequently  the  listeners  are  more  deeply  and  lastingly 
moved  than  could  otherwise  be  the  case. 

SUMMARY 

Let  us  hear  the  conclusion  of  the  whole  matter.  It  is 
this:  in  every  way  a  thorough  outline  is  a  great  advan- 
tage. Indeed,  it  is  not  too  much  to  say  that  upon  it 
depends  the  prosperity  of  the  speech.  It  promotes  clear- 
ness, helps  in  the  composition,  aids  the  memory  of  both 
speaker  and  hearer,  secures  unity  of  treatment,  gives 
comprehensiveness  to  the  discussion,  and  promotes  per- 
manence of  impression.  It  is  well  named  the  "  skeleton/' 
A  skeleton  is  not  in  itself  a  "  thing  of  beauty,"  but  it  is 
that  which  gives  beauty  and  flexibility,  strength  and  life 
to  the  whole  structure.  It  is  the  skeleton  that  enables 
the  speech  to  struggle  and  toil,  to  dance  and  run. 

Now  the  question  arises,  to  what  extent  the  skeleton 
should  appear  in  the  finished  work.  Enough  has  already 
been  said  to  suggest  the  rational  answer.  The  young 
writer  and  speaker  is  ordinarily  too  fearful  of  making 
his  production  mechanical  by  announcing  the  divisions  of 
his  discourse.  Doubtless  this  dread  is  unwarranted.  We 


38  The  Making  of  an  Oration 

may  set  it  down  as  a  principle  that  a  discussion  which 
seems  to  a  speaker  unnecessarily  rigid  and  formal  will 
ordinarily  impress  the  hearer  as  only  carefully  and  help- 
fully constructed.  The  speaker  is  familiar  with  the  plan 
and  its  development;  the  hearer  meets  the  skeleton  for 
the  first  time  in  the  spoken  address,  clothed  with  flesh 
and  blood.  Consequently  the  hearer  is  not  unduly  im- 
pressed with  the  bones  of  the  discourse;  he  is,  rather, 
conscious  of  its  symmetry  and  strength. 

It  is  a  law  of  the  mind  that  whatever  has  been  found 
helpful  to  the  speaker,  in  exploring  his  way  through  the 
discourse,  will  be  found  equally  helpful  to  the  listener  in 
following  the  same  track  of  thought.  Is  it  not  rational 
to  conclude,  therefore,  that  the  wise  speaker  will  state, 
as  he  proceeds,  the  main  divisions  of  his  plan  so  clearly 
that  the  audience  will  be  keenly  alive  to  the  progress  he 
is  making  and  to  the  corners  he  turns?  Such  state- 
ments have  well  been  called  both  mileposts  and  finger 
posts  on  the  way  —  they  show  how  far  the  speaker  has 
come  and  point  out  the  road  he  intends  to  follow.  With- 
out them,  the  line  of  thought,  especially  if  it  be  at  all 
profound  or  intricate,  may  be  as  obscure  as  a  journey 
through  an  African  wilderness.  The  hearer  is  in  danger 
of  losing  his  way  and  becoming  utterly  lost  in  the  wilds 
of  an  erratic  logic. 

The  degree  to  which  the  plan  should  appear  in  the 
finished  discourse  will  depend  partly  upon  the  subject 
and  the  audience.  Some  propositions  are  so  familiar,  or 
have  been  so  clearly  presented  by  a  previous  speaker 


The  Plan  of  an  Oration  39 

or  by  the  occasion  itself,  and  some  audiences  are 
so  intelligent,  that  there  will  be  no  great  difficulty  in 
following  the  speech ;  but  in  even  such  a  rare  combination 
of  favoring  circumstances,  it  will  usually  be  an  advan- 
tage to  have  the  principal  points  of  discussion  announced 
clearly  and  sharply.  Hearers  always  have  a  feeling  of 
satisfaction  in  knowing  substantially  what  is  before  them. 
It  will  be  noticed  that  emphasis  is  laid  upon  the  impor- 
tance of  stating  the  main  divisions  of  the  speech,  as  that 
speech  is  pronounced.  It  may  be  assumed  that  the 
orator  will  use  many  details  of  outline,  in  preparing  his 
speech,  that  he  will  not  point  out  in  the  delivery  as  parts 
of  the  skeleton. 


CHAPTER  V 

THE  CHOICE  OF  A  THEME 

ONE  of  the  most  perplexing  problems  for  the  inex- 
perienced speaker  is  to  make  a  wise  choice  of  a 
theme.  The  young  orator  sees  before  him  an  occasion 
when  he  will  be  expected  to  make  a  speech.  It  may  be 
a  commencement  oration,  or  a  class-day  speech,  or  a 
student's  oration  in  a  contest  or  as  a  class  exercise,  or  an 
address  on  education,  or  a  speech  on  some  political  or 
social  occasion,  or  a  sermon,  or  a  memorial  address,  or 
a  reunion  speech,  or  a  convention  harangue,  or  an  address 
on  any  one  of  a  thousand  occasions,  that  is  desired. 

The  first  question  that  he  naturally  asks  himself  is, 
"What  shall  I  speak  about?"  This  question  may  be 
substantially  answered  for  him  by  the  occasion  itself,  or 
he  may  be  left  free  to  choose,  within  such  limits  as  are 
dictated  by  the  canons  of  good  taste.  In  any  case  the 
question  is  one  of  supreme  importance.  Success  or 
failure  will  depend  largely  upon  the  answer  it  receives. 
Of  course  every  speech  maker  must,  in  the  last  analysis, 
be  the  one  to  decide  what  he  shall  take  as  the  precise 
topic  of  his  discourse.  If  he  have  a  particle  of  the  orator- 
ical instinct,  he  knows  better  than  any  other  his  own 
tastes  and  powers,  the  themes  that  stir  him  most  pro- 

40 


The  Choice  of  a  Theme  41 

foundly,  the  topics  with  which  he  is  most  familiar. 
Consequently  no  one  can  dictate  to  him  the  choice  of  a 
theme,  if  he  is  to  do  his  best.  But,  while  no  specific 
directions  can  be  given  as  to  this  matter  in  any  particular 
case,  certain  general  principles  may  be  laid  down,  which 
may  always  be  wisely  observed  by  him  who  would  be  a 
successful  speaker. 

I.  Perhaps  the  first  qualification  that  a  theme  should 
possess  is  that  it  should  be  practical  —  that  is,  capable  of 
calling  for  action,  a  course  of  action,  or  a  positive  decision 
of  the  will.  It  should  not  be  a  subject  "  in  the  air,"  or  in 
the  upper  ether  of  an  erratic  imagination ;  it  should  stand 
with  its  feet  upon  the  solid  ground  of  substantial  thought 
or  concrete  fact  or  sincere  conviction.  It  should  have 
something  to  do  with  real  life  as  men  have  to  meet  and 
solve  the  questions  of  life  from  day  to  day.  This  does 
not  mean  that  it  has  necessarily  to  deal  with  material 
things  alone ;  but  with  opinions,  with  ideals,  with  aspira- 
tions, with  all  those  questions  that  go  to  make  up  great 
character  and  great  civilization.  The  possible  range  of 
topics  is  as  broad  as  human  interests:  but  they  must  be 
more  than  the  speculations  of  dreamers  on  mere  abstrac- 
tions. Those  medieval  ecclesiastics  who  disputed  as  to 
how  many  angels  could  stand  at  once  on  the  point  of  a 
needle,  or  who  argued  fiercely  as  to  whether  a  man  that 
inadvertently  swallowed  a  prematurely  cooked  spring 
chicken  while  eating  an  egg  on  Friday  had  .violated  a 
law  of  the  church  which  forbids  meat  on  that  day,  were 
hard  pressed  for  a  subject.  Had  they  assailed,  instead, 


42  The  Making  of  an  Oration 

the  corruptions  of  the  contemporary  clergy  and  preached 
a  crusade  of  reform,  they  would  have  had  a  far  more 
tangible,  if  less  agreeable,  subject  of  discourse.  And 
that,  because  it  would  have  been  real  and  capable  of  prac- 
tical application  in  actual  life.  Jesus  Christ  was  doubt- 
less the  greatest  orator  that  the  world  has  seen;  and  it 
will  be  noticed  that  his  sermons  dealt  with  the  affairs  of 
everyday  life  as  he  saw  them  in  the  world  around  him, 
and  yet  that  they  contained  such  universal  truths  that 
they  have  to  do  with  human  character  and  human  life  of 
all  ages.  In  this  particular  as  well  as  in  others  they  may 
well  be  studied  as  models. 

2.  In  the  second  place  the  theme  chosen  should  possess 
the  quality  of  originality.     That  is,  it  should  be  suggested 
by  the  speaker's  own  thinking  and  studies.     This  does  not 
necessarily  mean  that  the  subject  in  itself  is  new,  nor 
necessarily  that  the  speaker's  ideas  of  it  are  new;  he 
may  not  develop  a  thought  that  has  not  been  treated  by 
others ;  but  it  is  his  own  thought,  treated  in  his  own  way ; 
consequently  it  will  lay  hold  of  him  more  powerfully,  and 
he  will  present  it  to  others  more  effectively  than  would 
otherwise  be  possible.     It  will  stir  him  with  all  the  en- 
thusiasm of  a  new  discovery,  and  so  he  will  discuss  it 
with  an  energy  that  he  could  not  manifest  with  regard 
to  a  theme  toward  which  he  is  indifferent  or  that  possesses 
for  him  but  a  languid  interest. 

3.  The  preceding  remark  suggests  as  a  third  principle 
to  be  regarded  in  choosing  a  theme  the  idea  that  it  should 
be  attractive. 


The  Choice  of  a  Theme  43 

(1)  Attractive  to  the  speaker  himself.     A  subject  that 
draws  him  with  a  resistless  appeal,  that  quickens  his  intel- 
lect, kindles  his  feelings,  stirs  his  imagination,  strengthens 
his  convictions  with  the  sense  of  its  profound  and  press- 
ing importance,  will  be  far  more  fruitful  in  rugged  think- 
ing and  eloquent  presentation  than   will  be  any  other 
subject,  equally  good  in   itself,  that  is  not  to  him  so 
attractive.     He  that  speaks  con  amore  may  always  be 
trusted  to  set  forth  the  truth,  the  beauty,  the  nobility,  the 
importance,  the  persuasive  force  of  his  thought  to  the 
full  extent  of  his  powers. 

(2)  Still  further,  the  theme  should,  so  far  as  may  be, 
be  attractive  to  the  audience.    A  commonplace  subject,  at 
least  a  commonplace  statement  of  a  subject,  will  labor 
under  a  disadvantage  with  an  audience  and  will  be  greeted 
with  inattention  or  at  least  with  listless  attention.     Care 
should  be  taken,   therefore,  that  the  subject  either  be 
fresh  or  that  it  be  so  clothed  in  new  attire  as  to  seem 
fresh  to  the  audience.     Thus  the  stimulus  of  novelty  will 
be  administered  to  their  interest.     A  familiar  truth  ap- 
proached  from   a  new  angle   will  take   on  unexpected 
beauty  by  being  seen  in  a  new  light.     Shakspere  rarely 
invented  a  new  plot;  his  stories  were  stories  that  were 
well  known  among  the  traditions,  legends,  and  literature 
of  his  own  and  earlier  days  all  through  western  Europe. 
But  he  gave  to  these  familiar  stories  such  freshness  of 
statement  and  such  new  combinations  that  they  had  all 
the  freshness  to  the  people  of  his  own  time  and  subse- 


44  The  Making  of  an  Oration 

quent  times  of  new  ideas.  So  must  the  orator  aim  to  put 
the  old  wine  of  his  thought  into  new  bottles  of  expres- 
sion, if  he  would  make  it  appeal  to  his  hearers. 

4.  In  the  fourth  place,  the  speaker,  in  choosing  a 
theme,  should  seek  one  that  has  the  quality  of  adapt- 
ability. By  this  we  mean: 

(1)  First  that  it  should  be  suited  to  the  prospective 
audience.     The  orator  should  take  into  account  the  habits 
of  thought,  interests,  intellectual  capacities,  and  tastes  of 
those  that  are  to  listen  to  him.     A  theme  that  would  re- 
quire an  argument  suited  in  thought  and  style  to  the 
Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States  would  hardly  be 
appropriate  to  a  jury  of  average  day  laborers.     A  topic 
that  demands  the  closest  thought  and  the  most  extended 
and  vigorous  discussion  is  not  wisely  chosen  for  a  brief 
address  before  the  infant  class  of  a  Sunday  school.     Xor 
will  his  speech  be  received  with  favor  if  the  theme  be 
distasteful  to  the  audience.     The  wise  speaker  will  con- 
sult both   their  tastes   and  their  capacities.     A   theme 
adapted  to  a  company  of  "  society  ladies  "  from  Fifth 
Avenue  must  be  different,  or  at  least  must  be  couched 
in  different  language,  from  one  appropriate  for  a  gang  of 
thugs  from  the  Bowery. 

(2)  By   "adaptability"   we  mean,   further,   that   the 
theme  should  be  suited  to  the  speaker  himself.     This 
principle  has  already  been  partially  implied  by  the  sug- 
gestion that  the  speaker  should  choose  a  theme  that  he 
likes: 

(a)  But,  while  it  should  be  adapted  to  his  aesthetic 


The  Choice  of  a  Theme  45 

capacities,  it  should  be  no  less  carefully  adjusted  to  his 
physical  capabilities.  A  proposition  that  calls  for  a  half 
day's  vigorous  argument  is  not  well  suited  to  a  sickly 
speaker  with  puny  frame  and  squeaky  voice.  Webster 
was  peculiarly  fortunate  in  this  respect.  In  his  profes- 
sional and  political  career  he  had  to  wrestle  with  great 
questions  and  had  to  discuss  those  questions  before  great 
audiences.  So  with  Beecher  and  that  prince  of  preachers, 
Charles  Spurgeon.  These  great  men  stood  in  the  front 
rank  among  the  orators  of  the  nineteenth  century,  each 
without  a  peer  in  his  particular  field.  Each  of  them  had 
to  discuss  majestic  themes.  They  doubtless  discussed 
those  themes  with  the  highest  success  partly  because  each 
of  them  was  possessed  of  a  robust  physical  nature  capa- 
ble of  great  endurance  and  of  a  magnificent  organ  voice 
whose  music  could  be  made  to  reach  and  sway  vast  mul- 
titudes. Probably  no  more  splendid  triumphs  of  real 
eloquence  were  ever  won  than  those  of  Mr.  Beecher, 
already  alluded  to,  in  which  he  wrested  victory  from  the 
reluctant  hands  of  hostile  British  mobs  during  our  Civil 
War;  but  it  is  doubtful  if  he  could  ever  have  gained 
those  brilliant  victories  had  he  not  possessed  a  physical 
nature  in  harmony  with  the  noble  themes  he  had  to 
defend  and  the  almost  appalling  conditions  he  had  to 
face.  Or,  to  reverse  the  statement,  he  undertook  to 
discuss  themes  that  he  was  physically  able  to  handle, 
(b)  Still  more,  by  "  adaptibility  "  we  mean  that  for  the 
highest  success  the  speaker  must  choose  themes  suited  to 
himself  intellectually.  The  orator  needs  to  know  himself 


46  The  Making  of  an  Oration 

and  his  powers  on  the  one  hand  and  the  demands  and  pos- 
sibilities of  a  subject  on  the  other,  in  order  to  make  the 
most  of  his  subject  as  he  presents  it  to  his  audience.  The 
precept  of  Horace,  as  given  in  the  Ars  Poetica,  still  holds : 

Examine  well,  ye  Pisoes,  weigh  with  care 

What  suits  your  genius,  what  your  strength  will  bear. 

He  that  follows  this  precept  will  not  labor  with  a  theme 
beyond  his  strength  nor  stoop  to  one  beneath  it.  A 
pigmy  cannot  do  the  work  of  a  Titan,  nor  should  a  Titan 
dawdle  over  the  task  of  a  pigmy.  Michael  Angelo  can 
do  better  than  make  snow  images. 

(c)  Finally  his  theme  should  be  adapted  to  the  speaker 
morally.  Audiences  are  justly  exacting  in  this  particular. 
They  demand  a  consistency  between  the  orator  and  his 
theme.  The  argumentum  ad  hominem  is  with  them  very 
important  and  far-reaching.  A  man  that  has  a  reputa- 
tion for  penuriousness  will  not  be  a  very  effective 
speaker  on  generosity.  One  of  known  or  even  reputed 
immorality  will  not  shine  very  brilliantly  as  a  preacher  of 
the  Christian  virtues. 

Several  years  ago  a  great  religious  convention  was  in 
session  in  New  York  City.  At  one  of  the  evening  sessions 
a  tremendous  audience  had  assembled  to  hear  a  distinguished 
speaker,  who  had  a  national  reputation  for  eloquence  as  a 
political  orator.  But  when  the  hour  came  the  orator  did  not 
appear,  much  to  the  disappointment  of  the  gathering.  No 
reason  was  given  for  the  failure  of  the  speaker.  A  few 
months  afterward  the  delinquent  orator  was  publicly  accused 
and  convicted  of  gross  wickedness.  He  knew  at  the  time  of 
his  failure  to  keep  his  appointment  of  the  charges  that  were 


The  Choice  of  a  Theme  47 

about  to  be  made,  and  recognized  the  tmfitness  of  his  at- 
tempting to  speak  on  such  an  occasion  and  on  such  a  subject 
when  he  was  conscious  of  the  lack  of  harmony  between  his 
theme  and  his  own  moral  character. 

If  the  speaker  can  not  treat  well  a  subject  that  he  him- 
self knows  is  adverse  to  his  own  character,  how  much 
less  can  he  treat  it  adequately  if  the  audience  likewise 
thinks  him  ethically  unfit! 


CHAPTER  VI 
THE  OBJECT 

AFTER  the  orator  has  settled  upon  his  theme  and 
decided  what  he  intends  to  persuade  his  hearers  to 
do,  he  will  find  it  an  advantage  to  state  his  purpose  in  the 
form  of  a  brief  imperative  sentence.  This  imperative  is 
primarily  for  his  own  guidance  in  accumulating  material, 
in  formulating  his  plan,  and,  indeed,  in  the  entire  work  of 
invention.  This  imperative  we  may  call  the  "Object." 

It  has  already  been  shown  that  the  most  distinctive 
characteristic  of  oratory  is  persuasion.  It  is  this  element, 
more  than  anything  else,  that  differentiates  this  form  of 
discourse  from  all  other  types.  The  speaker  must  never 
lose  sight  of  the  fact  that  he  aims  to  induce  his  hearers 
to  do  something,  immediately  or  mediately.  That  is  why 
he  must  choose  an  object  rather  than  a  subject  for  an 
oration.  The  orator  is  a  speaker  with  a  mission.  He 
finds  the  end  of  his  labor  not  in  the  discourse  itself,  but 
in  the  audience. 

The  object,  then,  as  the  ultimate  end  of  the  oration  is  of 
supreme  importance  to  the  orator's  success.  It  should 
permeate,  pervade,  dominate  the  entire  discourse,  from 
the  first  word  of  the  exordium  to  the  last  word  of  the 
peroration.  Its  supremacy  in  the  speech,  then,  demands 

48 


The  Object  49 

for  its  statement  in  the  plan  the  most  perfect  form  pos- 
sible. Experience  has  shown  that  the  best  form,  as 
already  stated,  is  the  briefest,  clearest,  most  precise  im- 
perative. Any  other  form  exposes  the  speaker  to  the 
danger  of  missing  the  appeal  to  the  will.  Suppose  the 
student  is  making  a  plan  for  a  class  oration.  He  writes : 

"  My  object  is  to  prove "    But  you  may  prove  and 

not  persuade.  To  convince  the  intellect  falls  far  short  of 
moving  the  will.  He  tries  again.  "  Object:  To  induce 

my  hearers  to  believe "    But  they  may  believe  and 

not  do.    "  Devils  believe."     Once  more.     "Object:     To 

induce  my  hearers  to  feel "     But  feeling  is  by  no 

means  synonymous  with  doing.  "Well,  then  —  object: 
To  induce  my  hearers  to  do  so  and  so."  Very  well !  Why 
not  say,  then :  "  Do  so  and  so  "  ?  Instead  of  saying  : 
"  My  object  is  to  induce  my  hearers  to  oppose  unrestricted 
immigration,"  why  not  write :  "  Oppose  unrestricted  im- 
migration !  "  Such  a  form  is  simple,  and,  more  than  that, 
it  indicates  directly  and  unmistakably  the  appeal  to  the 
will.  Thus  it  serves  as  a  rudder  to  the  speaker's  mental 
action,  to  hold  him  steadily  to  his  chosen  goal.  The  im- 
perative is  a  command,  and  as  such  is  a  bugle  call  to  thrill 
and  brace,  and  marshal  to  action  the  entire  production. 

The  object  is  really  the  test  of  all  the  orator's  work. 
By  it  he  tries  the  matter  that  comes  to  his  hand ;  all  that 
will  not  aid  in  the  furtherance  of  his  purpose  he  rejects. 
The  object  is  the  divining  rod  that  he  passes  over  the  mass 
of  material  collected,  in  order  to  test  the  value  of  that 
material  for  his  purpose.  It  is  the  mercury,  which  dis- 


50  The  Making  of  an  Oration 

covers  and  attracts  to  itself  the  gold.  In  gathering  ma- 
terial for  his  speech  let  the  orator  put  himself  through 
an  oratorical  catechism  with  a  series  of  questions  some- 
thing like  this:  "  What,  exactly,  is  my  object?  "  With 
the  answer  clearly  in  mind,  let  him  continue  the  catechism 
with  the  question:  "Will  this  further  my  object?"  If 
it  will,  then  he  will  have  use  for  that  material.  If  not, 
however  attractive  the  thought  or  fact  in  question  may  be 
in  itself,  he  must  reject  it.  It  is  not  of  value  for  his 
present  purpose.  It  may  be  of  value  for  some  other  occa- 
sion, but  not  for  this.  Keep  it  for  that  other  occasion. 
In  arranging  material,  in  like  manner,  let  the  speaker 
ask  himself  the  question :  "  Will  this  best  further  my 
object  here?"  "  W7here  will  this  best  further  my  ob- 
ject ?  "  His  response  to  such  questions  will  determine  the 
relative  position  that  each  chosen  item  should  occupy 
in  the  discourse.  By  rigid  and  faithful  observance  of  this 
method,  the  important  quality  of  logical  climax  will  be 
secured.  Still  further,  the  object  will  determine  the 
relative  prominence  to  be  given  to  each  item  of  the 
speaker's  material.  Let  him  ask  himself:  "How  im- 
portant is  this  necessary  idea  or  fact  to  the  furtherance  of 
my  object?"  The  answer  to  this  query  will  determine 
the  emphasis  that  he  should  lay  upon  that  item.  Thus  he 
will  secure  logical  perspective,  and  in  the  development 
of  his  work  he  will  secure,  also,  literary  or  oratorical 
perspective. 

Since  the  object  is  for  the  speaker's  own  guidance,  it 
is  usually  wise  not  to  state  it,  at  least  in  the  form  men- 


The  Object  51 

tioned,  to  the  audience.  Human  nature  is  so  constituted 
that  if  you  tell  a  man  that  you  intend  to  induce  him  to  do 
a  certain  thing,  or  adopt  a  certain  course  of  life,  or  pursue 
a  particular  line  of  action,  you  arouse  at  once  his  oppo- 
sition, and  he  mentally  says :  "  Do  it  if  you  can,"  and 
shuts  his  teeth  hard  in  the  determination  not  to  be 
moved.  ^Command  him :  "  Do  so  and  so,"  and  his  pug- 
nacity makes  him  say  to  himself  and  probably  to  you: 
"  I  won't."  Consequently,  it  is  ordinarily  better  not  to 
announce  the  object  as  an  imperative,  but  so  to  use  it  as 
to  lead  the  hearers  to  act  in  accordance  with  its  behest, 
without  a  thought  that  they  are  not  acting  from  their  own 
unprompted  desires.  In  those  cases  where  the  desired 
action  is  revealed  at  the  outset,  as  in  addresses  to  juries 
or  legislatures,  if  the  position  of  the  orator  is  formally 
announced  it  should  be  stated  as  his  own  attitude,  or  as 
the  proposition,  but  not  as  an  imperative.  To  take  such 
a  course  would  endanger  the  very  purpose  of  the  speech. 
He  may  say,  "  I  take  this  position,"  or  "  This  seems  to 
me  the  true  attitude,"  or  "  We  should  act  thus  on  this 
question,"  or,  "  I  appeal  to  you  to  do  so  and  so,"  when 
it  would  not  do  to  say,  "  Do  this,"  or  "  You  must  do  this." 
To  his  audience,  as  it  exists  in  his  imagination  while  pre- 
paring his  speech,  he  says :  "  Do !  "  To  his  audience  as 
it  actually  exists  before  him  while  delivering  his  speech, 
he  says :  "  Do  n't  you  think  it  best  to  do  ?  "  "  These  are 
the  considerations  on  which  I  urge  you  to  do."  "  In 
view  of  these  facts,  what  shall  we  do  ?  " 

That  is,  the  orator  must  use  tact  and  common  sense  in 


52  The  Making  of  an  Oration 

bringing  his  audience  to  his  object.  Sometimes  he  will 
have  one  professed,  but  quite  another  real  object.  By 
this  is  not  meant  that  the  speaker  deals  unfairly  or  dis- 
honestly with  his  audience,  but  simply  that  he  uses  good 
judgment  in  dealing  with  men  and  does  not  betray  him- 
self into  the  hands  of  his  enemies  before  he  has  had  a 
chance  to  fortify  himself  for  their  possible  opposition. 
Thus  he  will  take  them  by  guile.  For  illustration,  Shak- 
spere  makes  Mark  Antony,  in  his  speech  over  the  dead 
body  of  Caesar,  say,  "  If  you  have  tears,  prepare  to  shed 
them  now ; "  that  is,  after  the  introduction,  he  avows  in 
the  body  of  his  speech,  as  his  object,  to  make  his  hearers 
feel  the  pathos  of  "  Caesar's  fall."  His  real  purpose  is 
revealed  after  the  mob,  to  whom  he  has  been  speaking, 
rushes  off  with  the  frenzied  cries :  "  Revenge !  burn ! 
kill !  "  when  he  says  with  great  satisfaction :  "  Now  let 
it  work.  Mischief,  thou  art  afoot."  That  is,  his  avowed 
object  was,  "  Weep;  "  his  real  object,  "  Riot." 


CHAPTER  VII 

HOW  TO  GATHER  MATERIAL 

AFTER  he  has  settled  upon  his  general  theme,  and  has 
formulated  that  theme  in  an  imperative  sentence, 
the  first  thing  to  be  done  by  the  orator  who  has  to  pre- 
pare a  speech  is  the  accumulation  of  material.  There 
are  three  especial  processes  to  be  pursued  in  accomplishing 
this  work. 

I.  The  first  of  these  processes  to  be  mentioned  is 
thought.  This  is  placed  first,  because  chronologically  it 
should  precede  everything  else  in  the  work  of  specific 
preparation.  Usually,  likewise,  it  is  first  in  importance. 
Was  it  Richter  who  said :  "  Never  read  till  you  have 
thought  yourself  empty  "  ?  By  such  reflection  the  maker 
of  a  speech  will  insure  an  originality  of  theme  and  of 
treatment  that  otherwise  would  hardly  be  possible.  His 
way  of  looking  at  his  subject  will  be,  above  all,  his  own 
way.  There  must  be  some  reasons  why  he  has  chosen 
a  given  subject  and  why  he  holds  a  given  attitude  toward 
that  subject.  Let  him  write  out  those  reasons  in  the 
briefest  possible  form.  What  does  he  know  of  the  sub- 
ject? What  does  he  think  of  it  —  of  its  relations  to 
truth,  to  society,  to  the  state,  to  mankind,  to  the  highest 
ideals,  and  of  his  prospective  audience  in  relation  to 
these  questions?  Let  him  write  out  all  his  thoughts,  all 

53 


54  The  Making  of  an  Oration 

his  information,  all  his  convictions,  as  they  come  to  his 
mind,  without  special  reference  to  logical  order  except 
such  as  will  occur  to  any  clear  thinker  whose  ideas  will 
have  a  tendency  to  fall  into  line  even  though  no  conscious 
attempt  be  made  to  marshal  them  in  regular  order. 
Neither  need  any  special  effort  be  made  in  this  prelimi- 
nary work  to  secure  literary  qualities.  If  a  good  illustra- 
tion, or  a  happy  metaphor,  or  a  felicitous  expression 
flashes  before  him  during  this  process,  as  probably  it  will, 
let  him  note  it  with  sufficient  fullness  to  enable  him  to 
recall  and  reproduce  it  when  he  returns  to  examine  the 
products  of  his  thinking  after  they  have  become  cold. 
Thus  he  takes  snapshots  at  the  mental  visions  that  flit  be- 
fore him,  and  fixes  impressions  which  he  can  subsequently 
develop  at  his  leisure  and  place  in  the  proper  framework 
of  his  plan  when  completed  for  use. 

This  process  of  rumination  aids  the  speaker  in  digest- 
ing and  assimilating  his  knowledge,  makes  his  thought 
definite,  shows  him  how  much  he  knows  of  the  subject 
and,  especially,  how  little  he  knows.  His  mind  may  be  so 
full  and  his  knowledge  be  so  extensive  and  definite  and 
well  digested  that  further  accumulation  of  material  will 
be  unnecessary  and  undesirable.  The  story  of  Webster's 
remark  with  reference  to  his  preparation  for  his  speech 
known  as  the  "  Reply  to  Hayne "  is  well  known.  A 
friend  expressed  surprise  that  the  great  expounder  of 
the  constitution  could  make  such  a  speech  without  oppor- 
tunity for  preparation.  "  Sir,"  Webster  replied,  "  I  have 
been  preparing  that  speech  forty  years."  In  other  words, 


How  to  Gather  Material  55 

he  had  been,  from  boyhood,  studying  the  doctrine  of  nulli- 
fication and  meditating  on  the  constitution  as  the  supreme 
law  of  the  land,  until  the  whole  question  saturated  every 
fiber  of  his  being.  When  the  occasion  arose,  therefore, 
all  that  was  needed  was  for  him  to  put  his  abundant 
material  in  proper  order.  But  that  was  a  rare  occasion  as 
Webster  was  a  rare  orator.  With  most  speakers  and  for 
most  subjects,  more  than  thought  is  needed  for  the  high- 
est success.  When  that  process  is  completed  there  must 
follow  the  second  process  of  gathering  material. 

2.  This  second  process  in  the  accumulation  of  material 
is  reading.  If  Richter  laid  down  the  maxim :  "  Never 
read  till  you  have  thought  yourself  empty,"  he  also  said : 
"  Never  write  till  you  have  read  yourself  full."  How 
minute  and  how  extensive  this  reading  should  be  will 
depend  largely  upon  the  nature  of  the  subject.  Reading, 
moreover,  that  is  a  mere  cramming  process  will  be  of  little 
value  to  the  orator.  However  broad  it  be,  it  must  be  dis- 
tilled in  the  alembic  of  his  own  mind  before  he  can  make 
its  essence  his  own. 

The  order  of  reading  should  be,  usually,  first  of  a 
general  nature,  such  as  cyclopedia  articles.  Thus  will  be 
gained  a  comprehensive  understanding  of  the  subject. 
Then  should  come,  say,  review  articles,  and  afterward 
the  treatises  and  original  authorities. 

For  strictly  oratorical  work  minute  and  exhaustive 
study  on  the  subject  of  discourse  may  not  always  be  an 
advantage.  If  it  be  not  thoroughly  assimilated,  instead 
of  furnishing  intellectual  and  oratorical  pabulum  it  will 


56  The  Making  of  an  Oration 

clog  the  free  operation  of  the  mind  and  induce  mental 
dyspepsia.  Howsoever  complete  the  reading,  it  should 
be,  above  all  things,  suggestive  and  stimulating,  setting  the 
speaker's  own  mind  and  imagination  in  motion  and  arous- 
ing the  oratorical  spirit  to  action.  No  more  remarkable 
illustration  of  vast  and  exact  learning,  made  available 
for  oratorical  purposes,  can  be  found  in  the  literature  of 
eloquence  than  is  furnished  by  some  of  the  speeches 
of  Edmund  Burke,  particularly  those  on  "  The  Nabob 
of  Arcot's  Debts/'  "  The  East  India  Bill,"  and  all  those 
on  the  impeachment  of  Warren  Hastings.  But  these 
subjects  were  exceptional  in  the  nature  of  their  themes 
as  Edmund  Burke  was  himself  exceptional  among  men. 
He  had  read,  and  so  every  orator  should  read,  broadly 
enough  to  cover  the  ground  to  be  traversed  by  the  speech 
and  thoroughly  enough  to  make  him  master  of  the  par- 
ticular phase  of  the  subject  to  be  discussed.  Such  read- 
ing not  only  increases  the  speaker's  knowledge  and 
supplements  his  thinking,  but  modifies  or  confirms,  as 
the  case  may  be,  his  views  by  the  results  of  the  labors 
of  others.  In  any  case  it  gives  him  greater  confidence  in 
the  correctness  of  his  conclusions  and  helps  him  to  feel 
that  he  "  speaks  as  one  having  authority,"  a  consciousness 
which  one  must  always  have  if  he  would  speak  with 
power. 

3.  A  third  important  process  in  the  work  of  gathering 
material  is  found  in  conversation.  Richter  might  wisely 
have  added  to  his  aphorism :  "  Never  pronounce  your 
speech  till  you  have  talked  yourself  clear."  Discussion 


How  to  Gather  Material  57 

is  a  wonderful  clarifier  of  thought.  One  does  not  know 
how  muddy  his  ideas  are  till  he  has  passed  them  through 
the  filter  of  conversation.  Let  him,  then,  who  has 
"  thought  himself  empty  "  and  "  read  himself  full,"  pre- 
paratory to  making  a  speech,  talk  with  some  intelligent 
and  sympathetic  friend.  By  "  sympathetic  "  is  not  meant, 
necessarily,  one  that  takes  the  same  view  of  the  subject 
as  the  speaker  himself.  Indeed  it  may  be  an  advantage 
that  the  listener  disagree ;  for  then  the  speaker  will  better 
learn  his  weak  points  than  might  otherwise  be  possible. 
By  sympathetic  is  rather  meant  one  who  is  interested 
in  the  subject  and  in  the  speaker.  Nor  is  it  necessary 
that  the  conversation  be  with  one  as  well  informed  as 
himself;  the  very  effort  of  conversing  on  the  matter 
enables  him  to  put  his  ideas  in  definite  language  and  thus 
deliver  his  soul,  and  also  place  him  in  a  position  to  use  to 
advantage  any  suggestions  that  are  offered.  So  will  his 
thought  and  his  treatment  of  it  be  made  lucid. 

Daniel  Webster,  when  speaking  of  the  value  of  con- 
versation to  the  orator,  said  to  Charles  Sumner : 

In  my  education,  I  have  found  that  conversation  with  the 
intelligent  men  I  have  had  the  good  fortune  to  meet  has 
done  more  for  me  than  books  ever  did;  for  I  learn  more 
from  them  in  a  talk  of  half  an  hour  than  I  could  possibly 
learn  from  their  books.  Their  minds,  in  their  conversation, 
come  into  intimate  contact  with  my  own  mind;  and  I  absorb 
certain  secrets  of  their  power,  whatever  be  its  quality,  which 
I  could  not  have  detected  in  their  works.  Converse, 
converse,  CONVERSE  with  living  men,  face  to  face,  and  mind 
to  mind, —  that  is  one  of  the  best  sources  of  knowledge. 


CHAPTER  VIII 

THE  ORDERING  OF  MATERIAL 

A  FTER  the  work  of  gathering  material  has  been  com- 
**  pleted,  the  speech  maker  must  solve  the  problem  of 
putting  the  material  so  accumulated  into  proper  form 
for  advantageous  use.  In  other  words,  he  must  make,  on 
the  basis  of  his  gathered  material,  a  framework  or  skele- 
ton of  the  structure  he  purposes  to  build.  The  various 
steps  of  this  process  may  be  intimated  as  follows : 

i.  A  Provisional  Analysis. —  After  he  has  thoroughly 
thought  through  his  subject,  as  before  explained  (p.  53 
sq.),  and  has  taken  notes  covering  the  results  of  his 
thinking,  the  maker  of  a  speech  should  pass  these  notes 
under  the  closest  scrutiny.  As  a  result  of  such  examina- 
tion, he  will  find  that  his  knowledge  and  ideas,  as  thus 
indicated,  can  be  combined  into  a  few  more  or  less 
homogeneous  and  clearly  defined  groups.  Let  him  formu- 
late for  these  groups  general  statements,  under  which  the 
various  items  can  be  included.  They  will  constitute  an 
outline  for  the  main  parts  of  his  speech.  Under  each 
one  of  them,  as  the  work  proceeds,  may  be  gathered  the 
various  subdivisions  that  indicate  the  line  of  development 
of  these  several  main  divisions.  When  this  work  is  com- 
pleted he  will  have  gone  far  toward  building  up  a  plan 
of  his  discussion  that  will  be  of  great  value,  indeed 

58 


The  Ordering  of  Material  59 

altogether  essential  to  the  highest  success,  in  the  sub- 
sequent labor  of  further  accumulation  of  material  and 
development  of  his  discourse. 

The  plan  as  thus  made  will  be,  of  course,  provisional, 
subject  to  modification  as  the  result  of  the  further  work 
of  reading  and  conversation.  After  these  processes  are 
completed  the  plan  should  be  put  into  final  form,  and 
stated  so  fully  and  suggestively  that  the  speaker  can  then 
give  his  powers  wholly  to  the  work  of  composition.  Then 
let  him  hold  to  the  plan  thus  formulated  from  beginning 
to  end.  If  this  work  be  adequately  done,  no  helpful 
ideas  will  be  likely  to  crowd  upon  him  in  the  heat  of  the 
discourse  that  may  not  be  appropriately  included  some- 
where in  this  plan. 

2.  Statement  of  the  Proposition  and  Object. —  The  na- 
ture of  the  proposition  has  already  been  discussed,  as  has 
also  the  proper  form  for  what  we  have  called  "  the  ob- 
ject," or  proposition  turned  into  the  form  of  an  impera- 
tive. This  object  is  to  dominate  the  entire  work,  from 
the  accumulation  of  material,  through  the  introduction, 
the  discussion,  and  the  conclusion,  to  the  delivery  of  the 
speech.  Since  it  is  desired  to  make  our  work  as  prac- 
tical as  possible,  it  may  be  helpful  to  choose  a  subject, 
and  illustrate  the  process  of  plan  making  by  actually 
working  out  a  plan  on  that  subject. 

As  a  working  basis,  then,  for  the  development  of  a 
plan,  let  us  assume  a  subject  already  suggested, —  "The 
College  Settlement."  From  this  subject  was  derived  the 
theme :  "  The  College  Settlement  as  a  Sphere  of  Useful- 


60  The  Making  of  an  Oration 

ness  for  Educated  Men."  This  theme,  turned  into  proper 
form  for  the  "object,"  would  be,  say,  "Let  Educated 
Men  Engage  in  College  Settlement  Work."  As  it  is 
ordinarily  better  to  plan  the  introduction  after  it  is  clearly 
known  what  is  to  be  introduced,  it  will  be  best  to  wait 
for  that  until  the  rest  of  the  plan  is  put  in  order. 

(3)  Plan  of  the  Discussion. —  The  next  step,  then,  in 
our  work  is  to  plan  the  discussion.  The  final  result  of  this 
process  will  be  developed  in  response  to  the  question: 
"  How  may  I,  out  of  the  material  gathered  in  the  processes 
of  thought,  reading,  and  conversation,  so  expound,  estab- 
lish, illuminate,  and  enforce  my  proposition  as  best  to 
accomplish  my  object?  The  answer  to  this  question  will 
have  been  partially  reached  in  the  provisional  analysis 
already  considered.  A  fuller  answer  must  now  be  found. 

Returning  to  our  proposition  we  begin  to  question  it: 
Sphere  of  Usefulness?  Usefulness  to  whom?  And  we 
conclude  that  it  would  be  "  useful  "  to  those  among  whom 
such  work  was  done  —  useful  to  them  as  individuals,  as 
members  of  society,  and  as  citizens.  So,  likewise,  it  would 
be  "  useful "  to  the  community  and  to  the  state.  But 
"  useful "  in  what  particulars  ?  And  we  reason  that  it 
would  be  beneficial  to  the  poor,  in  teaching  them  industry, 
in  teaching  by  both  precept  and  example  the  principles 
of  economy  and  thrift,  in  doing  away  with  certain  preju- 
dices, in  making  them  intelligent  and  more  moral,  in 
leading  them  to  help  themselves  and  one  another ;  that  it 
would  help  the  community  and  the  state  as  a  result  of 
thus  elevating  the  people  so  affected.  But  we  conclude, 


The  Ordering  of  Material  61 

likewise,  that  such  work  would  be  "  useful  "  to  those  that 
engaged  in  it,  as  well  as  to  others,  because  it  would  bring 
them  into  personal  and  practical  relations  to  and  sym- 
pathy with  the  poor,  the  ignorant,  the  vicious  —  and 
would  thus  broaden  and  ennoble  their  own  character  by 
cultivating  the  spirit  of  unselfish  devotion  to  the  uplift- 
ing work  of  helpfulness  to  others.  Thus,  in  every  way, 
such  service  would  help  bring  them  to  an  altruistic,  ex- 
perimental appreciation  of  the  great  truth  of  human 
brotherhood.  We  reason,  further,  that  such  service  would 
be  "  useful "  in  honoring  God  —  in  its  spirit,  in  its  pur- 
poses and  in  its  results. 

But  why  a  "  Sphere  of  Usefulness  for  Educated 
Men  "  ?  And  we  answer,  because  college  settlement  work 
was  especially  designed  by  and  for  such  men ;  because  it 
needs  men  of  large  intelligence  and  training  to  appreci- 
ate and  help  solve  the  problems  with  which  such  work 
has  to  deal;  and  because,  by  thus  bringing  the  extremes 
of  culture  and  ignorance  into  common  interests,  the  pur- 
poses for  which  the  enterprise  was  inaugurated  will  be 
best  subserved. 

By  examining  these  and  other  results  of  thought  and 
study  concerning  our  proposition,  we  find  that  they  can 
be  grouped  under  three  or  four  general  classes  of  motives. 
There  are  motives  of  personal  advantage,  or  duty  to  self ; 
of  duty  to  others  in  their  individual  as  well  as  associated 
capacities ;  motives  of  duty  toward  God ;  and  there  is  the 
motive  arising  from  the  fact  that  education  fits  one  for 
the  appreciation  of  and  usefulness  in  this  kind  of  work. 


62  The  Making  of  an  Oration 

A  little  further  analysis  enables  us  to  combine  all  these 
motives  in  the  following  divisions : 
Discussion. —  College  Settlement  Work. 

1.  Promotes  social  and  political  reform  (a)  by  dimin- 
ishing poverty  and  encouraging  thrift ;  (b)  by  diminishing 
crime;  (c)  by  increasing  intelligence;  (d)  by  elevating  the 
standard   of   morals;    (e)    by  promoting   the  spirit  of 
brotherhood;  (f)  by  developing  high  ideals  of  patriotism. 

2.  Encourages   the   highest   aims   and  cultivates  the 
noblest  character  (a)  in  those  with  whom  such  work  is 
done;  (b)  in  the  workers  themselves. 

3.  Appeals   especially   to  educated  men  because  the 
power  and  possibilities  for  usefulness  which  education 
gives  impose  peculiar  obligations. 

It  will  be  noticed  that  the  divisions  of  the  above  dis- 
cussion are  the  result  of  several  processes,  which  may  be 
stated  in  the  following  maxims : 

(i.)  Write  down  briefly,  as  the  result  of  all  your  labor 
of  gathering  material,  the  facts  and  ideas  that  seem  at 
first  thought  to  promote  your  object; 

(2.)  Examine  the  value  of  each  of  these  facts  and 
thoughts  by  asking  if  it  will  really  promote  your  object; 

(3.)  Combine  the  ideas  that  you  select,  by  the  preced- 
ing process,  as  promotive  of  your  object,  into  expres- 
sions that  are  coordinate  in  both  substance  and  form ; 

(4.)  Arrange  these  coordinate  statements  in  the  order 
of  climax,  so  as  to  secure  the  most  effective  accomplish- 
ment of  your  object. 

These  processes  should  secure  for  the  discussion : 


The  Ordering  of  Material  63 

(a)  Unity  on  the  basis  of  the  "object"; 

(b)  Divisions  of  equal  rank  as  related  to  the  object 
and  clearly  distinct  one  from  another; 

(c)  Climax  of  effect  in  attaining  the  object. 

4.  Planning  the  Conclusion. —  The  nature  and  purpose 
of  this  part  of  the  oration  have  already  been  considered. 
The  substance  of  this  part  should  always  be  indicated  in 
the  plan.  There  are  various  forms  that  the  conclusion 
may  take.  It  may  consist  of : 

(i.)  A  summary  of  the  several  divisions  that  make 
up  the  discussion.  If  this  method  be  pursued,  the  recapit- 
ulation should  not  be  so  formal  as  to  involve  loss  of 
interest  and  thus  weaken  the  effect.  As  the  design  is 
to  persuade,  the  conclusion  should  be  the  strongest,  the 
most  impressive,  the  most  moving  part  of  the  speech. 

(2.)  The  conclusion  may  consist  of  an  amplification  of 
the  final  point  of  the  discussion.  As  in  some  respects  the 
most  important  division,  this  part  of  the  discussion  may 
very  properly  be  emphasized,  illustrated,  and  enlarged 
upon  for  the  closing  impression. 

(3.)  The  conclusion  may  take  the  form  of  an  excita- 
tion of  emotion  as  the  outcome  of  what  has  preceded. 
This  is  called  the  impassioned  conclusion  or  peroration, 
and  is  very  effective  when  it  has  been  preceded  by  an 
earnest,  thoughtful,  closely  reasoned,  elevated  discussion. 

(4.)  Further,  the  final  words  may  take  the  direction  of 
an  incitement  to  action  as  an  outcome  of  what  has  been 
presented  in  the  body  of  the  speech.  The  appeal  to  the 
will,  however,  in  this  degenerate  age,  may  better  saturate 


64  The  Making  of  an  Oration 

and  pervade  the  speech  from  the  beginning  than  come 
formally  at  the  end  as  was  once  the  custom.  Now  and 
then,  nevertheless,  when  the  audience  is  aroused  or  when 
circumstances  favor  and  it  may  be  demand  action,  it  is 
advisable  to  press  the  thought  home  to  the  hearts,  con- 
sciences, and  decision  of  hearers,  and  ask  them  face  to 
face,  "  What  are  you  going  to  do  about  it  ?  "  with  the 
assurance  that  self-interest,  or  shame,  or  duty,  or  indig- 
nation, or  pity,  or  some  other  sentiment  will  constrain 
them  to  do  something. 

(5.)  Another  common  method  is  to  combine  two  or 
even  more  of  the  foregoing  forms  of  conclusion. 

Now,  if  we  return  to  our  sample  plan,  we  discover  that 
a  full  discussion  of  the  points  outlined  would  be  weighty 
and  possibly  extended.  If  so,  it  will  be  advantageous  to 
refresh  the  memory  of  the  hearers  by  a  brief  recapitula- 
tion. Likewise,  since  the  college  settlement  affords  a  field 
for  such  noble  service,  it  is  important  that  many  of  those 
that  have  had  the  advantages  of  a  college  training  enter 
such  service.  Thus  we  reach  as  the  plan  of  our 

Conclusion. —  A  recapitulation,  followed  by  an  expres- 
sion of  the  hope  that  every  institution  of  learning  will 
send  out  men  and  women  to  engage  in  college  settlement 
work. 

5.  Planning  the  Introduction. —  The  introduction 
should  ordinarily  be  the  last  part  of  the  discourse  to  be 
planned.  This  does  not  mean  that  if  the  speech  is  writ- 
ten this  part  should  be  written  last.  That  is  a  different 
matter.  But  before  the  opening  can  be  planned  the 


The  Ordering  of  Material  65 

speaker  must  know  what  he  is  to  open;  in  order  grace- 
fully and  with  directness  to  introduce  his  speech  he  must 
have  a  very  clear  idea  of  what  it  is  that  is  to  be  introduced. 
To  survey  the  best  path  through  the  wilderness,  the  en- 
gineer must  know  the  objective  point. 

We  have  already  seen  that  the  purpose  of  the  introduc- 
tion is  to  lead  the  hearers  as  directly  as  possible  to  a 
docile  consideration  of  the  proposition,  and  that  to  ac- 
complish this  purpose  it  may  consist  of  an  effort  to  make 
the  audience  (a)  familiar  with  all  that  is  necessary  to 
an  understanding  of  the  discussion;  (b)  well  disposed 
toward  the  speaker  and  the  theme. 

On  examining  the  discussion  that  has  been  planned 
above,  we  discover  that  it  is  about  a  subject  that  may  not 
be  particularly  familiar  to  the  average  student.  Hence  the 
introduction  may  properly  include  an  explanation  of  col- 
lege settlement  work.  The  question  also  arises :  "  Why 
has  such  service  been  instituted?"  This  question  war- 
rants a  reference  to  the  evils  that  result  from  the  condi- 
tions of  the  poor  and  vicious  in  large  cities,  and  so  renders 
the  hearers  "  well  disposed  "  toward  any  effort  designed 
to  mitigate  those  evils.  So  we  have,  as  the  outline  of  our 
introduction  leading  to  the  proposition  or  object,  a  brief 
reference  to  the  existing  evils  and  a  brief  explanation  of 
the  proposed  remedy. 

Thus  we  have  traced  the  general  processes  of  prepar- 
ing a  speech  up  to  the  completion  of  a  plan.  The  result 
appears  as  follows : 


66  The  Making  of  an  Oration 

I.  INTRODUCTION 

1.  Evils  of  poverty  in  large  cities. 

2.  Explanation  of   College  Settlement  Work  as  a 

proposed  remedy  for  these  evils. 

II.  PROPOSITION. —  The  College  Settlement  as  a  sphere 
of  usefulness  for  educated  men. 

III.  OBJECT. —  Let  educated  men  engage  in  College  Set- 
tlement Work. 

IV.  DISCUSSION. 

1.  College   Settlement    Work  promotes  social   and 

political  reform: 

a.  By  diminishing  poverty  and  encouraging  thrift ; 

b.  By  decreasing  crime ; 

c.  By  promoting  intelligence; 

d.  By  elevating  morals ; 

e.  By  cultivating  the  spirit  of  brotherhood. 

2.  College  Settlement  Work  encourages  the  highest 

aims  and  cultivates  the  noblest  character: 

a.  In  those  among  whom  such  work  is  done ; 

b.  In  those  by  whom  such  work  is  done. 

3.  College  Settlement  Work  appeals  especially  to  edu- 

cated men: 

a.  Education  gives  power; 

b.  Education  opens  possibilities ; 

c.  Education  imposes  peculiar  obligations  toward 

those  that  are  less  fortunate. 

V.  CONCLUSION. 

1.  Summary  and  appeal; 

2.  May  all  institutions  of  learning  soon  send  out 

men  and  women  to  this  noble  work. 


The  Ordering  of  Material  67 

The  foregoing  is  the  plan  actually  prepared  by  a  stu- 
dent. It  is  given  not  as  an  ideal  plan,  but  rather  to 
illustrate,  in  as  informal  a  way  as  can  well  be  on  paper, 
the  general  processes  of  gathering  and  selecting  material 
and  of  putting  that  material  in  form  as  a  guide  to  the 
speaker  in  the  work  of  composition. 

The  plan  is,  of  course,  primarily  for  the  use  of  the 
speaker  himself.  The  question  as  to  how  much  of  it 
should  appear  in  the  finished  production  when  spoken  to 
the  audience  has  already  been  considered.  Since  it  is 
mainly  for  the  use  of  the  speaker,  he  should  go  carefully 
through  the  general  outline  and  note  in  their  appropriate 
places,  with  fulness  sufficient  to  guide  him,  all  illustra- 
tions, examples,  striking  phrases,  allusions  and  figures, 
arguments,  and  ideas,  as  they  occur  to  him,  that  he  may 
retain  them  for  the  most  effective  use  when  developing 
his  outline. 

It  should  be  said  that  since  the  "  object "  is  simply  the 
proposition  put  into  the  imperative  form,  it  is  not  essen- 
tial to  write  both  in  the  completed  plan  as  is  done  above, 
although  there  is  sometimes  an  advantage  in  having  both 
forms  before  the  eye. 

PRACTICAL  SUGGESTIONS 

i.  As  a  most  valuable  practice  in  logical  and  oratorical 
training,  the  student  should  regularly  practice  choosing 
subjects  suitable  for  oratorical  treatment  and  develop 
plans  of  speeches  according  to  the  methods  heretofore 
suggested. 


68  The  Making  of  an  Oration 

2.  Constant  class,  as  well  as  individual,  practice  in  the 
work  of  making  and  criticising  plans  will  be  found  of 
inestimable  value  as  a  means  of  developing  the  logical 
and  inventive  powers  as  applied  to  oratorical  discourse. 
Every  member  of  a  class  should  present  a  plan  of  an 
oration  on  an  assigned  subject  at  an  appointed  date  be- 
fore the  class  for  discussion.  Without  shrinking,  he  who 
would  become  expert  in  this  greatest  of  all  arts  must  put 
the  results  of  his  labors  to  the  test,  must  subject  the 
products  of  his  mining  to  the  crucible  of  the  most  pitiless 
criticism. 

Is  the  subject  in  itself  a  good  one?  Is.it  fresh,  appro- 
priate, interesting,  important?  Is  the  proposition  legiti- 
mate? Is  the  "object"  properly  stated?  Are  the  divi- 
sions of  the  discussion  relevant?  Do  they  further  the 
object?  Are  they  mutually  exclusive?  Are  they  co- 
ordinate with  one  another  as  related  to  the  object? 
Are  they  coordinate  in  form?  Are  they  well  stated? 
Are  they  so  arranged  as  to  be  cumulative  in  effect?  Do 
they  include  all  they  should?  Do  they  exclude  all  they 
should?  Is  the  introduction  brief,  natural,  graceful, 
pleasing,  interesting  ?  Is  the  conclusion  effective  ?  How 
may  the  plan  be  improved  ?  Such  are  some  of  the  ques- 
tions that  the  speech  maker  should  ask  himself  and  such 
are  questions  that  others  should  ask,  in  criticising  plans. 
Half  the  time  devoted  to  this  subject  in  the  classroom, 
may  well  be  devoted  to  such  criticism.  Such  exercises 
develop  both  the  critical  and  constructive  powers,  and 


The  Ordering  of  Material  69 

serve  to  quicken  and  enlarge  wonderfully  what  may  be 
termed  the  logical  and  oratorical  instinct. 

The  motives  set  forth  in  the  discussion  of  the  plan 
already  outlined  are,  of  course,  not  to  be  considered  as 
including  all  possible  motives.  Oratory,  as  the  all-inclu- 
sive and  most  complex  literary  type,  is  not  confined  to  one 
form.  Rational  beings,  presumably,  will  not  act  with 
reference  to  a  given  question  until  they  understand  that 
question.  They  must  be  enlightened.  But  they  must  also 
be  satisfied  that  the  proposed  action  is  true,  or  wise,  or 
right,  or  advantageous,  or  a  duty.  That  is,  they  must  be 
convinced.  But  they  may  be  convinced  and  yet  not  moved 
to  action.  Their  emotions  may  need  to  be  stirred,  their 
imaginations  awakened,  their  passions  aroused.  In  other 
words,  they  must  be  excited.  That  is,  the  orator  may 
need  to  use  all  the  motives  of  enlightenment,  conviction, 
and  excitation  in  order  to  persuade  his  hearers.  He 
plays  upon  the  whole  gamut  of  human  nature,  covering 
the  entire  range  of  intellect  and  sensibilities,  that  he  may 
awaken  the  will  to  action.  Consequently  he  may  have 
occasion  to  employ  all  forms  of  discourse  —  exposition, 
description,  narration,  argumentation,  as  well  as  persua- 
sion proper. 

It  is  not  the  province  of  the  present  discussion  to  enter 
into  details  and  give  many  specific  rules  for  the  employ- 
ment of  these  various  types  of  discourse.  The  purpose 
is,  rather,  to  present  general  principles,  point  out  funda- 
mental processes  and  make  practical  suggestions  that 
are  invaluable  in  the  actual  work  of  making  speeches. 


PART  III 

THE  COMPOSITION  OF  AN  ORATION 


CHAPTER  IX 

THE  COMPOSITION  OF  AN  ORATION 

THE  term  "  composition  "  as  here  used  applies  equally 
well  whether  the  oration  is  written  in  full  or  whether 
it  is  pronounced  without  being  written.  In  either  case 
the  style  of  the  oration  differs  in  many  particulars  from 
that  of  the  essay,  which  is  written  for  leisurely  reading 
rather  than  for  hearing  once  for  all. 

The  reasons  for  these  differences  are  twofold.  First 
come  such  differences  as  naturally  belong  to  spoken  as 
distinguished  from  written  discourse.  Second,  the  causes 
of  these  differences  are  found  mainly  in  the  all-important 
fact  that  oratory  aims  at  the  accomplishment  of  an  object 
rather  than  the  discussion  of  a  subject  and  must  attain 
that  object  in  a  single  utterance,  without  opportunity, 
on  the  part  of  an  audience,  of  a  second  reading,  of 
careful  analysis,  of  leisurely  consideration,  and  of  nice 
discrimination  and  appreciation  of  the  fine  distinctions. 

Since  the  oration  must  accomplish  its  purpose  in  a  sin- 
gle impression,  the  orator  has  laid  upon  him  a  peculiarly 
heavy  burden.  His  speech  must  be  convincing,  but  not 
stiff  and  cold ;  it  must  be  vivid,  but  never  gaudy ;  fervid, 
but  never  tearful ;  sincere,  but  without  cant ;  straightfor- 
ward, but  courteous;  imaginative,  but  never  bombastic. 

73 


74  The  Making  of  an  Oration 

It  must  be  impressive  and  weighty,  but  not  heavy ;  vigor- 
ous and  virile  without  being  brutal  —  in  a  word  it  must 
be  in  all  ways  artistic,  but  must  never  be  or  seem  to  be 
artificial.  The  orator  must  marshal  all  his  forces  and 
march  them,  as  Webster  truly  says,  "  onward,  right  on- 
ward to  his  object."  In  a  brief  speech  he  has  laid  upon 
him,  perhaps,  the  responsibility  of  changing  and  directing 
into  new  channels  the  whole  current  of  his  hearers' 
thoughts  and  lives.  Surely,  no  task  heavier  than  his,  no' 
victory  more  glorious! 

But  if  special  difficulties  beset  the  orator,  so,  likewise, 
peculiar  advantages  are  his.  He  meets  his  hearers  face 
to  face,  rather  than  through  the  cold,  pitiless  medium  of 
the  printed  page.  He  meets  them,  also,  together,  rather 
than  as  segregated,  separate,  unsympathetic  individuals. 
He  has  the  advantage  of  the  flashing  eye,  the  expressive 
countenance,  the  thrilling  voice,  the  animated  gesture, — 
all  of  those  advantages  arising  from  what,  to  conceal  our 
ignorance,  we  term  "  personal  magnetism." 

Until  human  nature  shall  change,  there  need  be  no  fear 
that  oratory  will  lose  its  power.  The  public  school  and 
the  daily  paper  cannot  destroy  or  even  materially  limit 
its  proper  field.  Books  cannot  steal  its  charms.  The 
preacher,  the  lawyer,  the  legislator  who  must  advocate 
measures  before  parliamentary  bodies,  the  agitator,  the 
reformer,  and  others  whose  business  it  is  to  set  the  world 
to  rights,  need  not  be  anxious  lest  increased  diffusion  of 
knowledge  shall  deprive  them  of  their  kingdom,  or  trem- 
ble lest  they  shall  be  dethroned  and  left  to  mourn  because, 


Composition  of  an  Oration  75 

like  Othello,  "  their  occupation's  gone."  So  long  as  men 
need  to  change  their  actions,  or,  at  least,  so  long  as  men 
are  not  of  one  opinion  as  to  what  action  should  be  in 
every  case,  so  long  will  there  be  opportunity  for  the  ex- 
ercise of  persuasive  speech. 

A  common  opinion,  it  is  to  be  feared,  among  students 
and  others  who  have  ambition  for  public  speaking,  is  that 
orators  are  born  not  made.  Now  this  theory  sounds 
well  and,  within  certain  limits,  it  has  an  element  of  truth. 
No  one  can  become  a  Demosthenes  unless  he  has  the 
gifts  of  Demosthenes.  But  there  is  also  in  the  notion  a 
large  factor  of  error.  Those  that  hold  this  opinion  argue 
that  one  who  has  the  true  oratorical  spirit,  the  "  divine 
afflatus,"  will,  when  occasion  arises,  speak  effectively  and 
eloquently,  whether  he  have  studied  the  maxims  of  the 
rhetoricians  or  not;  while  he  who  has  not  this  heaven- 
born  spirit  can  never  become  an  orator,  though  he  know 
the  rules  of  the  books  from  title  page  to  "  finis." 

This  idea  is  based  upon  a  radical  misconception  of  the 
nature  and  purposes  of  oratorical  precepts.  These  pre- 
cepts are  not  arbitrary  inventions  in  which  the  rhetoricians 
insist  that  the  would-be  speaker  shall  wrap  himself  until 
he  is  only  a  mummy  of  his  real  self  before  they  will 
allow  him  to  be  called  an  orator.  On  the  contrary,  they 
are  statements  of  principles  which  the  masters  of  assem- 
blies of  all  ages  throughout  the  world  have,  consciously 
or  unconsciously,  exemplified  in  their  speeches.  The 
statements  of  the  principles  have  been  formulated,  in 
other  words,  because  they  have  been  found  actually  ap- 


76  The  Making  of  an  Oration 

plied  and  illustrated  in  the  great  oratory  of  the  world. 
These  principles  must  be  observed  likewise  by  all  who 
would  attain  success  in  this  noblest  of  all  arts,  and  they 
that  do  not  learn  such  principles  from  others  must  strug- 
gle up  to  them  through  the  great  tribulation  of  personal 
experience  and  probably  of  humiliating  failures. 

As  a  matter  of  fact,  orators  are  both  born  and  made. 
Call  the  roll  of  the  immortals  among  them  and  you  will 
find  that,  with  hardly  an  exception,  they  have  been  not 
only  men  of  native  genius  but  equally  men  of  developed 
power.  The  story  of  the  long  continued  study  of 
Demosthenes  that  he  might  perfect  himself  in  his  art  is 
proverbial.  Likewise  Aeschines  and  the  other  masters 
of  Athenian  eloquence  gave  years  of  assiduous  study  in 
preparation  for  their  art.  So  with  Cicero,  the  greatest 
name  in  the  palmy  days  of  Roman  eloquence.  Among 
the  moderns  may  be  mentioned  Burke,  Fox,  Sheridan, 
Lord  Chatham,  Pitt,  Bolingbroke,  Grattan,  Curran;  and 
in  America,  Clay,  Calhoun,  Webster,  Phillips,  Sumner, 
Seward,  Everett,  among  parliamentary  orators;  while 
among  preachers  shine  such  names  as  Beecher,  Spurgeon, 
Alexander  Maclaren,  Phillips  Brooks,  Bishop  Simpson, 
and  a  host  of  others  almost  as  great.  These  all  "  obtained 
a  good  report "  through  a  combination  of  native  genius 
and  assiduous  toil.  They  did  not  despise,  they  did  not 
consider  it  wise  to  ignore,  the  principles  of  oratory  as  set 
forth  in  the  books.  All  of  them  studied,  some  of  them 
for  years,  the  precepts  of  effective  speech,  and  everything 
else  that  would  help  to  success  in  making  speeches  them- 


Composition  of  an  Oration  77 

selves.  In  other  words,  they  supplemented  their  own 
natural  aptitude  by  taking  advantage  of  the  wisdom  and 
experience  of  others.  If  such  men  thought  it  worth  their 
while  to  learn  the  art  of  oratory  by  study,  surely  no  one 
can  safely  hope  to  be  beyond  the  need  of  such  study. 


CHAPTER  X 

QUALITIES  OF  THE  INTRODUCTION 

TN  ESTIMATING  the  qualities  that  are  particularly 

L   useful  in  developing  the  different  parts  of  an  oration, 

it  is  appropriate  to  consider,  first,  the  features  that  are 

peculiarly  appropriate  to  the  introduction. 

i.  The  first  thing  to  be  said  of  the  introduction  is  that 
it  should  possess  the  quality  of  brevity.  The  young  writer 
and  speaker  always  labors  under  the  temptation  to  extend 
this  part  of  his  discourse  beyond  reasonable  limits. 
Whether  this  fault  is  because  of  the  fear  that  he  will 
not  find  enough  to  say  within  the  prescribed  limit,  or 
whether  it  is  because  he  thinks  he  has  so  much  to  say, 
he  is  in  danger  of  saying  more  than  is  necessary  or  useful 
in  this  part  of  his  discourse.  It  must  be  remembered 
that  an  oration  is  a  work  of  art  and,  like  other  works  of 
art,  it  must  possess  the  qualities  of  symmetry  and  pro- 
portion. Otherwise  it  can  have  no  beauty  and  little 
power.  The  oration  should  not  be  a  polywog  —  all  head. 
It  may,  rather,  be  likened  to  a  building.  The  introduc- 
tion is  the  front  porch;  the  discussion,  with  its  various 
divisions,  constitutes  the  body  of  the  house  divided  into 
its  several  rooms ;  while  the  conclusion  is  the  back  porch. 
The  length  suitable  for  the  introduction,  in  any  given 

78 


Qualities  of  the  Introduction  79 

case,  will  be  properly  determined  by  the  dignity,  nature, 
and  proposed  limits  of  the  discourse  as  a  whole.  Let  no 
one  make  the  mistake  of  assuming  in  this  part  of  his 
speech  that  he  will  "  be  heard  because  of  his  much 
speaking."  Such  an  assumption  would  be  fatal  to  suc- 
cess. In  proportion  to  the  entire  speech,  the  introduction 
should  be  as  brief  as  is  consistent  with  perfect  lucidity 
and  with  its  prime  purpose  of  preparing  the  audience  to 
listen  with  intelligence,  fairness,  and  interest  to  the  pres- 
entation and  amplification  of  the  theme.  The  front  porch 
should  never  be  larger  than  the  house  itself.  It  should 
lead  as  directly,  as  easily  and  as  charmingly  as  possible 
into  the  main  body  of  the  building.  It  is  not  made  for 
its  own  sake,  but  for  the  sake  of  what  is  to  follow. 

In  harmony  with  this  principle,  it  follows  that  the 
opening  sentence  of  the  introduction,  that  is  of  the  whole 
speech,  should  be  brief.  Blair  well  says :  "  A  first  sen- 
tence should  seldom  be  a  long,  and  never  an  intricate  one." 
As  a  rule,  let  this  sentence  be  a  simple,  declarative,  un- 
pretentious statement  of  a  fact  or  a  principle.  If  the 
idea  is  common,  the  statement  of  it  should  not  be  com- 
monplace. Triteness  here  may  prove  disastrous.  His 
opening  words  give  the  speaker  an  opportunity  to  put 
himself  on  good  terms  with  an  audience  and  to  convey 
to  them  the  impression  of  his  good  sense,  genial  spirit, 
inherent  manliness,  and  perhaps  his  mastery  of  the  sit- 
uation and  of  whatever  subject  he  may  have  to  present. 
Let  him  not  dissipate  the  opportunity  by  frivolousness. 
It  is  safe  to  assume  that  an  audience  is  comparatively 


80  The  Making  of  an  Oration 

indifferent  to  both  the  speaker  and  his  theme.  It  is  not 
wise,  therefore,  to  lay  a  heavy  burden  upon  the  attention 
or  the  understanding  of  one's  hearers.  A  brief,  modest 
opening  sentence  will  give  them  little  to  do  by  way  of 
grammatical  interpretation,  and  will  help  gain  their  re- 
spect for  the  speaker's  sincerity  and  good  sense. 

2.  The  introduction  should  also  possess  the  quality  of 
simplicity.  Good  taste  requires  that  this  part  of  the 
discourse  be  neither  too  forcible,  too  figurative,  or  too 
highly  illustrated.  These  qualities  are  always  liable  to 
seem  bombastic,  and  of  all  places  the  semblance  of  bom- 
bast in  the  introduction  is  ridiculous  and  repulsive.  Only 
when  the  circumstances  are  such  that  the  interest  of  the 
audience  in  the  subject  is  already  aroused  will  very 
energetic  or  highly  figurative  language  be  an  advantage, 
i  Attention  has  already  been  called  to  this  principle  in  the 
Y  discussion  of  the  nature  of  the  introduction,  but  further 
j  emphasis  may  well  be  laid  upon  it  in  this  connection. 
When  a  previous  speaker  has  presented  the  theme,  so 
that  it  is  already  in  some  aspect  in  the  minds  of  the 
hearers,  or  when  the  course  of  events  has  centered  the 
thoughts  of  the  people  upon  it,  so  that  their  interest  is 
kindled  and  their  feelings  are  excited,  the  speaker  may 
appropriately  in  his  introduction  make  use  of  more 
picturesque  and  more  impassioned  speech  than  would 
otherwise  be  permissible.  In  a  way  his  theme  is  already 
introduced,  and  what  would  ordinarily  be  extravagant 
is  now  appropriate. 

Examples.     ( i )  An  interesting  illustration  of  a  simple 


Qualities  of  the  Introduction  81 

yet  figurative  exordium  is  found  in  Webster's  famous 
speech  on  the  Foot  Resolution,  better  known  as  "  The 
Reply  to  Hayne  "  : 

Mr.  President:  When  the  mariner  has  been  tossed  for 
many  days  in  thick  weather,  and  on  an  unknown  sea,  he 
naturally  avails  himself  of  the  first  pause  in  storm,  the  earli- 
est glance  of  the  sun,  to  take  his  latitude  and  ascertain  how 
far  the  elements  have  driven  him  from  his  true  course.  Let 
us  imitate  this  prudence,  and  before  we  float  farther  on  the 
waves  of  this  debate,  refer  to  the  point  from  which  we  de- 
parted, that  we  may  at  least  be  able  to  conjecture  where  we 
now  are.  I  ask  for  the  reading  of  the  resolution. 

So  he  brought  his  hearers  back  to  the  point  of  de- 
parture, and  especially  to  the  point  which  he  wished  them 
to  occupy.  He  chose  his  own  question  rather  than  let 
his  antagonist  choose  it  for  him.  The  introduction  might, 
possibly,  have  seemed  too  figurative  had  it  been  pro- 
nounced under  ordinary  conditions ;  but  Webster  did  not 
pronounce  it  under  ordinary  conditions.  When  he  arose, 
the  debate  had  been  in  progress  for  days.  Colonel 
Hayne,  senator  from  South  Carolina,  had  made  a  brilliant 
speech,  characterized  by  all  the  fervid  eloquence,  grace  of 
diction,  and  intensity  of  spirit  peculiar  to  some  of  the 
southern  orators  of  those  days.  The  admirers  of  Hayne 
and  the  sympathizers  with  his  cause  were  jubilant.  They 
boasted  that  he  had  won  a  great  victory  and  claimed  that 
he  could  not  be  successfully  answered.  The  friends 
of  Webster  and  the  Union,  on  the  other  hand,  were 
depressed  with  anxiety,  and  feared  that  even  the  "  God- 
like Daniel "  might  not  prove  equal  to  the  task  of 


82  The  Making  of  an  Oration 

adequately  replying  to  the  brilliant  southerner.  Public 
excitement  was  at  white  heat.  The  senate  chamber  was 
crowded;  every  nerve  was  tense;  every  whisper  was 
hushed  to  silence ;  every  eye  was  fixed  upon  the  speaker ; 
every  ear  strained  to  catch  the  first  swelling  note  of  that 
mighty  organ  voice.  In  a  word,  the  conditions  under 
which  he  spoke  were  such  that  no  metaphor,  no  illustra- 
tion, no  amount  of  energy  would  have  seemed  extrava- 
gant, if,  indeed,  it  could  equal  the  demands  of  the  occa- 
sion. Thus,  good  taste  not  only  allowed  but  required 
such  an  introduction  in  order  to  satisfy  the  excited  feel- 
ings of  the  audience.  The  analogy,  moreover,  that  he 
used  was  so  fitting,  so  illuminating,  so  beautiful  and  yet 
so  sincere,  that  at  once  there  must  have  come  a  feeling 
of  confidence  in  the  thought  that  the  speaker  was  master 
of  the  situation. 

(2)  Compare  with  this  glowing  exordium  the  introduc- 
tory sentences  of  Webster's  masterpiece  as  a  dedicatory 
orator,  delivered  at  the  laying  of  the  corner  stone  of  the 
Bunker  Hill  monument : 

This  uncounted  multitude  before  me  and  around  me 
proves  the  feeling  which  the  occasion  has  excited.  These 
thousands  of  human  faces,  glowing  with  sympathy  and  joy, 
and  from  the  impulses  of  a  common  gratitude  turned  rever- 
ently to  Heaven  in  this  spacious  temple  of  the  firmament, 
proclaim  that  the  day,  the  place,  and  the  purpose  of  our 
assembling  have  made  a  deep  impression  on  our  hearts. 

Less  picturesque,  less  figurative,  less  passionate  than 
the  preceding  example,  but  straightforward,  dignified, 


Qualities  of  the  Introduction  83 

and  calm,  these  introductory  words  were,  likewise,  in  per- 
fect harmony  with  the  occasion  on  which  they  were 
uttered.  The  multitudes  to  whom  they  were  spoken  were 
not,  as  on  the  other  occasion,  quivering  with  the  passions 
excited  by  a  sectional  debate ;  they  were  rather  assembled 
to  commemorate  a  great  event  in  our  history  and  to  do 
honor  to  those  who  had  offered  their  lives  as  a  sacrifice 
to  liberty.  Consequently,  the  great  orator's  opening  sen- 
tences were  simple  and  unimpassioned. 

In  harmony  with  the  demand  for  simplicity,  good  taste 
forbids  the  use  of  exclamations,  rhetorical  interrogations, 
apostrophe  and  other  striking  figures  in  opening  sentences. 
Such  expressions  at  the  outset  give  too  great  a  shock  to 
the  hearers.  They  jar  on  the  nerves.  A  premature 
explosion  is  never  pleasant  and  may  be  dangerous.  Dyna- 
mite in  a  speech  is  a  good  thing,  someone  has  wisely 
remarked,  but  dynamite  in  the  wrong  place  and  set  off  at 
the  wrong  time  is  a  dangerous  plaything.  It  may  blow 
into  pieces  him  that  applies  the  torch  and  at  the  same 
time  destroy  the  spectators. 

3.  Another  quality  that  should  characterize  the  intro- 
duction is  that  of  being  interesting.  Winning  an  audience 
is,  in  some  respects,  like  fishing  for  trout.  One  must 
"  get  a  rise  "  at  the  first  cast  of  the  fly,  or  he  may  find 
it  difficult  to  get  any  rise  at  all  in  that  place.  Hearers 
are  exceedingly  wary,  and  he  that  would  "  put  his  hook 
in  their  nose"  must  present  them  an  attractive  lure. 
That  lure  is  the  introduction.  The  speaker  must  aim, 
therefore,  to  make  this  part  of  his  speech  above  all  things 


84  The  Making  of  an  Oration 

interesting  and  attractive.  By  charm  of  manner,  by  felic- 
ity of  phrase,  by  earnestness  of  spirit,  by  aptness  and 
appropriateness  of  thought  —  by  every  honest  means,  let 
him  seek  at  the  outset  to  win  the  attention,  the  respect, 
the  confidence,  the  sympathy,  the  favor  of  the  audience. 
If  he  succeed  in  this  attempt,  the  victory  is  half  won. 
Thenceforward  he  can  march  straight  onward  to  his  goal. 
4.  In  its  method  the  introduction  should  be  direct  and 
conciliatory.  To  be  direct  is  not  always  difficult,  but  to 
be  at  the  same  time  conciliatory  is  sometimes  a  task.  One 
may  be  altogether  opposed  to  the  opinions  of  most  of  his 
audience,  or  he  may  know  that  they  are  opposed  to  him 
and  his  opinions.  To  secure  their  courteous  attention 
under  such  conditions  without  sacrificing  in  any  measure 
one's  own  convictions  or  changing  one's  own  attitude  re- 
quires all  the  tact  and  good  judgment  of  which  the 
speaker  is  possessed.  This  is  peculiarly  true  when  the 
speaker  has  not  only  convictions  but  also  strong  feeling 
with  reference  to  the  matter  in  hand.  The  Apostle  Paul 
exhibited  rare  skill  in  introducing  his  famous  speech  on 
Mars  Hill  at  Athens.  He  wished  to  preach  not  only  a 
new  faith  but  a  faith  that  was  diametrically  opposed  in 
its  fundamental  tenets  to  the  religious  system  of  those  to 
whom  he  proclaimed  it.  His  feelings  were  profoundly 
excited  at  what  he  saw.  On  every  hand,  wherever  he 
turned  his  eyes,  he  beheld  monuments  and  shrines,  tem- 
ples and  altars,  erected  in  honor  of  heathen  deities. 
Luke's  account  in  the  "  Acts  of  the  Apostles  "  informs 
us  that  "  his  spirit  was  stirred  in  him  when  he  saw  the 


Qualities  of  the  Introduction  85 

city  wholly  given  to  idolatry."  Had  the  hot-headed,  im- 
pulsive, belligerent  Peter  been  the  speaker,  he  would 
probably  have  burst  forth  in  a  flame  of  denunciation.  But 
Paul  had  better  judgment  than  that.  Although  he  was 
stirred  in  spirit,  he  wanted  a  hearing.  Therefore,  instead 
of  denouncing,  he  conciliated.  The  King  James  version 
is  not  a  good  rendering  of  the  passage.  The  apostle  did 
not  say :  "  Men  of  Athens,  I  perceive  that  in  all  things 
ye  are  too  superstitious."  Such  an  introduction  would 
have  given  offense  and  have  defeated  his  purpose.  He 
rather  said  in  substance :  "  I  perceive  that  in  all  things 
ye  are  much  given  to  religious  matters.  For  as  I  passed 
along,  and  observed  the  objects  of  your  worship,  I  found 
also  an  altar  with  this  inscription,  TO  AN  UNKNOWN  GOD. 
What  therefore  ye  worship  without  knowing,  that  de- 
clare I  unto  you."  Thus  he  approached  them  on  their 
own  ground  and  by  so  doing  secured  an  opportunity  to 
proclaim  his  doctrine  of  one  God  as  distinguished  from 
the  Greek  polytheism.  Further  along  in  the  same  ad- 
dress, he  exemplified  the  same  rhetorical  skill,  when  he 
appealed  to  one  of  their  own  poets  as  furnishing  a  basis 
for  his  proclamation  of  the  idea  of  the  brotherhood  of 
man. 


CHAPTER  XI 
THOUGHT  AND  STYLE  OF  THE  CONCLUSION 

THE  general  nature  of  the  conclusion  and  its  relations 
to  the  other  parts  of  the  speech  have  already  been 
considered.     It  remains  to  call  attention  to  some  of  the 
more  distinctly  rhetorical  qualities  that  distinguish  this 
part  of  the  oration. 

The  conclusion  is  at  once  the  easiest  and  the  most  diffi- 
cult part  to  compose  of  the  whole  work.  Rhetorically,  it 
is  that  for  which  all  the  rest  of  the  speech  is  composed. 
A  failure  here  is  a  failure  wholly ;  for  in  the  conclusion 
are  focused  and  applied  all  the  elements  of  thought,  ar- 
gument, feeling,  imagination,  intensity  of  conviction,  and 
force  of  presentation  of  all  that  has  preceded.  In  all  par- 
ticulars of  thought  as  well  as  of  style,  it  is  the  outcome 
and  fruitage  of  all  that  has  gone  before.  Like  the  column 
of  water  that  leaps  from  the  nozzle  of  the  pipe  in  hy- 
draulic mining,  plunging  with  terrific  force  into  the 
mountain  side,  washing  out  soil,  gravel,  and  solid  rocks, 
and  tearing  the  everlasting  hills  from  their  foundations 
in  order  to  free  the  gold  from  its  secret  places  for  the  use 
of  man,  so  is  the  conclusion  to  the  oration.  The  column 
of  water  has  power  because  it  has  behind  it  all  the  super- 
incumbent weight  of  the  lake  high  up  in  the  mountains, 

86 


Thought  and  Style  of  the  Conclusion  87 

and  all  the  impetus  of  the  rush  through  the  flume  down 
the  declivity,  there  to  be  narrowed  and  condensed  into 
that  single  stream  forced  against  the  hillside  with  the 
velocity  of  a  cannon  ball  to  do  the  work  of  a  hundred 
men.  So  the  conclusion  has  power,  because  it  has  be- 
hind it  the  weight  and  velocity  of  all  that  precedes.  Here 
is  where  the  gold  of  decision  is  to  be  uncovered  in  the 
hard  and,  sometimes,  stubborn  wills  of  the  hearers.  Here 
is  where,  preeminently,  the  application  of  the  subject  is 
made. 

i.  Just  what  the  form  and  style  of  the  conclusion 
should  be  will  depend,  largely,  upon  the  type  of  the 
speech  as  a  whole.  If  the  oration  be  mainly  intellectual 
in  its  nature  —  for  example,  an  argument  before  a  bench 
of  judges,  or  a  serious  address  before  a  lyceum  —  the 
conclusion  may  consist  of  a  summary  of  the  arguments 
presented,  with  an  application  of  the  truth  established  to 
a  single  action  or  to  a  course  of  action. 

An  illustration  of  such  a  summary  and  application  is 
furnished  in  the  conclusion  of  Ruskin's  lecture  on  "  Con- 
ventional Art " : 

Make,  then,  your  choice,  boldly  and  consciously,  for  one 
way  or  another  it  must  be  made.  On  the  dark  and  danger- 
ous side  are  set  the  pride  which  delights  in  self-contempla- 
tion, the  indolence  which  rests  in  unquestioned  forms,  the 
ignorance  that  despises  what  is  fairest  among  God's  crea- 
tures, and  the  dullness  that  denies  what  is  marvelous  in  his 
working.  There  is  a  life  of  monotony  for  your  souls,  and 
of  misguiding  for  those  of  others.  And,  on  the  other  side, 
is  open  to  your  choice  the  life  of  the  crowned  spirit,  moving 


88  The  Making  of  an  Oration 

as  a  light  in  creation,  discovering  always,  illuminating 
always,  gaining  every  hour  in  strength,  yet  bowed  down  every 
hour  into  deeper  humility;  sure  of  being  right  in  its  aim, 
sure  of  being  irresistible  in  its  progress;  happy  in  what  it 
has  securely  done;  happier  in  what,  day  by  day,  it  may 
serenely  hope;  happiest  at  the  close  of  life,  when  the  right 
hand  begins  to  forget  its  cunning,  to  remember  that  there 
never  was  a  touch  of  the  chisel  or  the  pencil  it  wielded  but 
has  added  to  the  knowledge  and  quickened  the  happiness  of 
mankind. 

2.  The  conclusion  may  sometimes  consist  of  the  closing 
argument  of  the  discussion,  expanded,  intensified,  and 
applied  as  the  climax  and  crown,  both  in  thought  and 
style,  of  the  entire  discourse.     For  the  intellectual  type 
of  oratory,  no  more  effective  method  than  this  can  be 
found.     In  this   form  of  conclusion,  the  speech,  as  it 
approaches  the   close,   sweeps   onward  with   constantly 
accelerating    speed    and    augmented    power,    gathering 
weight  and  momentum  as  it  proceeds,  concentrating,  as 
it  were,  into  its  closing  paragraph  all  the  thought,  reason- 
ing, and  conviction  of  the  whole  discourse,  thus  making 
of  that  paragraph  the  most  impressive  part  of  all.    Thus 
it  seems  to  be,  indeed,  "  logic  set  on  fire,"  blazing  and 
blistering  its  way  through  the  reason  to  the  wills  of  men. 
This  kind  of  conclusion,  while  less  formal,  has  also  the 
advantage  of  being  more  natural  than  a  recapitulation. 
It  impresses  one  as  the  normal  outgrowth  and  climax  of 
the  whole  discourse. 

3.  In   the   more   impassioned  types  of  oratory,  the 
conclusion  properly  partakes  of  the  style  pertaining  to 


Thought  and  Style  of  the  Conclusion  89 

the  entire  production;  except  that  it  is  more  intense, 
more  elevated,  more  nearly  akin  to  poetry  than  the  main 
body  of  the  speech.  By  the  time  he  comes  to  this  part 
of  his  address,  if  ever,  the  speaker  has  succeeded  in 
bringing  his  hearers  into  full  sympathy  with  his  own 
thought  and  emotion.  All  their  powers  are  in  harmony 
with  him,  and,  like  the  chords  of  a  harp,  quiver  in  re- 
sponse to  his  every  touch.  Like  one  of  the  old  min- 
strels, he  plays  upon  the  whole  gamut  of  their  souls  and 
brings  forth  what  music  he  will. 

4.  Because  he  has,  presumably,  won  the  understanding, 
interest,  and  sympathy  of  his  audience,  the  speaker  may 
appropriately  use  in  the  conclusion  longer  and  more 
complex  sentences  than  would  be  advisable  in  the  open- 
ing of  a  speech.  His  hearers  will  then  have  less  difficulty 
in  understanding  him,  less  hesitation  in  following  him, 
less  objection  to  acceptance  of  his  reasoning.  They  have 
been  led,  step  by  step,  to  follow  his  logic  until  his  judg- 
ment with  reference  to  the  object  to  be  sought  has 
become  their  judgment,  and  the  fires  that  burn  in  his 
heart  have  been  likewise  kindled  in  their  hearts.  They 
have  the  momentum  of  all  that  has  gone  before  to  carry 
them  triumphantly  through. 

Naturally,  also,  this  part  of  the  discourse  will  be  more 
full  of  force  and  fire  than  would  be  pleasing  in  the  intro- 
duction. When  he  reaches  the  conclusion,  the  speaker's 
aim  is  to  drive  home  the  truth  he  has  been  presenting 
in  such  a  way  that  his  hearers  will  be  moved  to  adopt 
that  truth  as  a  motive  to  action.  It  is  the  place  for  what 


90  The  Making  of  an  Oration 

the  older  preachers  termed  "  the  rousements."  Conse- 
quently there  is  room  for  the  loftiest  flights  of  the 
imagination,  for  the  boldest  figures  of  speech,  for  the 
most  brilliant  illustrations,  for  the  expression  of  the 
noblest  aspirations,  for  the  most  impassioned  appeals. 
Here,  if  ever,  the  orator  may  pull  out  every  stop  and 
pour  forth,  without  restraint,  the  music  of  his  soul. 

Examples. — (i)  One  of  the  best  illustrations,  known 
to  every  American  schoolboy,  of  the  impassioned  con- 
clusion, in  the  form  of  aspiration  or  the  expression  of  a 
wish,  is  the  magnificent  peroration  of  Webster's  justly 
famous  "  Reply  to  Hayne."  It  would  be  hard  to  find, 
at  least  outside  of  pulpit  oratory,  a  more  splendid  burst 
of  eloquence  in  any  language : 

I  have  not  allowed  myself,  sir,  to  look  beyond  the  Union, 
to  see  what  might  be  hidden  in  the  dark  recess  beyond. 
*  *  *  "While  the  Union  lasts,  we  have  high,  exciting, 
gratifying  prospects  spread  out  before  us,  for  us  and  our 
children.  Beyond  that  I  seek  not  to  penetrate  the  veil.  God 
grant  that,  in  my  day  at  least,  that  curtain  may  not  rise! 
God  grant  that  on  my  vision  never  may  be  opened  what  lies 
behind!  When  my  eyes  shall  be  turned  to  behold  for  the 
last  time  the  sun  in  heaven,  may  I  not  see  him  shining  on 
the  broken  and  dishonored  fragments  of  a  once  glorious 
Union;  on  states  dissevered,  discordant,  belligerent;  on  a 
land  rent  with  civil  feuds,  or  drenched,  it  may  be,  in  fra- 
ternal blood!  Let  their  last  feeble  and  lingering  glance 
rather  behold  the  gorgeous  ensign  of  the  Republic,  now 
known  and  honored  throughout  the  earth,  still  full  high  ad- 
vanced, its  arms  and  trophies  streaming  in  their  original 
luster,  not  a  stripe  erased  or  polluted,  nor  a  single  star 


Thought  and  Style  of  the  Conclusion  91 

obscured,  bearing  for  its  motto  no  such  miserable  interroga- 
tory as  "  What  is  all  this  worth  ?  "  nor  those  other  words  of 
delusion  and  folly,  "  Liberty  first  and  Union  afterwards  " ; 
but  everywhere,  spread  all  over  in  characters  of  living 
light,  blazing  on  all  its  ample  folds,  as  they  float  over  the 
sea  and  over  the  land,  and  in  every  wind  under  the  whole 
heaven,  that  other  sentiment,  dear  to  every  true  American 
heart,  "  Liberty  and  Union,  now  and  forever,  one  and 
inseparable !  " 

(2)  The  following,  from  Sumner's  speech  on  "  The 
Crime  Against  Kansas,"  is  well  worthy  of  study  as  an 
illustration  of  the  impassioned  conclusion  that  takes  the 
form  of  an  appeal: 

The  contest,  which,  beginning  in  Kansas,  has  reached  us, 
will  soon  be  transferred  from  congress  to  a  broader  stage, 
where  every  citizen  will  be  not  only  spectator,  but  actor; 
and  to  their  judgment  I  confidently  appeal.  To  the  People, 
now  on  the  eve  of  exercising  the  electoral  franchise,  in 
choosing  a  chief  magistrate  of  the  Republic,  I  appeal,  to 
vindicate  the  electoral  franchise  in  Kansas.  Let  the  ballot 
box  of  the  Union,  with  multitudinous  might,  protect  the 
ballot  box  in  that  territory.  Let  the  voters  everywhere, 
while  rejoicing  in  their  own  rights,  help  to  guard  the  equal 
rights  of  equal  fellow  citizens;  that  the  shrines  of  popular 
institutions,  now  desecrated,  may  be  sanctified  anew;  that 
the  ballot  box,  now  plundered,  may  be  restored ;  that  the  cry, 
"  I  am  an  American  citizen,"  may  not  be  sent  forth  in  vain 
against  outrage  of  every  kind.  In  just  regard  for  free  labor 
in  that  territory,  which  it  is  sought  to  blast  by  unwelcome 
association  with  slave  labor ;  in  Christian  sympathy  with  the 
slave,  whom  it  is  proposed  to  task  and  sell  there;  in  stern 
condemnation  of  the  crime  which  has  been  consummated  on 
that  beautiful  soil;  in  rescue  of  fellow-citizens  now  subjected 


92  The  Making  of  an  Oration 

to  a  tyrannical  usurpation;  in  dutiful  respect  to  the  early 
fathers  whose  aspirations  are  now  ignobly  thwarted;  in  the 
name  of  the  Constitution,  which  has  been  outraged,  of  the 
laws  trampled  down,  of  justice  banished,  of  humanity  de- 
graded, of  peace  destroyed,  of  freedom  crushed  to  earth; 
and  in  the  name  of  the  Heavenly  Father,  whose  service  is 
perfect  freedom,  I  make  this  last  appeal. 

(3)  A  famous  example  of  the  impassioned  conclusion 
is  found  in  Burke's  opening  speech  at  the  trial  of  Warren 
Hastings.      The    concluding    sentences    furnish    a    fine 
example  of  the  impassioned  climax: 

I  impeach  Warren  Hastings,  Esquire,  of  high  crimes  and 
misdemeanors.  I  impeach  him  in  the  name  of  the  Commons 
of  Great  Britain,  in  Parliament  assembled,  whose  parlia- 
mentary trust  he  has  betrayed.  I  impeach  him  in  the  name 
of  all  the  Commons  of  Great  Britain,  whose  national  char- 
acter he  has  dishonored.  I  impeach  him  in  the  name  of  the 
people  of  India,  whose  laws,  rights,  and  liberties  he  has  sub- 
verted, whose  property  he  has  destroyed,  whose  country  he 
has  laid  waste  and  desolate.  I  impeach  him  in  the  name  and 
by  virtue  of  those  eternal  laws  of  justice  which  he  has  vio- 
lated. I  impeach  him  in  the  name  of  human  nature  itself, 
which  he  has  cruelly  outraged,  injured,  and  oppressed,  in 
both  sexes,  in  every  age,  rank,  situation,  and  condition  of 
life. 

(4)  A  frequent  and  important  type  of  the  impassioned 
conclusion  takes  the  form  of   prophecy  or  vision.    A 
modern  illustration  of  this  type  is  chosen  from  a  speech 
delivered  in  the  national  house  of  representatives  by 
Hon.  Frank  H.  Hurd,  on  "  A  Tariff  for  Revenue  Only  "  : 


Thought  and  Style  of  the  Conclusion  93 

With  the  opportunity  of  unrestricted  exchange  of  these 
products,  how  limitless  the  horizon  of  our  possibilities !  Let 
American  adventurousness  and  genius  be  free,  upon  the  high 
seas,  to  go  wherever  they  please  and  bring  back  whatever 
they  please,  and  the  oceans  will  swarm  with  American  sails, 
and  the  land  will  laugh  with  the  plenty  within  its  borders. 
The  commerce  of  the  Venetian  Republic,  the  wealth-pro- 
ducing traffic  of  the  Netherlands,  will  be  as  dreams  in 
contrast  with  the  stupendous  reality  which  American  enter- 
prise will  develop  in  our  own  generation.  Through  the 
humanizing  influence  of  the  trade  thus  encouraged,  I  see 
nations  become  the  friends  of  nations,  and  the  causes  of  war 
disappear.  I  see  the  influence  of  the  great  republic  in  the 
amelioration  of  the  condition  of  the  poor  and  the  oppressed 
in  every  land,  and  in  the  moderation  of  the  arbitrariness  of 
power.  Upon  the  wings  of  free  trade  will  be  carried  the 
seeds  of  free  government,  to  be  scattered  everywhere  to 
grow  and  ripen  into  harvests  of  free  peoples  in  every  nation 
under  the  sun. 

The  conclusion  of  William  Jennings  Bryan's  famous 
"  Cross  of  Gold  "  speech  contains  at  once  the  qualities 
of  argument,  vision,  and  appeal,  presented  with  such 
impassioned  eloquence  as  to  arouse  in  the  convention  to 
which  it  was  spoken  a  frenzy  of  enthusiasm  and  at  the 
same  time  secure  for  the  political  "platform"  which  it 
advocated  the  support  of  that  convention  and  for  the 
speaker,  himself,  the  nomination  for  the  presidency: 

This  nation  is  able  to  legislate  for  its  own  people  on  every 
question,  without  waiting  for  the  aid  or  consent  of  any  other 
nation  on  earth ;  and  upon  that  issue  we  expect  to  carry  every 
State  in  the  Union.  I  shall  not  slander  the  fair  State  of 
Massachusetts  nor  the  inhabitants  of  the  State  of  New  York 


94  The  Making  of  an  Oration 

by  saying  that,  when  they  are  confronted  with  the  proposi- 
tion, they  will  declare  that  this  nation  is  not  able  to  attend 
to  its  own  business.  It  is  the  issue  of  1776  over  again.  Our 
ancestors,  when  but  three  millions  in  number,  had  the  cour- 
age to  declare  their  political  independence  of  every  other 
nation;  shall  we,  their  descendants,  when  we  have  grown  to 
seventy  millions,  declare  that  we  are  less  independent  than 
our  forefathers?  No,  my  friends,  that  will  never  be  the 
verdict  of  our  people.  Therefore,  we  care  not  upon  what 
lines  the  battle  is  fought.  If  they  say  bimetallism  is  good, 
but  that  we  cannot  have  it  until  other  nations  help  us,  we 
reply  that  instead  of  having  a  gold  standard  because  England 
has,  we  will  restore  bimetallism,  and  then  let  England  have 
bimetallism  because  the  United  States  has.  If  they  dare  to 
come  out  in  the  open  field  and  defend  the  gold  standard  as 
a  good  thing,  we  will  fight  them  to  the  uttermost.  Having 
behind  us  the  producing  masses  of  this  nation  and  the  world, 
supported  by  the  commercial  interests,  the  laboring  interests, 
and  the  toilers  everywhere,  we  will  answer  their  demand  for 
a  gold  standard  by  saying  to  them:  You  shall  not  press 
down  upon  the  brow  of  labor  this  crown  of  thorns,  you  shall 
not  crucify  mankind  upon  a  cross  of  gold. 

The  preceding  examples  will  serve  to  illustrate  some 
of  the  qualities  of  style  that  belong  to  oratory  of  the 
noblest  type. 


CHAPTER  XII 

GENERAL  QUALITIES  OF  ORATORICAL 
STYLE 

HAVING  thus  noted  some  of  the  qualities  of  style 
that  are  especially  appropriate  to  the  introduction 
and  the  conclusion,  it  now  remains  to  consider  some  of 
the  qualities  of  oratory  as  a  whole.  For,  while  there 
are  certain  characteristics  that  peculiarly  pertain  to  the 
opening  and  closing  portions,  there  are  likewise  qualities 
that  belong  to  this  type  of  discourse  in  all  its  parts. 
These  qualities  are  necessitated  by  the  nature  of  the  art 
itself. 

It  must  be  remembered  that  oratory  is  popular  dis- 
course. It  is  preeminently  to  and  for  the  people.  In  its 
highest  and  best  sense,  it  is  not  for  any  exclusive  grade  of 
culture  and  condition  in  life.  It  is,  rather,  adapted  to 
the  understanding,  tastes,  motives,  and  interests  of  the 
great  mass  of  men  who,  in  their  general  average  of 
intelligence,  training,  passions,  and  purposes  are  termed 
"  the  people."  It  is  to  such  an  audience,  made  up  of  men 
of  both  high  and  low  degree,  of  men  swayed  by  sudden 
impulses  or  long  cherished  prejudices,  by  likes  and  dis- 
likes, by  hopes  and  fears,  by  ambitions,  selfishness,  large- 

95 


96  The  Making  of  an  Oration 

heartedness,  and  meannesses,  and  all  the  mighty  and 
seemingly  self -contradictory  motives  that  make  up  what 
we  call  human  nature,  but  nevertheless  an  underlying 
basis  of  fairness  and  a  substructure  of  common  sense, — 
it  is  to  an  audience  made  up  of  such  men  that  the  orator 
must  address  himself  and  his  speech. 

Since  oratory  is  popular  discourse,  it  must  possess 
those  characteristics  that  fit  it  to  the  populace.  These 
characteristics  have  to  do  with  the  three  elements  of 
thought,  structure,  and  expression. 

I.  In  the  first  place,  then,  the  thought  and  the  expres- 
sion of  the  thought  must  be  adapted  to  the  popular  mind. 
This  does  not  mean  that  an  audience  must  agree  with 
the  speaker  at  the  outset.  Indeed,  the  presumption  is 
that  the  contrary  is  true.  If  there  were  such  agree- 
ment there  would  be  little  need  for  speaking.  Oratory 
is  persuasion,  and,  if  all  agree,  persuasion  is  not  always 
called  for  by  circumstances.  Some  of  the  greatest 
triumphs  of  oratory  have  been  won  over  hostile  audi- 
ences; as  witness  the  speeches  of  Henry  Ward  Beecher 
in  England  during  the  Civil  War  and  those  of  Alexander 
Hamilton  in  the  long  struggle  over  the  question  whether 
New  York  would  adopt  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States,  by  which  he  changed  a  very  large  majority  against 
adoption  to  a  majority  in  its  favor.  What  is  meant, 
rather,  is  that  the  thought  should  be  presented  in  so 
plain,  so  direct,  so  simple  a  manner,  and  must  show  that 
the  details  of  each  idea  have  such  an  obvious  bearing 
upon  the  main  question,  that  its  significance  and  appro- 


General  Qualities  of  Style  97 

priateness  will  be  grasped  at  once  by  the  average 
mind. 

This  demand  precludes  complex  lines  of  thought  and 
especially  long,  intricate,  and  involved  sentences,  that  can 
hardly  be  understood  when  they  are  examined  by  a 
reader  much  less  when  they  must  be  grasped  by  a  hearer 
who  must  be  carried  along  with  the  speaker,  if  carried 
at  all,  with  no  time  or  opportunity  to  examine  them  at 
leisure. 

The  best  arguments  for  the  orator,  then,  are  those  in 
which  the  conclusion  is  reached  from  the  premises 
directly  with  no  important  and  distracting  discussions 
between.  Arguments  from  example  and  analogy  are 
especially  valuable  for  the  uses  of  public  speech.  When 
the  speaker  can  point  to  one  situation  or  idea  or  truth 
that  may  be  new  or  not  easily  understood  as,  in  its  rela- 
tions, like  something  else  that  is  familiar,  he  goes  far 
toward  making  that  for  which  he  is  pleading  not  only 
clear  but  forcible.  He  must  be  careful  that  the  analogy 
be  a  true  one,  so  that  neither  he  nor  his  audience  be  mis- 
led by  an  apparently  similar  but  actually  unlike  relation. 

Since  the  oration  is  for  oral  delivery,  rather  than  for 
leisurely  reading,  and  must  produce  its  designed  effect 
by  a  single  utterance,  both  its  thought  and  language  must 
proceed  on  broad  and  general  lines.  The  style  and  the 
thought  are  one.  The  arguments  advanced  should  usually 
be  the  main  divisions  of  the  discussion,  explained,  ampli- 
fied, exemplified,  illustrated,  vivified,  and  enforced  with 
all  the  earnestness  and  eloquence  of  which  the  speaker 


98  The  Making  of  an  Oration 

is  possessed.  This  much  the  hearers  will  grasp,  and  it 
will,  likewise,  grasp  them.  More  than  this  is  vanity.  A 
multiplicity  of  detail  is  both  confusing  and  wearisome. 
The  only  way  in  which  a  speaker  who  indulges  in  great 
minutiae  of  thought  will  move  an  audience,  will  be  to 
move  it  toward  the  door.  Aristotle  (Rhet,  Book  I,  Ch. 
2)  says:  "Your  hearer  is  supposed  to  be  a  man  of 
merely  ordinary  understanding,"  and  for  that  reason 
will  not  be  won  by  intricate  reasonings.  Lord  Ches- 
terfield, somewhat  cynically,  expressed  the  same  reason 
for  the  principle.  "  The  receipt  to  make  a  speaker,"  he 
writes  in  one  of  his  letters,  "  and  an  applauded  one  too, 
is  short  and  easy.  Take  common  sense,  quantum  sufficet; 
add  a  little  application  to  the  rules  and  orders  of  the 
House ;  throw  obvious  thoughts  in  a  new  light,  and  make 
up  the  whole  with  a  large  quantity  of  purity,  correctness, 
and  elegance  of  style.  Take  it  for  granted  that  by  far 
the  greatest  part  of  mankind  neither  analyze  nor  search 
to  the  bottom;  they  are  incapable  of  penetrating  deeper 
than  the  surface"  As  the  speech  is  made  not  for  excep- 
tional, but  for  average  hearers,  the  speaker  will  be  wise, 
therefore,  who  proceeds  on  broad  and  general  lines,  so 
as  not  to  lay  upon  those  hearers  the  burden  of  "  pene- 
trating deeper  than  the  surface." 

An  oration  is  a  picture.  It  is  an  oral  reproduction 
and  representation  of  the  visions  that  stir  the  speaker's 
own  soul.  The  artist,  when  he  paints  a  landscape,  does 
not  try  to  portray  upon  the  canvas  every  blade  of  grass 
and  every  leaf  of  the  tree.  Are  we,  therefore,  to  assume 


General  Qualities  of  Style  99 

that  the  artist  does  not  faithfully  depict  the  grass  and 
the  trees?  Does  he  not,  indeed,  more  truly  represent 
the  landscape  by  omitting  confusing  details  and  painting 
those  large  and  general  objects  to  which  he  desires  to 
call  especial  attention,  while  all  the  rest  are  made  sub- 
ordinate to  serve  as  background?  In  other  words,  does 
the  observer  see  the  individual  leaves,  when  he  looks  at 
the  tree  ?  It  is  not  art  to  paint  a  forest  so  that  one  "  can- 
not see  the  woods  because  of  the  trees."  The  same 
principle  that  controls  the  painter  governs  the  orator  — 
governs  him,  too,  in  the  choice  of  the  thoughts  he  shall 
advance  as  well  as  in  the  language  with  which  he 
shall  clothe  those  thoughts.  He  chooses  some  great, 
ruling  idea,  as  his  theme,  and  then  sets  forth  some  impor- 
tant truths,  pulsing  with  the  crimson  blood  of  that  theme 
—  which  truths,  taken  together,  serve  to  center  the  atten- 
tion upon  that  ruling  idea,  establish  its  truth,  and  give 
it  power. 

2.  From  the  nature  of  its  thought  and  its  underlying 
purpose,  it  follows  that  the  oration  should  be  simple  in 
structure.  The  orator  aims  to  accomplish  one  thing  and 
one  thing  only:  to  gain  the  assent  and  cooperation  of 
his  hearers  with  regard  to  his  "  object."  That  "  object  " 
is  the  focus  to  which  everything  centers  and  from  which 
everything  radiates.  Whatever  does  not  conduce  to  that 
one  end  is,  for  him,  irrelevant.  Every  division  of  the 
discourse,  therefore,  must  have  a  direct,  unmistakable, 
intimate  bearing  upon  the  main  question.  A  single  prin- 
ciple runs  through  them  all  and  tests  their  oratorical 


100  The  Making  of  an  Oration 

value;   consequently,   in   structure   as   in   language   and 
thought,  everything  makes  for  simplicity  and  unity. 

3.  In  expression,  oratory,  in  common  with  other  forms 
of  discourse,  must  exemplify  the  three  great  qualities  of 
style  —  clearness,  energy,  and  beauty.  If  any  difference 
is  to  be  recognized,  it  is  that  oratory,  more  than  any 
other  form  of  literature,  is  dependent  upon  the  first  two 
of  these  qualities.  As  oratory  is  popular  in  its  aims  and 
consequently  in  its  processes,  it  must  be  understood  by 
the  average  audience  in  a  single  utterance.  It  is  not 
for  dreaming  metaphysicians,  speculating  on  the  ques- 
tion, "  whether  a  chimera  ruminating  in  a  vacuum 
devoureth  second  intention,"  and  other  equally  etherial 
abstractions;  it  is  for  plain,  every-day  men  of  average 
intelligence  and  culture.  Neither  is  it  for  the  leisurely 
study  and  meditation  of  those  \vho  read  the  printed 
page ;  it  is  rather  for  the  understanding  and  appreciation 
of  those  that  must  receive  their  full  impression  at  a 
momentary  glance  as  the  orator  marches  by  to  his  goal. 
The  public  speaker  must,  therefore,  be  on  his  guard, 
lest  while  laboring  to  be  profound  he  become  turbid 
and  find  himself  floundering  in  the  muddy  waters  of 
scholastic  language,  the  meaning  of  whose  sesquipe- 
dalian words  and  centipedal  sentences  no  man  can 
fathom.  Dr.  Austin  Phelps,  in  his  book  on  "  English 
Style  in  Public  Discourse,"  quotes  a  sentence  from  an 
essay  of  George  Brimley,  formerly  librarian  of  Trinity 
College,  Cambridge,  which  will  illustrate  this  fault. 
"  Brimley  is  discoursing,"  says  Dr.  Phelps,  "  upon  the 


General  Qualities  of -Style  101 

nature  of  poetry,  and  he  soliloquizes  thus :  '  A  poetical 
view  of  the  universe  is  an  exhaustive  view  of  all 
phenomena,  as  individual  phenomenal  wholes,  of  ascend- 
ing orders  of  complexity,  whose  earliest  stage  is  the 
organization  of  single  coexisting  phenomena  into  con- 
crete individuals,  and  its  apotheosis  the  marvelous  picture 
of  the  infinite  life,  no  longer  conceived  as  the  oceanic 
pulsation  which  the  understanding  called  cause  and 
effect/  "  Clear  as  mud !  Surely  this  tangled  jargon  illus- 
trates in  an  "  ascending  order  of  complexity  "  one  of  the 
phenomena  of  expression  which  a  presumably  rational 
mind  will  sometimes  display,  when  it  allows  itself  to  con- 
found incomprehensibleness  with  profundity.  If  this 
sentence  mean  anything  in  particular,  it  is  safe  to  say 
that  its  meaning  is  safely  concealed  from  everyone  but 
its  author  by  the  jungle  of  words  in  which  he  has  so 
adroitly  hidden  it.  Now  if  such  learned  obscurity  is 
inexcusable  in  the  essay,  how  much  more  is  it  inexcusable 
in  the  speech !  The  orator  may  be  ever  so  scholarly,  but 
let  him  never  be  scholastic.  True  learning  and  exhaustive 
thought  on  his  part  are  desirable;  pedantic  affectation 
of  learning  and  of  thought  strutting  under  the  mask  of 
big  words  and  turgid  phrases  is  execrable.  The  orator 
must  deliver  his  soul  in  one  utterance.  Therefore,  let 
him  speak  so  clearly,  so  directly,  so  unequivocally  that 
his  hearers  cannot  mistake  his  meaning  if  they  would. 
How  else  can  he  accomplish  his  purpose?  How  else  can 
he  arouse  their  attention,  quicken  their  interest,  convince 
their  intellects,  stir  their  sensibilities,  gain  their  adher- 


102  The  Making  of  an  Oration 

ence?     In  a  word,  how  else  shall  he  make  his  speech 
successful  ? 

(A)       MEANING   AND    METHODS   OF   CLEARNESS 

If  we  were  called  upon  to  state  one  maxim  that  more, 
perhaps,  than  any  other  expresses  the  secret  of  success 
in  oratorical  composition,  we  could  hardly  do  better  than 
say,  "  Make  yourself  understood." 

In  oratory,  preeminently,  must  be  exemplified  the  pre- 
cept of  the  Latin  rhetorician,  Quintilian :  "  Non  ut  intel- 
legere  possit,  sed  ne  omnino  possit  non  intellegere,  curan- 
dum" ;  that  is,  the  speaker  must  take  care  not  simply 
that  it  may  be  possible  to  understand  him,  but  that  it 
be  absolutely  impossible  to  misunderstand  him.  We  are 
not  speaking  now,  of  course,  from  the  pessimistic  stand- 
point of  those  who  agree  with  Talleyrand,  that  language 
is  a  device  for  concealing  thought.  It  may  be  conceded 
that  the  politician  may  have  occasion,  now  and  then,  to 
speak  in  "glittering  generalities,"  which  seem  to  be  the 
last  utterance  of  concentrated  wisdom,  but  which  in 
reality  may  mean  anything  in  general  or  nothing  in  par- 
ticular; or  to  utter  high-sounding  phrases,  that  appear 
to  express  very  definite  ideas,  but  that,  on  analysis,  are 
found  to  apply  equally  well  to  notions  wholly  antago- 
nistic in  meaning.  We  are  speaking,  rather,  from  the 
standpoint  of  those  who  have  positive  opinions  and  are 
sincerely  desirous  of  expressing  those  opinions.  Such 
men  would  speak  without  prevarication  or  intentional 


General  Qualities  of  Style  103 

ambiguity.  Consequently  they  must  seek,  first  of  all,  the 
great  quality  of  clearness. 

(i)  Clearness  of  style  manifests  itself  in  two  direc- 
tions: In  the  first  place,  the  speaker,  to  be  effective, 
must  fit  his  expression  to  his  thought.  This  element  of 
clearness  is  called  precision.  The  speech  should  be  a 
perfect  mirror  of  the  orator's  ideas,  reflecting  precisely 
what  he  means  —  no  more,  no  less,  no  other.  So  should 
he  brood  over  his  choice  of  words;  so  should  he  shape 
and  mold  his  sentences,  until  both  words  and  sentence 
structure  bend  so  to  his  thought  that  they  cannot  fairly 
be  interpreted  in  any  way  different  from  that  intended. 

In  the  second  place,  the  speaker,  to  be  effective,  must 
fit  the  expression  of  his  thought  to  his  audience.  That 
is,  he  must  not  only  say  what  he  means,  but  he  must 
make  his  hearers  know  what  he  means.  This  element  of 
clearness  is  called  perspicuity.  It  is  possible  to  be  faith- 
ful to  the  thought  and  still  not  be  understood.  The 
speaker  has,  therefore,  a  twofold  problem  to  solve.  He 
must  say  what  he  means,  and  he  must  make  his  hearers 
know  what  he  means.  To  accomplish  both  purposes  is 
not  always  so  easy.  He  should  make  his  style  so  simple 
and  transparent  that  his  language  may  be  a  perfect 
vehicle  for  his  sentiment,  to  convey  that  sentiment  to  the 
minds  and  hearts  of  others.  There  is  a  lake  in  Michigan 
whose  waters  are  so  clear  that  a  boat  resting  on  its  sur- 
face seems  to  be  poised  like  a  bird  in  the  air,  while 
fishes  and  pebbles  can  be  plainly  seen  upon  the  bottom 
fifty  feet  below.  Like  that  lake,  glowing  like  a  jewel  on 


104  The  Making  of  an  Oration 

the  bosom  of  earth,  should  be  the  language  of  the  orator, 
so  limpid  as  to  attract  no  attention  to  itself,  but  serving 
simply  as  a  medium  in  which  his  thought  floats,  without 
obstruction,  before  the  mental  vision  of  the  hearer. 

"  But,"  someone  may  argue,  "  it  is  well  enough  to 
say  to  the  orator,  *  Be  precise/  and  '  Be  perspicuous/ 
but  how  shall  he  fulfill  the  demand?  What  are  the 
conditions  ?  " 

In  response  to  this  challenge,  it  may  be  said  in  general, 
that  clear  speaking  necessitates  clear  thinking.  It  is  a 
fundamental  truth  that  "  No  man  can  say  plainly  what 
he  has  not  first  thought  plainly."  If  his  language  is  hazy, 
probably  his  thought  is  foggy.  On  the  other  hand,  he 
who  has  thought  through  his  subject  from  beginning  to 
end  will  be  pretty  likely  to  speak  of  that  subject,  when 
the  time  comes,  with  accuracy  and  in  such  a  way  as 
to  make  himself  understood.  He  will  march  confidently 
and  directly  through  the  mazes  of  utterance  because  his 
mind  has  first  explored  the  course  and  blazed  the  way. 

The  first  question,  then,  that  the  speaker  should  ask 
himself,  in  aiming  for  clearness  in  this  twofold  aspect, 
is  this:  "  What  is  my  thought?  "  not,  "  What  is  nearly 
my  thought  ?  "  not,  "  What  is  approximately  my  idea  ?  " 
not,  "What  will  do?"  but,  "Precisely  what  is  my 
thought?"  Anything  short  of  this  is  inadequate.  Not 
until  this  question  is  answered  is  the  speaker  pre- 
pared to  discuss  his  subject  luminously  and,  therefore, 
effectively. 

After   he  has   settled  this   matter   satisfactorily,   the 


General  Qualities  of  Style  105 

speaker  is  ready  to  put  to  himself  the  second  question  of 
his  oratorical  catechism;  namely,  "Does  this  precisely 
express  my  thought?  "  In  finding  an  affirmative  answer 
to  this  question  he  will  illustrate  a  twofold  process  — 
the  process  of  choosing  words  that  shall  exactly  fit  his 
idea,  and  the  process  of  constructing  sentences  that  shall 
exactly  express  that  idea. 

The  former  of  these  processes  may  necessitate  a  long 
and  perhaps  painful  search  —  a  browsing,  it  may  be, 
through  the  dry  pastures  of  lists  of  synonyms,  or  a 
dragging  of  the  net  through  the  deep  sea  of  ponderous 
dictionaries.  But  let  not  the  explorer  give  over  his  search 
or  withhold  his  hand  till  he  has  exhausted  the  resources 
of  the  language  to  find  the  one  word  that  alone  will  fit 
his  thought.  The  word  is  there;  let  him  fish  till  he 
catch  it. 

The  latter  process,  that  of  clear  sentence  structure, 
may  necessitate  a  casting  and  recasting,  a  modeling  and 
remodeling,  a  turning  upside  down  and  inside  out,  of  his 
sentences,  before  they  are  so  shaped  as  most  lucidly  to 
express  his  thought.  This  may  seem  a  slow  process,  but 
the  end  in  this  case  justifies  the  means  —  indeed  demands 
the  means  —  the  means  themselves  as  well  as  the  end 
are  of  value.  Such  painful  toil  is  the  price  of  excellence. 
Edmund  Burke,  it  is  said,  rewrote  some  of  his  speeches 
no  less  than  fifty  times  before  they  took  the  form  in 
which  he  was  willing  that  they  should  finally  rest  as  the 
perfect  expression  of  his  thought.  Thus  through  the 
long  agony  of  persistent  toil  he  endured  the  penalty  that 


106  The  Making  of  an  Oration 

must  be  paid  if  he  would  make  of  his  works  the  noblest 
body  of  political  philosophy  in  all  the  world,  and  at  the 
same  time  carve  his  own  name  high  in  the  temple  of 
fame.  The  importance  of  care  in  the  construction  of 
sentences  on  the  part  of  the  speaker  will  be  discussed 
more  in  detail  in  another  place;  just  now  the  problem 
has  to  do  with  the  choice  of  words,  as  an  element  of 
clearness,  rather  than  specifically  with  the  structure  of 
sentences. 

The  importance  of  care  in  the  choice  of  words  can- 
not be  too  strongly  insisted  upon.  Without  such  care 
precision  is  out  of  the  question.  Ours  is  a  composite 
vocabulary.  It  would  seem  as  if  the  sons  of  men,  that 
were  scattered  abroad  "  upon  the  face  of  all  the  earth  " 
by  the  confusion  at  Babel,  must  have  met  in  convention 
on  the  shores  of  Britain  and,  each  contributing  his  own 
speech,  had  formed  the  English  language.  And  when, 
on  the  Day  of  Pentecost,  "  Parthians,  and  Medes,  and 
Elamites,  and  the  dwellers  in  Mesopotamia,  and  in  Judea, 
and  Cappadocia,  in  Pontus  and  Asia,  Phrygia,  and 
Pamphylia,  in  Egypt,  and  in  the  parts  of  Lybia  about 
Cyrene,  and  strangers  of  Rome,  Jews  and  proselytes, 
Cretes  and  Arabians  "  heard  "  every  man  in  his  own 
tongue,  wherein  he  was  born,"  one  can  almost  believe 
that  the  apostles  secured  that  marvelous  result  simply 
by  speaking  English.  Our  language  derives  its  wealth 
and  power  from  a  multiplicity  of  sources.  In  addition 
to  its  deep  soil  of  Saxon  words,  its  vocabulary  is  enriched 
by  multitudes  of  derivations  from  the  Latin  and  Greek, 


General  Qualities  of  Style  107 

from  Arabic,  Hebrew,  Persian,  Ethiopian,  Russian, 
North  American  Indian,  French,  Italian,  Spanish,  Ger- 
man, Danish,  Scandinavian,  Chinese,  Japanese,  and 
many  other  tongues.  Consequently  our  language  is  ex- 
ceedingly rich  in  synonyms.  We  have  many  terms  nearly 
alike  in  sense,  yet  with  slightly  different  shades  of  mean- 
ing. Accurate  command  of  the  language  requires  careful 
study  of  such  words  in  their  derivation,  history,  and 
their  use  by  standard  authors.  Precision  in  the  use  of 
language  demands  that  there  be  no  confusion  of  synonyms. 

To  illustrate :  suppose  we  wish  to  express  some  quality 
of  soundness.  Shall  we  say  that  the  thing  is  "  sound/' 
"perfect,"  "firm,"  "strong,"  "safe,"  "healthy,"  "se- 
cure," "trustworthy,"  "dependable,"  "reliable,"  "hon- 
orable," "  honest,"  "  orthodox,"  "  legal,"  "  valid," 
"  thorough,"  or  "  complete  "  ?  There  is  one  word  and 
only  one  that  precisely  fits  the  case.  Until  that  one 
word  is  found  the  task  is  not  ended. 

Want  of  precision  is  not  infrequently  due  to  the  inac- 
curate choice  of  words  that  indicate  a  condition  for  those 
that  tend  to  produce  that  condition.  For  instance,  when 
the  reformer  proclaims  very  loudly  and  very  persistently 
that  cigarettes  are  "  unhealthy,"  he  probably  means  that 
smoking  them  is  unhealthful.  The  cigarettes  themselves 
may  be  in  perfect  health. 

Great  care  should,  also,  be  exercised  in  avoiding 
expressions  peculiar  to  one  district  but  not  recognized 
as  good  English  wherever  the  language  is  spoken.  We 
Americans  are  frequent  offenders  in  this  particular.  For 


108  The  Making  of  an  Oration 

example,  the  word  "  clever,"  as  used  by  the  best  writers, 
signifies  "  skillful,"  "  sagacious,"  "  adroit."  On  this  side 
of  the  Atlantic,  however,  it  is  frequently  used  as  syn- 
onymous with  "good-natured,"  "generous,"  "accom- 
modating." Thus,  one  may  speak  of  his  friend  as  an 
exceeding  "  clever  fellow,"  when  all  he  means  is  simply 
that  his  friend  is  liberal  with  his  possessions.  Another 
common  and  gross  illustration  of  provincialism  is  found 
in  the  expression,  "  Where  are  we  at? "  This  is  so 
atrocious,  that  it  would  hardly  seem  worth  mentioning 
here,  were  it  not  for  the  fact  that  a  presumably  expe- 
rienced speaker  in  the  national  house  of  representatives, 
a  few  years  ago,  attracted  much  attention  to  himself  by 
using  the  phrase.  A  somewhat  analogous  provincialism 
is  one  often  heard  in  a  large  section  of  the  United  States. 
This  is  the  misuse  of  certain  adverbs  of  place  after  the 
verb  "  want,"  without  the  corresponding  infinitive  be- 
tween. Thus  we  hear  "  Do  you  want  in  ?  "  "  Do  you 
want  out?"  ("on,"  "off,"  "up,"  "down"),  and  so  on 
to  the  end  of  the  list  —  for  "  Do  you  want  to  come  in  ?  " 
"  go  out?  "  "  get  on?  "  and  the  like.  Students  who  have 
always  lived  in  that  part  of  the  country  where  these 
expressions  are  common,  often  find  difficulty  in  realizing 
that  the  expressions  are  not  good  English.  How  the  pro- 
vincialism crept  into  the  speech  is  uncertain,  although  it 
may  have  come  from  the  German  with  whose  idiom  it 
precisely  harmonizes. 

It  is  not  necessary  here  to  discuss  at  length  the  value 
to  the  speaker  who  would  accurately  express  his  thought 


General  Qualities  of  Style  109 

of  a  critical  study  of  the  meaning  of  words.  The  few 
illustrations  above  given  sufficiently  show  that  such  study 
has  supreme  value.  Dr.  Austin  Phelps  thus  emphasizes 
the  importance  of  this  patient  groping  for  the  right  word. 
"  Do  we  not,"  he  asks,  "  often  fret  for  the  right  word, 
which  is  just  outside  the  closed  door  of  memory?  We 
know  that  there  is  such  a  word ;  we  know  that  it  is  pre- 
cisely the  word  we  want ;  no  other  can  fill  its  place ;  we 
saw  it  mentally  a  short  half  hour  ago;  but  we  beat  the 
air  for  it  now.  The  power  we  crave  is  the  power  to  store 
words  within  reach,  and  hold  them  in  mental  reserve 
till  they  are  wanted,  and  then  restore  them  by  the  mental 
vibration  of  a  thought.  Nothing  can  give  it  to  us  but 
study  and  use  of  the  language  in  long  continued  and 
critical  practice."  Again  he  says :  "  By  such  studies, 
when  combined  with  scholarly  use  of  language  of  a 
laborious  profession,  a  man  masters  words  singly,  words 
in  combinations,  words  in  varieties  of  sense,  words  in 
figurative  uses,  and  those  forms  of  expression  which 
always  lie  latent  in  original  uses  of  one's  mother  tongue." 
Precision  of  style  depends  in  no  small  measure  upon 
the  position  of  words  and  phrases.  In  an  uninflected 
language  like  ours,  the  form  of  words  is  nothing;  place 
is  everything.  This  is  peculiarly  true  of  modifying 
expressions.  Though  seemingly  not  very  important  in 
themselves,  a  wrong  position  of  one  of  these  modifiers 
may  render  the  meaning  doubtful  or  even  impart  an 
unintentional  meaning  to  an  entire  sentence.  This  law 
applies  both  to  words  and  to  collections  of  words. 


110  The  Making  of  an  Oration 

Especially  open  to  the  danger  of  ambiguity  are  the 
words  "  also "  and  "only."  In  the  line  from  Milton's 
sonnet  on  his  blindness,  "  They  also  serve  who  only  stand 
and  wait,"  there  is  not  precision,  although  one  clause 
helps  explain  the  other.  The  saying  is  so  familiar  that 
we  rarely  question  its  meaning,  and  of  course  some 
allowance  must  be  made  for  the  exigencies  of  poetry. 
Does  the  former  clause  mean,  "  They  as  well  as  others 
serve,"  or  "  They  serve  as  well  as  perform  some  other 
act "  ?  In  the  latter  clause,  is  the  meaning,  "  Who  are 
the  only  ones  that  stand  and  wait,"  or  "  Who  stand  and 
wait,  but  do  nothing  else  "  ? 

Equal  care  needs  to  be  exercised  in  the  use  of  phrases 
and  clauses.  When  the  young  lawyer  says,  "  I  hear  the 
assertion  that  my  client  should  be  fined  with  contempt," 
he  evidently  says  what  he  does  not  mean.  When  the 
political  orator  proclaims  that  "  the  state  should  build  a 
monument  to  every  one  of  its  dead  soldiers  made  of 
shining  brass  or  solid  granite,"  he  is  not  so  complimentary 
as  he  intends  to  be. 

Want  of  precision  is  due  more  frequently,  perhaps,  to 
the  ambiguous  employment  of  personal  pronouns  than 
to  any  other  single  cause.  A  distinguished  English 
lecturer  said :  "  He  was  careful  to  speak  of  everyone 
with  due  reverence  for  their  position."  Mrs.  Gaskill 
writes :  "  Each  of  the  girls  went  up  into  their  separate 
rooms  to  rest  and  calm  themselves";  and  even  Addison 
has  this  sentence :  "  Each  of  the  sexes  should  keep 
within  its  proper  bounds,  and  content  themselves  to  exult 


General  Qualities  of  Style  111 

within  their  respective  districts."  If  such  blunders  can 
be  made  by  the  writer,  how  much  more  liable  to  commit 
them  must  be  the  speaker,  and,  consequently,  how  much 
more  need  has  he  of  exercising  that  "  eternal  vigilance  " 
which  is  the  price  of  freedom  from  such  errors !  Certain 
hastily  edited  newspapers  are  peculiarly  susceptible  to 
such  faults.  Even  independent  sentences  may  some- 
times be  placed  in  such  close  relations  to  each  other  as 
to  convey  meanings  altogether  different  from  those 
intended  by  the  writers.  For  illustration,  a  rural  editor 
in  giving  an  account  of  a  religious  convention  got  his 
description  of  the  church  building  and  the  proceedings 
somewhat  mixed  when  he  wrote :  "  The  convention  was 
held  in  the  beautiful  audience  room  of  the  new  Baptist 
church;  and  the  opening  sermon  was  preached  by  the 
Rev.  Ebenezer  White.  It  was  eighty  feet  long  and  sixty- 
four  wide,  tinted  in  rich  shades  of  brown,  and  heated 
with  hot  air."  A  similarly  startling  statement  was  that 
made  by  a  good  clergyman  in  Iowa,  who  advertised  the 
Sunday  services  in  this  way:  *  *  *  "  The  subject  of 
the  morning  sermon  will  be  '  Hell.'  Miss  Jones  and 
Miss  Smith  will  sing  that  appropriate  duet, '  Tell  Mother, 
I  '11  Be  There.'  " 

To  meet  the  demands  of  clearness  as  related  to  his 
audience,  the  maker  of  a  speech  needs  to  ask  himself 
one  other  question :  "  Do  I  so  express  my  thought  that 
my  hearers  must  understand  it  as  I  wish  them  to  under- 
stand it  ? "  Until  he  can  answer  this  question  in  the 
affirmative,  his  work  is  not  done.  By  every  necessary 


112  The  Making  of  an  Oration 

device,  therefore,  let  him  set  forth  his  thought  until  he 
is  sure  that  it  is  laid  hold  of  by  those  that  hear.  So  let 
him  hold  it  up  as  a  jewel,  turning  its  various  facets 
toward  them  at  different  angles  of  vision,  that  they  may 
catch  its  full  significance  and  see  it  scintillate  and  glow 
in  all  its  splendor. 

(2)  Some  of  the  Means  of  Securing  Perspicuity. — 
Want  of  perspicuity  is  not  infrequently  due  to  an 
excessive  proportion  of  classical  derivations.  These  are 
valuable  for  purposes  of  precision,  and  for  those  fine 
distinctions  that  precision  demands.  But  we  need  to 
remind  ourselves  again  that  oratory  is  preeminently 
popular  discourse.  It  is  for  the  plain  people.  The  basis 
of  the  people's  language  is  the  homely,  straightforward, 
virile  Saxon.  Consequently  they  will  apprehend  and 
appreciate  more  readily  a  speech  whose  vocabulary  is 
largely  Saxon.  It  is  their  native  tongue. 

The  King  James  version  of  the  Bible  comes  as  near 
to  being  the  language  of  the  common  people,  so  far  as 
its  vocabulary  is  concerned,  as  any  book  which  is  the 
work  of  scholars  that  can  be  named.  It  is  doubtless 
this  reason,  partly,  that  makes  this  version  the  hand- 
book of  the  English-speaking  world.  Take  for  illus- 
tration its  rendition  of  the  Lord's  Prayer: 

Our  Father  which  art  in  Heaven,  hallowed  be  thy  name. 
Thy  kingdom  come.  Thy  will  be  done  in  earth  as  it  is  in 
Heaven.  Give  us  this  day  our  daily  bread.  And  forgive  us 
our  debts,  as  we  forgive  our  debtors.  And  lead  us  not  into 
temptation,  but  deliver  us  from  evil;  for  thine  is  the  king- 
dom, and  the  power,  and  the  glory  forever. 


General  Qualities  of  Style  113 

Of  the  different  words  that  make  up  this  most  beau- 
tiful of  prayers,  ten  out  of  eleven  are  of  Saxon  vocabu- 
lary. This  is  probably  about  a  fair  proportion  of  Saxon 
words  found  in  the  speech  of  the  average  English- 
speaking  people.  Let  anyone  attempt  to  put  the  same 
thoughts  and  impressions  into  equivalent  words  of  Latin 
or  Greek  origin,  and  note  how  much  the  passage  loses 
of  compactness,  force,  simplicity,  sincerity,  and  music. 
Try  the  same  experiment  with  the  Twenty-third  Psalm 
or  with  the  Thirteenth  Chapter  of  First  Corinthians,  and 
observe  how  the  lifeblood  has  been  drained  from  them 
so  that  these  sublime  passages  are  pale  and  flabby  in 
comparison. 

It  is  especially  desirable  that  the  emphatic  words  be 
of  Saxon  origin.  These  are  the  terms  to  which  atten- 
tion is  particularly  directed.  Consequently  they  should 
be  such  that  no  effort  will  be  needed  on  the  part  of  the 
hearers  to  grasp  their  meaning.  The  connecting  words 
and  the  modifying  terms  may  then  be  safely  left  to 
interpret  themselves  from  their  connection  in  the  sen- 
tences where  they  appear. 

Among  American  orators  of  the  first  rank,  no  one 
stands  higher  than  Webster  for  the  supreme  qualities  of 
transparency,  majesty,  and  force  of  style.  For  these 
qualities,  his  speeches  depend  in  no  small  measure  upon 
the  preponderance  of  Saxon  words  in  his  vocabulary. 
As  an  example  of  this  power-giving  quality  take  a  pas- 
sage from  his  most  famous  speech,  the  immortal  "  Reply 
to  Hayne  " : 


114  The  Making  of  an  Oration 

I  shall  not  acknowledge  that  the  honorable  member  goes 
before  me  in  regard  for  whatever  of  distinguished  talent, 
or  distinguished  character,  South  Carolina  has  produced.  I 
claim  part  of  the  honor,  I  partake  in  the  pride,  of  her  great 
names.  I  claim  them  for  countrymen,  one  and  all,  the 
Laurenses,  the  Rutledges,  the  Pinckneys,  the  Sumpters,  the 
Marions,  Americans  all,  whose  fame  is  no  more  to  be 
hemmed  in  by  state  lines,  than  their  talents  and  patriotism 
were  to  be  circumscribed  within  the  same  narrow  limits.  In 
their  day  and  generation,  they  served  and  honored  the  coun- 
try, and  the  whole  country.  Him  whose  honored  name  the 
gentleman  himself  bears  —  does  he  esteem  me  less  capable 
of  gratitude  for  his  patriotism,  or  sympathy  for  his  suffer- 
ings, than  if  his  eyes  had  first  opened  upon  the  light  of 
Massachusetts,  instead  of  South  Carolina?  Does  he  suppose 
it  in  his  power  to  exhibit  a  Carolina  name  so  bright  as  to 
produce  envy  in  my  bosom?  Increased  gratification  and 
delight,  rather.  I  thank  God,  that,  if  I  am  gifted  with  little 
of  the  spirit  which  is  able  to  raise  mortals  to  the  skies,  I 
have  yet  none,  as  I  trust,  of  that  other  spirit,  which  would 
drag  angels  down. 

Other  passages  might  easily  be  found  containing  a 
still  larger  percentage  of  Saxon  derivatives,  and  without 
exception  such  passages  will  be  effective  with  an  average 
hearer  largely  because  they  are  presented  in  the  every- 
day speech  of  the  average  hearer. 

Among  English  orators  John  Bright  has  no  superior 
for  the  homely  virility,  the  directness,  the  eloquent  sim- 
plicity, of  his  style.  These  qualities  are  mostly  due  to 
the  fact  that  he  was  one  of  the  common  people  and 
spoke  the  language  of  the  common  people  —  that  is  the 
plain  Saxon  of  the  great  middle  class  of  Englishmen.  A 


General  Qualities  of  Style  115 

brief  selection  from  one  of  his  speeches, —  a  speech 
delivered  in  Birmingham  on  the  "  Relation  of  Morality 
to  Military  Greatness,"  will  show  how  large  an  element 
of  his  vocabulary  was  of  Saxon  origin: 

May  I  ask  you,  then,  to  believe,  as  I  do  most  devoutly 
believe,  that  the  moral  law  was  not  written  for  men  alone 
in  their  individual  character,  but  that  it  was  written  as  well 
for  nations,  and  for  nations  great  as  this  of  which  we  are 
citizens.  If  nations  reject  and  deride  that  moral  law,  there 
is  a  penalty  which  will  inevitably  follow.  It  may  not  come 
at  once,  it  may  not  come  in  our  lifetime;  but  rely  upon  it, 
the  great  Italian  poet  is  not  a  poet  only,  but  a  prophet,  when 
he  says: 

"  The  sword  of  Heaven  is  not  in  haste  to  smite, 
Nor  yet  doth  linger." 

We  have  experience,  we  have  beacons,  we  have  landmarks 
enough.  We  know  what  the  past  has  cost  us,  we  know  how 
much  and  how  far  we  have  wandered,  but  we  are  not  left 
without  a  guide.  It  is  true  we  have  not,  as  an  ancient 
people,  had  Urim  and  Thummim  —  those  miraculous  gems 
on  Aaron's  breast  —  from  which  to  take  counsel,  but  we 
have  the  unchangeable  and  eternal  principles  of  the  moral 
law  to  guide  us,  and  only  so  far  as  we  walk  by  that  guidance 
can  we  be  permanently  a  great  nation,  or  our  people  a  happy 
people. 

Of  the  different  words  in  the  above  passage  only  about 
sixteen  per  cent  are  of  foreign  origin.  The  rest  are  of 
sturdy  Saxon  blood ;  and  to  this  fact  is  due  much  of  the 
lucidness  as  well  as  the  vigor  and  beauty  of  its  style. 

The  foregoing  remarks  by  no  means  imply  that  the 
Greek  and  Roman  derivations  are  to  be  banished  from 


116  The  Making  of  an  Oration 

oral  discourse.  Precision  can  sometimes  be  attained  by 
their  help  alone.  Yet  while  this  is  true,  it  must  likewise 
be  admitted,  even  insisted  upon,  that  faithfulness  to  the 
hearer  requires  a  preponderating  proportion  of  Saxon 
terms.  Such  words  must  form,  as  already  emphasized, 
the  groundwork  of  speech.  The  Saxon  element  of  our 
language  has  the  sturdy  and  virile  robustness  of  the 
northern  people  to  whose  lips  it  was  the  native  speech; 
the  Greek  and  Latin  elements  have  the  grace  and  sparkle 
of  the  southern  nations,  and  contribute  to  our  speech 
the  ease,  exactness,  and  brilliancy  that  were  needed  to 
supplement  the  stolidity  of  the  Teutonic  blood.  Both 
elements  are  essential  to  make  of  English  the  greatest 
language  for  all  purposes  spoken  by  civilized  nations 
today.  Neither  can  be  ignored  by  him  who  would  use 
articulate  speech  as  an  instrument  for  controlling  the 
wills  of  men. 

Daniel  Webster  has  been  mentioned  as  an  orator 
whose  speeches  contained  a  large  proportion  of  Saxon 
words.  In  striking  contrast  to  Webster  stands  that  other 
Massachusetts  statesman  and  orator,  Charles  Sumner. 
Sumner  was  an  excellent  classical  scholar,  and  not 
unnaturally  his  speeches  were  greatly  influenced  by  that 
fact.  Not  only  did  he  introduce  frequent  allusions  to 
classical  themes,  but  a  large  percentage  of  his  vocabulary 
was  of  Greek  and  Latin  origin.  As  a  result,  while  his 
style  is  polished  and  precise,  it  sometimes  lacks  in  ease  of 
interpretation  and  thus  violates  the  great  principle  of 
Herbert  Spencer  that  the  best  style  is  that  which  lays 


General  Qualities  of  Style  117 

the  least  burden  upon  the  hearers'  interpreting  power. 
The  following  extract  from  Sumner's  speech  on  the 
"  Repeal  of  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law  "  will  serve  to  show 
what  a  large  proportion  of  his  words  were  of  Greek  and 
Latin  origin: 

A  severe  law  giver  of  early  Greece  vainly  sought  to 
secure  permanence  for  his  imperfect  institutions  by  provid- 
ing that  the  citizen  who  at  any  time  attempted  their  repeal 
or  alteration  should  appear  in  the  public  assembly  with  a 
halter  about  his  neck,  ready  to  be  drawn,  if  his  proposition 
failed.  A  tyrannical  spirit  among  us,  in  unconscious  imita- 
tion of  this  antique  and  discarded  barbarism,  seeks  to  sur- 
round an  offensive  institution  with  similar  safeguard.  In 
the  existing  distemper  of  the  public  mind,  and  at  this  present 
juncture,  no  man  can  enter  upon  the  service  which  I  now 
undertake,  without  personal  responsibility,  such  as  can  be 
sustained  only  by  that  sense  of  duty  which,  under  God,  is 
always  our  best  support.  That  personal  responsibility  I 
accept.  Before  the  senate  and  the  country  let  me  be  held 
accountable  for  this  act  and  for  every  word  which  I  shall 
utter. 

Of  the  words  in  this  extract  at  least  one-third  are  of 
foreign  derivation.  While  they  are  not  technical  terms, 
they  are  from  the  vocabulary  of  the  scholar.  They  do 
not  constitute  the  plain,  simple  speech  of  the  man  of 
every-day  thought  and  association.  What  they  gain  in 
exactness,  they  fail  to  gain  in  robustness  and  ease  of 
understanding  on  the  part  of  the  unlearned. 

(3)  Relation  of  Clearness  to  the  Speaker.— In  addi- 
tion to  the  immediate  use  for  which  they  are  pursued, 
the  processes  involved  in  the  search  for  precision  and 


118  The  Making  of  an  Oration 

perspicuity  are  of  inestimable  value  to  the  speaker  him- 
self in  their  reactionary  effect  upon  all  his  intellectual 
and  literary  habits.  His  powers  grow  by  what  they 
feed  upon. 

(a)  For  one  thing,  such  habits  store  the  mind  with  a 
choice  and  copious  vocabulary.     Words  are  the  orator's 
weapons,  and  every  new  word  that  he  makes  his  own  is 
an  additional  shaft  in  his  quiver.    Every  search  he  makes 
in  the  dictionary  for  a  synonym;  every  effort  he  makes 
to  express  his  thought  lucidly  and  effectively,  adds  some- 
thing to  his  linguistic  possessions  and  to  the  readiness 
with  which  he  can  draw  on  his  resources. 

(b)  Another  result  of  such  methods  will  be  found 
in  the  orator's  command  of  a  flexible  style.    In  seeking 
expression  that  has  the  twofold  virtue  of  precisely  fitting 
the  thought  and  of  being  at  the  same  time  adapted  to  the 
hearer,  he  has  gained  a  familiarity  with  and  a  ready 
command  of  sentence  forms,  with  the  order  of  words 
and  phrases, —  and  with  the  figures  and  other  devices  by 
which  clearness  is  attained, —  a  familiarity  such  as  will 
be  of  increasing  service  to  him  with  every  speech  he 
makes.    Whatever  be  the  nature  of  the  thought  in  hand, 
he  knows  almost  instinctively,  as  a  result  of  long  and 
rigorous  practice,  what  form  of  expression  is  best  suited 
for  the  best  utterance  of  that  thought,  for  the  given 
audience  and  occasion. 

(c)  Perhaps  the  greatest  value  to  the  speaker  of  this 
dogged  mining  for  clearness  of  expression  is  found  in 
its  reactionary  effect  upon  his  own  mental  habits.    As 


General  Qualities  of  Style  119 

already  noticed,  clear  speech  necessitates  clear  thought. 
By  persistent  search  for  clear  speech,  therefore,  one  will 
of  necessity  acquire  the  habit  of  clear  thinking.  Speak- 
ing clearly  will  impel  —  even  compel  —  him  to  think 
clearly,  until,  in  time,  clearness  of  thinking  will  grow 
into  a  sort  of  second  nature  —  will  become  to  him  almost 
as  spontaneous  as  the  act  of  breathing. 

(4)  Some  Aids  to  Clearness. —  It  is  not  the  present 
purpose  to  expound  in  detail  all  the  devices  that  may 
be  used  for  securing  clearness.  There  are,  however, 
certain  forms,  figures,  and  processes  of  such  special 
advantage  in  this  particular,  and  so  peculiarly  helpful 
to  the  public  speaker,  that  attention  may  appropriately 
be  called  to  them. 

Sometimes  the  first  utterance  of  a  thought  may  not 
be  understood,  even  when  the  expression  perfectly  fits 
the  idea.  The  thought  itself  may  be  difficult  to  grasp, 
it  may  be  new  to  the  audience,  or  it  may  be  stated  in  so 
general  or  so  abstract  a  manner  that  its  meaning  may 
be  lost,  unless  that  meaning  be  reinforced  and  illuminated 
in  some  way.  In  such  cases  the  wise  speaker  will  seek  to 
make  his  ideas  plain  and  interesting  by  every  device  in 
his  power.  He  will  set  forth  the  meaning  of  his  general 
statements  by  particular  illustrations;  will  explain  his 
abstract  declarations  by  concrete  exemplifications;  will 
amplify  and  vivify  the  expression  of  his  thought  until  it 
is  so  tangible  and  luminous  that  it  cannot  fail  of  being 
understood  in  all  its  significance. 

Good  illustrations  of  the  foregoing  methods  of  securing 


120          The  Making  of  an  Oration 

clearness  may  be  found  in  the  works  of  any  of  the  great 
speech  makers  of  the  world.  The  more  impassioned  types, 
especially,  are  full  of  examples.  Almost  any  speech  of 
that  "  great  agitator,"  Wendell  Phillips,  will  furnish 
abundant  evidence.  It  was  a  common  practice  of  Mr. 
Phillips  to  proclaim  what  he  regarded  as  an  important 
thought  in  the  form  of  a  short,  perhaps  startling,  epigram- 
matic statement  of  a  general  truth,  and  then,  in  a  series  of 
brief,  striking  sentences,  give  concrete  applications  of  that 
truth,  mingled  with  simile  and  allusion,  and  impart  a 
definiteness  and  meaning  to  his  thought,  until  it  would 
glow  and  burn  before  the  minds  of  his  hearers  with  a 
brilliancy  and  significance  that  could  not  be  obscured. 

Example  I.  In  the  course  of  his  speech  in  Faneuil 
Hall,  on  the  eight-hour  movement,  in  1865,  he  said : 

We  are  ruled  by  brains.  You  might  as  well  try  to  roll  back 
Niagara,  as  to  try  to  rule  New  England  against  her  ideas. 

In  this  quotation,  if  the  speaker  had  stopped  with  the 
brief,  general  statement  of  the  truth  without  enlargement 
or  figure,  its  importance  would  have  passed  unnoticed; 
but  to  make  sure  that  its  significance  would  be  appre- 
hended he  gave  it  concreteness  and  force  by  the  striking 
analogy  of  Niagara. 

2.  In  another  place  he  says : 

You  need  not  despair  if  truth  is  on  your  side.  You  must 
have  the  truth,  and  must  work  for  it.  There  are  three  sorts 
of  men, —  those  who  have  the  truth,  but  lock  it  up ;  those  who 
have  it  not,  but  work  like  the  devil  against  it;  and  those 
who  have  it,  and  force  it  on  the  willing  conscience  of  the 
nation. 


General  Qualities  of  Style  121 

It  is  an  important  truth  that  the  speaker  affirms  in  this 
example,  but  if  he  were  to  stop  with  its  bare  assertion,  its 
full  importance  would  not  be  grasped  by  the  average 
hearer;  so  the  speaker  applies  the  truth  by  his  classifi- 
cation of  men  in  order  to  show  that  those  who  battle  for 
truth  will  win  a  way  for  it  in  spite  of  even  cowardly 
indifference  and  fiendish  opposition. 

3.  In  his  discourse  on  "  Christianity  a  Battle,  not  a 
Dream,"  the  same  speaker  declares: 

The  religion  today  has  too  many  pulpits.  Men  say  we 
have  not  churches  enough.  We  have  too  many.  Two  hun- 
dred thousand  men  in  New  York  never  enter  a  church. 
There  is  not  room.  Thank  God  for  that !  *  *  *  Of  these 
fifty  or  sixty  pulpits  in  this  city,  we  don't  need  more  than 
ten  or  twenty.  They  will  accommodate  all  who  should  hear 
preaching.  The  rest  should  be  in  the  state  prison  talking  to 
the  inmates;  they  should  be  in  North  Street,  laboring  there 
among  the  poor  and  depraved.  Their  worship  should  be  put- 
ting their  gifts  to  use,  not  sitting  down  and  hearing  for  the 
hundredth  time  a  repetition  of  arguments  against  theft. 
There  will  never  be  any  practical  Christianity  until  we  cease 
to  teach  it  and  let  men  learn  to  practice. 

It  is  not  the  present  purpose  to  discuss  the  truth  or 
falseness  of  Wendell  Phillips'  idea;  the  only  purpose  is 
to  show  how  he  made  the  utterance  of  that  idea  effective. 
Beginning  with  a  startling  and  apparently  heretical 
affirmation,  he  gains  at  once  the  attention  of  his  hearers. 
He  then  proceeds  to  explain  his  meaning  with  concrete 
illustrations  and  applications  of  his  thought,  and  closes 
with  an  aphorism  in  which  the  speaker's  whole  idea  is 


122          The  Making  of  an  Oration 

strikingly  set  forth  in  a  new  form.  Thus  did  one  of  the 
most  eloquent  orators  of  modern  times  exemplify  the 
maxim  of  South,  that  it  is  the  business  of  the  orator  to 
set  forth  his  thought  so  as  to  make  it  "  strike  and  stick." 
What  has  been  said  with  reference  to  concrete  expres- 
sion as  an  aid  to  clearness,  suggests  another  method  that 
is  perhaps  of  equal  value  in  promoting  the  same  end. 
This  is  the  quality  of  copiousness.  Terse,  condensed, 
epigrammatic  sentences  are  striking  and  sparkling,  but  a 
speech  made  up  of  such  sentences  would  not  be  a  good 
speech.  Its  effect  would  be  like  that  of  riding  over  a 
corduroy  road.  It  would  be  lacking  in  ease.  When 
there  is  a  jolt  in  every  sentence,  the  style  cannot  fail  to 
be  wearisome.  It  would  be  lacking  also  in  transparency, 
and  especially  in  impressiveness ;  and  would  thus  defeat 
its  own  purpose.  What  is  good,  used  in  moderation,  is 
destructive  when  employed  to  excess.  In  accordance 
with  this  principle,  an  epigram  may  be  useful  to  an  orator 
by  illuminating  his  thought  with  its  electric  gleam,  but  a 
speech  made  of  epigrams,  by  its  very  brilliancy,  would 
be  blinding  and  confusing.  The  meaning  in  its  fullness 
would  not  be  grasped  by  the  hearer,  and  if  the  speaker's 
whole  thought  and  feeling  be  not  sympathetically  realized, 
what  is  the  use  of  his  speaking  at  all?  Therefore,  it 
frequently  happens  that  the  orator  must  so  expand  and 
expound  his  thought,  so  amplify  and  enlarge  upon  every 
important  idea  that  it  cannot  fail  to  attract  the  notice  of 
the  hearer  and  fill  as  large  an  angle  of  his  vision  as  its 
relative  importance  demands.  The  speeches  and  other 


General  Qualities  of  Style  123 

writings  of  Edmund  Burke  abound  in  illustrations  of  this 
principle.  Not  infrequently  he  would  begin  a  passage 
with  a  brief,  sententious  statement  of  a  general  truth 
expressive  of  an  important  political  principle,  or  with  a 
far-reaching  maxim  of  practical  philosophy,  and  then 
would  proceed  to  amplify,  illustrate,  and  apply  the  prin- 
ciple until  its  meaning  and  importance  could  not  fail  to 
be  apprehended  and  felt  by  the  hearers.  Sometimes,  on 
the  other  hand,  he  would  pursue  the  inductive  method, 
and,  after  setting  forth  his  facts  and  ideas  in  detail, 
would  then  gather  up  the  whole  discussion  into  a  single 
brilliant  epigram,  through  whose  lightning  flash  flamed 
his  whole  thought,  burning  its  truth  upon  the  imagination 
and  memory,  or  hurtling  like  a  thunderbolt  over  the 
battlefield  of  debate  to  the  confusion  of  his  adversaries. 
But  whatever  order  was  observed,  the  process  illustrates 
the  value  of  copious  development. 

In  his  speech  before  the  electors  of  Bristol,  Burke 
begins  one  passage  of  his  justification  in  this  way: — 
"  Gentlemen,  the  condition  of  our  nature  is  such  that  we 
buy  our  blessings  at  a  price."  Had  he  stopped  with  this 
statement,  the  importance  of  the  truth  enunciated  or  its 
application  to  the  case  then  in  hand  would  not  have  been 
appreciated  by  his  auditors.  But  he  does  not  stop  there. 
He  goes  on: 

The  Reformation,  one  of  the  greatest  periods  of  human 
improvement,  was  a  time  of  trouble  and  confusion.  The 
vast  structure  of  superstition  and  tyranny  which  had  been 
for  ages  in  rearing,  and  which  was  combined  with  the  inter- 


124  The  Making  of  an  Oration 

est  of  the  great  and  of  the  many;  which  was  molded  into 
the  laws,  the  manners,  and  civil  institutions  of  nations,  and 
blended  with  the  frame  and  policy  of  states,  could  not  be 
brought  to  the  ground  without  a  fearful  struggle;  nor  could 
it  fall  without  a  violent  concussion  of  itself  and  all  about  it. 

So  he  proceeds  to  illustrate  and  apply  the  great  truth 
enunciated  in  the  first  sentence,  until  the  importance  of 
that  truth  occupies  its  full  place  in  the  hearers'  minds, 
looming  high  and  large  till  its  rugged  peaks  prick  their 
sky  and  fill  the  horizon  of  their  thought. 

Closely  akin  to  copiousness  of  expression  as  a  method 
of  securing  clearness  may  be  mentioned  the  device  of 
repetition.  By  repetition,  as  Professor  Genung  well 
says,  "  is  not  meant  mere  reiteration."  It  is  rather  the 
expansion  of  a  thought  by  expressing  its  different  phases 
and  shades  of  meaning  in  other  language  than  that  em- 
ployed in  its  first  utterance,  by  turning  it  this  way  and 
holding  it  that  way  so  as  to  let  the  hearers  view  it  in  its 
various  aspects.  Thus  each  repetition  not  only  repeats 
the  idea  but  adds  something  to  the  idea,  so  that  its  mean- 
ing and  significance,  with  every  step,  becomes  more 
definite  and  more  luminous.  This  device  serves  both  to 
impart  clearness  by  setting  forth  the  real  nature  of  the 
thought  and  to  add  force  by  giving  that  thought  weight 
and  concreteness.  Skillfully  managed,  this  is  one  of  the 
most  useful  implements  of  the  orator's  art. 

The  speeches  of  the  elder  Pitt  furnish  many  illustra- 
tions of  such  oratorical  repetition.  Thus,  in  his  speech 
"  On  Removing  Troops  From  Boston,"  the  "  Great  Com- 


General  Qualities    of  Style  125 

moner,"  as  Lord  Chatham  was  called  by  his  admirers, 
said: 

But  it  is  not  repealing  this  act  of  parliament,  it  is  not 

I  2 

repealing  a  piece  of  parchment,  that  can  restore  America 

i 
to  our  bosom.     You  must  repeal  her  fears  and  her  resent- 

2 
ments,  and  you  may  then  hope  for  her  love  and  gratitude. 

Further  along  in  the  same  speech  he  says : 

i  i 

We  shall  be  forced  ultimately  to  retract;  let  us  retract 

2 
while  we  can,  not  when  we  must.    I  say  we  must  necessarily 

i  i 

undo  these  violent,  oppressive  acts.    They  must  be  repealed. 

i  2 

You  will  repeal  them.     I  pledge  myself  for  it,  that  you  will 

I  2 

in  the  end  repeal  them.    I  stake  my  reputation  on  it.    I  will 

2 
consent  to   be   taken   for  an   idiot   if   they   are   not   finally 

i 
repealed. 

In  his  speech  "  On  an  Address  to  the  Throne,"  the 
same  orator  has  this  passage : 

Who  is  the  man,  that  in  addition  to  these  disgraces  and 
mischiefs  to  our  army,  has  dared  to  authorize  and  associate 

i 
to  our  arms  the  tomahawk  and  scalping  knife  of  the  savage? 

i 
to  call  into  civilized  alliance  the  wild  and  inhuman  savage 

of  the  woods  ?  to  delegate  to  the  merciless  Indian  the  defense 


126          The  Making  of  an  Oration 


of  disputed  rights  and  to  wage  the  horrors  of  barbarous  war 
against  our  brethren? 

Webster  frequently  made  use  of  repetition  as  a  means 
of  amplification  and  clearness.  In  a  great  speech  deliv- 
ered at  New  York,  where  he  was  the  guest  of  honor,  he 
used  this  language : 

i 
I  would  not  willingly  be  a  prophet  of  ill.    I  most  devoutly 

I  2 

wish  to  see  a  better  state  of  things;  and  I  believe  the  repeal 
of  the  treasury  order  would  tend  very  much  to  bring  about 

i 
that  better  state  of  things.    And  I  am  of  opinion,  gentlemen, 

2  2 

that  the  order  will  be  repealed.    I  think  it  must  be  repealed. 

2 
I  think  the  east,  west,  north,  and  south  will  demand  its  repeal. 

But,  gentlemen,  I  feel  it  my  duty  to  say,  that,  if  I  should  be 
disappointed  in  this  expectation,  I  see  no  immediate  relief 

i 
to  the  distresses  of  the  community.     I  greatly  fear,  even, 

i  i 

that  the  worst  is  not  yet.     I  look  for  severer  distresses;  for 

i  i  i 

extreme  difficulties  in  exchange;  for  far  greater  inconven- 

i 

iences  in  remittance,  and  for  a  sudden  fall  in  prices.     Our 
condition  is  one  which  is  not  to  be  tampered  with,  and  the 

2 

repeal  of  the  treasury  order,  being  something  which  govern- 
ment can  do,  and  which  will  do  good,  the  public  voice  is 

2  2 

right  in  demanding  that  repeal.     It  is  true  that,  if  repealed 

2  2 

now,  the  repeal  will  come  late.     Nevertheless  its  repeal  or 


General  Qualities  of  Style  127 

abrogation  is  a  thing  to  be  insisted  on,  and  pursued,  till  it 
shall  be  accomplished    *    *    *    It  should  be  the  constant 

2 

demand  of  all  true  Whigs  — "  Rescind  the  illegal  treasury 
order,  etc." 

In  all  the  immediately  preceding  illustrations,  the  repe- 
titions serve  not  only  to  make  evident  what  the  orator 
means,  but  to  give  that  meaning  added  effectiveness  and 
power. 

(B)    THE  USE  OF  FIGURES  AND  OTHER  ILLUSTRATIVE 
EXPRESSIONS 

In  those  indirect  forms  of  expression  called  tropes  or 
figures  of  speech  we  have  a  treasury  of  oratorical  riches, 
whose  value  can  hardly  be  overstated.  From  its  very 
nature  as  oral  discourse,  whose  purpose  is  to  move  the 
will  on  a  particular  occasion,  the  speech  must  be  grasped 
in  all  its  significance  at  a  single  hearing.  Much  of  its 
effectiveness  depends  upon  the  extent  and  direction  with 
which  it  kindles  and  guides  the  emotions  and  the  imagi- 
nation. In  no  less  degree  than  poetry,  therefore,  must  it 
be  luminous,  interesting,  and  picturesque.  Whatever 
other  qualities  it  possess,  it  must  be  vivid.  Consequently, 
perspicuity  may  justify  and  even  demand  a  freer  use  of 
those  figures  that  promote  such  qualities  than  the  strict 
needs  of  precision  alone  would  warrant. 

Although  the  nature  of  oratory  justifies  and  finds 
valuable  the  free  use  of  figures,  care  should  be  taken  to 
use  them  only  when  they  will  promote  some  legitimate 
purpose  for  which  the  speech  is  given.  They  should 


128  The  Making  of  an  Oration 

never  be  employed  for  their  own  sake.  The  mere  fact 
that  a  figure  is  good  and  attractive  in  itself  should  never 
lead  the  speaker  to  go  out  of  his  way  in  order  to  find  a 
chance  to  use  it.  Never  "  lug  in  "  a  figure.  Never  let  it 
obtrude  itself  upon  the  attention  and  by  so  doing  obscure 
the  real  thought  or  proper  feeling  with  reference  to  the 
"  object."  These  are  good  maxims  to  observe.  If  the 
figure  will  help  you  on  your  way,  make  use  of  it.  More 
than  this  is  vanity. 

The  underlying  principle  of  those  figures  that  promote 
clearness  is  found  in  the  quality  of  comparison.  By 
placing  a  relatively  unfamiliar  idea  alongside  one  that 
is  better  known,  or  by  measuring  an  abstract  or  general 
truth  with  a  concrete  or  particular  one,  the  speaker  im- 
parts a  definiteness  to  his  expression  that  otherwise  might 
be  impossible.  He  thus  throws  a  searchlight  upon  his 
thought  in  whose  splendor  that  thought  stands  out  sharp 
and  luminous  before  the  hearers'  mental  vision.  It  was 
a  recognition  of  this  principle,  whether  she  knew  it  or 
not,  that  led  a  devout  old  Scotch  woman  to  say  to  the 
eloquent  Dr.  Guthrie :  "  Pastor,  I  like  the  likes  o'  your 
sermons  best,  for  I  can  understan*  them  a'." 

It  goes  almost  without  saying  that  the  figures  which 
promote  clearness,  at  the  same  time  add  force  and  beauty, 
while  the  figures  peculiarly  adapted  to  secure  these  latter 
qualities  are  likewise  promotive  of  clearness. 

Of  all  the  figures  that  help  the  acquisition  of  clearness 
it  is  not  necessary  now  to  speak.  It  will  be  important 


General  Qualities  of  Style  129 

to  refer  to  a  few  only  which  are  peculiarly  useful  to  the 
public  speaker. 

Among  these  the  first  that  merits  attention  is  the 
simile.  If  the  orator  is  not  sure  that  he  is  understood,  he 
may  liken  his  thought  to  a  more  familiar  idea  belonging 
to  a  different  category.  Granting  that  the  comparison  is 
truly  and  skillfully  drawn,  the  hearer  at  once  says  to  him- 
self :  "  If  that  is  what  he  means,  I  now  understand  him," 
and  not  improbably  there  will  also  come  into  his  con- 
sciousness the  admission :  "  The  speaker  is  right ;  I 
agree  with  him."  For  conviction  not  infrequently  has 
enlightenment  for  its  chief  cornerstone. 

Daniel  Webster  was  very  skillful  in  his  use  of  this 
figure.  By  it  he  would  sometimes  draw  a  picture  glowing 
with  all  the  radiance  of  a  painter's  imagination.  So  he 
not  only  gave  to  his  expression  increased  beauty,  but  he 
imparted  to  his  thought  a  new  significance. 

In  his  eulogy  on  Adams  and  Jefferson,  he  says : 

Like  the  mildness,  the  serenity,  the  continuing  benignity 
of  a  summer's  day,  they  have  gone  down  with  slow-descend- 
ing, grateful,  long-lingering  light;  and  now  that  they  are 
beyond  the  visible  margin  of  the  world,  good  omens  cheer  us 
from  the  bright  track  of  their  fiery  car. 

Sometimes,  on  the  other  hand,  he  makes  this  figure 
serve  not  only  to  illumine  his  thought  but  to  have  all  the 
effectiveness  of  an  argument.  Thus  in  his  "  Reply  to 
Hayne,"  by  the  use  of  a  comparison  of  a  lower  order 
than  that  to  which  the  object  itself  belongs,  he  made 
clear  his  own  thought  and  in  doing  so  he  at  the  same  time 


130          The  Making  of  an  Oration 

utterly  demolished  and  made  contemptible  the  argument 
of  his  antagonist.  He  is  referring  to  Colonel  Haynes' 
genealogy  of  the  Federal  party.  He  says : 

He  traced  the  flow  of  federal  blood  down  through  suc- 
cessive ages  and  centuries  till  he  brought  it  into  the  veins  of 
the  American  tories  *  *  *  From  the  tories  he  fol- 
lowed it  to  the  federalists;  and  as  the  federal  party  was 
broken  up,  and  there  was  no  possibility  of  transmitting  it 
farther  on  this  side  of  the  Atlantic,  he  seems  to  have  discov- 
ered that  it  has  gone  off  collaterally,  though  against  all  the 
canons  of  descent,  into  the  ultras  of  France,  and  finally 
become  extinguished,  like  exploded  gas,  among  the  adhe- 
rents of  Dom  Miguel. 

The  great  pulpit  orator,  Henry  Ward  Beecher,  was 
also  very  skillful  in  the  use  of  the  simile.  In  his  famous 
speech  at  Manchester,  England,  during  the  Civil  War, 
when  speaking  of  the  abolition  of  slavery  in  the  state  of 
New  York,  he  said : 

The  slaves  were  emancipated  without  compensation,  on 
the  spot,  to  take  effect  gradually,  class  by  class.  But  after  a 
trial  of  half  a  score  of  years  the  people  found  this  gradual 
emancipation  was  intolerable.  It  was  like  gradual  amputa- 
tion. 

Later  in  the  same  speech  he  said : 

It  (the  constitution)  does  not  recognize  the  doctrine  of 
slavery  in  any  way  whatever.  It  was  a  fact ;  it  lay  before  the 
ship  of  state,  as  a  rock  lies  in  the  channel  of  the  ship  when 
she  goes  into  harbor;  and  because  a  ship  steers  round  a  rock, 
does  it  follow  that  the  rock  is  in  the  ship? 

Thus  he  gave  to  his  thought  a  luminous  significance 


General  Qualities  of  Style  131 

and  concreteness  that  could,  perhaps,  have  been  so  well 
attained  in  no  other  way. 

Even  more  than  simile  is  the  metaphor  an  aid  to  clear- 
ness and  concreteness.  This  is,  perhaps,  the  most  com- 
mon figure  in  the  language.  Our  speech  is  full  of  it; 
indeed  so  common  and  spontaneous  is  it  that  someone 
has  said  that  language  itself  is  but  a  collection  of  faded 
metaphors.  It  is  a  figure  common  to  all  grades  of  cul- 
ture, all  classes  of  people,  all  walks  of  life.  It  is  used 
and  appreciated  by  the  scholar  in  the  closet  and  the 
hoodlum  in  the  street;  by  the  preacher  in  the  pulpit  and 
the  criminal  in  the  prison ;  by  the  patriarch  full  of  years 
and  of  wisdom  and  the  child  prattling  to  his  mother  or 
screaming  to  the  heedless  ears  of  his  playmates  at  their 
games. 

Like  the  simile,  the  metaphor  is  based  on  the  principle 
of  comparison;  but,  unlike  the  simile,  this  figure  implies 
the  comparison  rather  than  expresses  it.  It  is  not  only 
equally  promotive  of  clearness,  but  it  has  the  added  virtue 
of  greater  strength  and  attractiveness.  Various  reasons 
for  this  have  been  suggested.  For  one  thing,  of  course, 
it  is  briefer  than  the  related  figure,  and  brevity  always 
tends  to  strength.  But  still  more  is  the  figure  forcible 
and  suggestive  because  it  lifts  the  material  into  the  region 
of  the  spiritual,  or  gives  to  the  spiritual  the  definiteness 
and  concreteness  of  the  material.  Thus  it  imparts  to  the 
abstract,  qualities  that  appeal  to  the  mind  through  the 
senses,  and  gives  to  ideas  that  otherwise  would  seem 
gross  and  commonplace,  a  meaning  and  picturesqueness 


132  The  Making  of  an  Oration 

that  make  them  appeal  at  once  to  the  understanding  and 
the  imagination. 

To  the  orator,  especially,  is  this  figure  of  great  value. 
It  helps  him  to  reveal  his  whole  thought  and  feeling  in 
a  single  utterance.  It  is  a  lightning  flash  which  serves 
at  once  to  illumine  and  intensify  an  idea  that  otherwise 
might  be  obscure  and  insignificant  in  the  cloudy  dullness 
of  literal  statement. 

That  brilliant  southerner,  Henry  W.  Grady,  was  a 
master  of  metaphor.  In  his  great  speech  "  The  New 
South  "  we  find  examples,  only  one  or  two  of  which  may 
be  quoted  here.  When  speaking  of  the  results  of  the 
Civil  War,  he  said : 

We  fought  hard  enough  to  know  that  we  were  whipped, 
and  in  perfect  frankness  accept  as  final  the  arbitrament  of 
the  sword  to  which  we  appealed.  The  South  found  her  jewel 
in  the  toad's  head  of  defeat. 

Again  he  said : 

We  have  sowed  towns  and  cities  in  the  place  of  theories. 

And  again: 

We  have  smoothed  the  path  to  the  southward,  wiped  out 
the  place  where  Mason  and  Dixon's  line  used  to  be,  and 
hung  out  our  latchstring  to  you  and  yours. 

And  again: 

We  have  let  economy  take  root. 

Now  it  will  be  noticed  that  in  all  these  cases  the  figures 
are  so  closely  connected  with  the  sentiment  as  to  seem 
a  part  of  it.  Indeed  they  are  a  part  of  it,  and  spring 


General  Qualities  of  Style  133 

from  it  so  naturally  and  inevitably  that  one  does  not 
think  of  them  as  figures  at  all  until  he  scans  them  with 
more  than  customary  closeness. 

Webster  used  this  figure,  also,  with  much  skill  as  well 
as  with  great  frequency.  In  his  address  on  "  The  Char- 
acter of  Washington,"  he  said : 

Washington  had  attained  to  his  manhood  when  that  spark 
of  liberty  was  struck  out  in  his  own  country  which  has  since 
kindled  into  a  flame  and  shot  its  beams  over  the  earth. 

If  one  would  realize  the  value  of  the  figure  let  him 
put  the  thought  of  this  sentence  into  plain  and  unfigured 
language,  and  he  will  realize  that  all  the  life  and  luminous- 
ness  are  gone. 

We  find  other  illustrations  in  the  speeches  of  George 
William  Curtis,  who  employed  this  figure  with  great 
felicity.  In  his  address  before  the  alumni  of  Brown 
University  at  the  commencement  in  1882,  entitled  "The 
Leadership  of  Educated  Men,"  we  find  such  examples 
as  the  following: 

Leadership  is  the  power  of  kindling  a  sympathy  and  trust 
which  will  eagerly  follow.  It  is  the  genius  that  molds  the 
lips  of  the  stony  Memnon  to  such  sensitive  life  that  the  first 
sunbeam  of  opportunity  strikes  them  into  music. 

In  the  latter  part  of  this  example  we  have,  of  course, 
the  principle  of  allusion  introduced,  a  most  valuable 
figure  that  usually  involves  the  metaphor.  In  the  same 
discourse,  Mr.  Curtis  has  occasion  to  allude  to  Cavour, 
the  statesman  of  Italian  unification,  and  speaks  of  him 
in  this  way: 


134          The  Making  of  an  Oration 

His  enthusiasm  of  conviction  made  no  calculation  of 
defeat,  because  while  he  could  be  baffled  he  could  not  be 
beaten.  It  was  a  stream  flowing  -from  a  mountain  height, 
which  might  be  delayed  or  diverted,  but  knew  instinctively 
that  it  must  reach  the  sea. 

In  all  such  cases  the  value  of  the  metaphor  is  threefold : 
it  not  only  makes  clear  by  identifying  an  idea  that  might 
not  otherwise  be  very  obvious  with  one  well  known,  but 
at  the  same  time  it  makes  the  thought  striking  and  attrac- 
tive by  appealing  to  the  imagination. 

While  figures  are  very  useful  in  giving  clearness,  at- 
tractiveness, and  force  to  language,  the  speaker  needs  to 
emphasize  the  caution  against  the  danger  of  confusing 
them.  Mixed  figures  are  as  intoxicating  to  the  mind 
as  mixed  drinks  are  said  to  be  to  the  body.  Sometimes 
a  sentence  may  be  grammatically  correct  and  rhythmically 
attractive  but  utterly  nonsensical  because  of  the  confusion 
resulting  from  this  fault. 

For  illustration,  a  student  once,  in  a  college  exercise, 
gave  utterance  to  this  startling  declaration :  "  This  evil 
invades  every  department  of  society,  and  its  upas  shade 
blights  the  state  at  its  fountain,  while  its  evil  machina- 
tions strike  at  the  very  tap  root  of  our  social  life."  Surely 
any  evil  that  would  do  all  those  things  must  be  horrible 
indeed !  Another  student  declared :  "  Wendell  Phillips 
had  placed  his  hand  to  the  plow  and  would  not  turn  back 
till  the  last  gun  was  fired."  What  a  strange  mixture  of 
agriculture  and  military  science!  Still  another  student 
in  the  same  institution  conveyed  to  his  greatly  interested, 


General  Qualities  of  Style  135 

if  not  enraptured,  audience  the  information  that  "  Our 
influence  has  tended  to  make  them  arise  and  desire  to 
yoke  their  slow  steed  of  conservatism  to  our  fast  flying 
bird  of  progress."  That  would  make  a  strange  team.  It 
would  drive  better,  however,  if  the  young  man  whose 
genius  invented  it  were  to  pluck  a  few  feathers  out  of 
the  tail  of  his  bird  and  make  of  them  wings  for  his 
horse,  although  it  might  be  doubtful  whether  even  so  he 
could  make  of  his  steed  a  Pegasus  capable  of  soaring  to 
as  great  heights  as  would  his  harnessed  bird.  His  "  bird 
of  progress  "  must  have  been  a  goose,  and  a  wild  one  at 
that. 

Such  a  grotesque  confusion  of  language  is  due  of  course 
to  an  equally  grotesque  confusion  of  thought.  As  al- 
ready remarked,  the  first  secret  of  clear  speaking  and 
clear  writing  is  clear  thinking.  The  one  law  that  the 
speaker  needs  to  enforce  with  reference  to  himself  when 
using  metaphor  is  the  homely  old  maxim :  "  Have  your 
thoughts  about  you." 

The  habit  of  mixing  metaphors  is  frequently  illustrated 
in  a  certain  type  of  cheap  discourse  that  seems  to  mis- 
take the  bombastic  speech  of  demagogues  and  the  swelling 
paragraphs  of  sensational  newspapers  for  eloquence. 
When  such  a  paper  says :  "  We  see  now  that  old  war- 
horse  of  Democracy  waving  his  hand  from  the  deck  of  the 
sinking  ship,"  we  cannot  help  feeling  that  it  would  be 
more  consistent  to  represent  him  as  flirting  his  tail  or 
kicking  up  his  heels  as  the  ship  goes  down ;  and  when  the 
socialist  orator  shouts :  "  The  chariot  of  Revolution  is 


136  The  Making  of  an  Oration 

rolling  and  gnashing  its  teeth  as  it  rolls/'  we  are  con- 
strained to  wonder  what  sort  of  a  mongrel  wild  beast 
Revolution  has  harnessed. 

This  atrocious  habit  is  closely  related  to  and  almost 
identical  with  the  common  fault  of  indulging  in  "  fine 
writing."  Such  bombast,  however,  may  correct  itself  by 
its  very  extravagance.  When  a  very  young  writer,  in  at- 
tempting to  instruct  the  world  with  reference  to  the 
atrocities  of  war,  says,  "  We  think  of  the  monstrous 
engine  of  destruction,  which  with  one  awful  belch  may 
mow  a  path  through  a  company  of  men  ten  miles  in  the 
distance,  built  to  destroy  God's  masterpiece  on  earth, 
man,"  we  can  forgive  the  young  genius  not  only  because 
he  is  young  but  because  he  has  made  a  sentence  so  bad 
rhetorically  as  to  make  criticism  unnecessary. 

The  metaphor  is  likewise  a  great  promoter  of  force  as 
well  as  of  clearness.  Various  reasons  have  been  advanced 
in  explanation  of  this  fact.  For  one  thing  the  metaphor 
is  briefer  than  the  simile,  and  other  things  being  equal 
brevity  always  conduces  to  vigor.  The  form  also  in  this 
figure  is  more  closely  identified  with  the  thought,  so  that 
it  flashes  the  whole  conception  before  the  mind  as  a  sur- 
prise ;  while  the  simile,  by  the  use  of  the  word  or  phrase 
of  comparison  prepares  the  mind  for  the  idea.  The 
metaphor  gives  concreteness  to  the  idea  and  imparts  to 
it  a  picturesqueness  that  makes  what  in  itself  is  abstract 
and  intangible  actual  and  material  so  as  to  appeal  to  the 
mind  through  the  senses.  It  thus  makes  the  unseen 
visible,  the  abstract  concrete;  it  gives  to  ideas  form  and 


General  Qualities  of  Style  137 

solidity  and  speed,  so  that  they  strike  the  minds  of  the 
hearers  as  with  the  suddenness  and  impact  of  a  projectile 
to  make  those  ideas  "  strike  and  stick."  Still  further,  a 
metaphor  has  force,  because  it  reaches  out,  as  it  were,  and 
lifts  the  merely  material  out  of  the  realm  of  the  visible 
world  into  that  of  the  spiritual.  Thus  it  appeals  to  the 
imagination  as  well  as  to  the  understanding.  So,  like  the 
work  of  the  poet,  this  figure  lifts  the  imagination  of  both 
speaker  and  hearer  above  its  usual  level  and  makes  them 
live  "  in  worlds  unrealized." 

Metaphor  is  often  involved  in  other  forms  of  indirect 
speech,  and  its  effectiveness  is  enchanced  by  the  added 
force  it  receives  through  the  union  of  its  own  virtues 
with  the  virtues  of  some  other  idea  to  which  it  is  wed. 
This  fact  is  frequently  exemplified  in  the  use  of  allusion. 
When  Webster  said  of  Alexander  Hamilton,  in  referring 
to  that  statesman's  service  as  Secretary  of  the  Treasury 
in  Washington's  cabinet :  "  He  smote  the  rock  of  the  na- 
tional resources,  and  the  abundant  stream  of  revenue 
gushed  forth;  he  touched  the  dead  corpse  of  the  public 
credit,  and  it  sprang  to  its  feet,"  how  much  more  forcible 
and  suggestive  the  idea  is,  not  only  because  of  the  con- 
creteness  imparted  by  the  metaphor  but  because  of  the 
beauty  and  aptness  due  to  the  allusion !  As  if  lighted  up  by 
a  blaze  of  midday  splendor  the  intervening  centuries  are 
illumined  and  at  one  stride  the  imagination  leaps  beyond 
them  and  has  a  vision  of  the  prophet  smiting  the  dry 
rock  of  the  desert  and  bringing  forth  thence  a  fountain 
of  water  for  the  salvation  of  a  perishing  people. 


138  The  Making  of  an  Oration 

The  foregoing  example  suggests  the  value  of  allusion 
to  the  orator.  Not  only  beauty  but  clearness  and  force 
are  added  to  the  plain  expression  by  such  indirect  presen- 
tation of  the  thought.  The  law  of  comparison  —  either 
similarity  or  contrast  —  is  involved  in  allusion  as  well 
as  in  the  figures  of  simile,  metaphor,  and  antithesis. 
When  Tennyson  makes  the  soul,  in  his  poem,  "  The 
Palace  of  Art,"  say  : 

O  God-like  isolation  which  art  mine, 

I  can  but  count  thee  perfect  gain, 
What  time  I  watch  the  darkening  droves  of  swine 

That  range  on  yonder  plain. 

In  filthy  sloughs  they  roll  a  prurient  skin, 
They  graze  and  wallow,  breed  and  sleep; 

And  oft  some  brainless  devil  enters  in, 
And  drives  them  to  the  deep  — 

he  enhances  both  the  meaning  and  the  vigor  of  the 
expression  by  the  figure  likening  the  people  to  swine  and 
by  the  allusion  to  the  miracle.  Another  example  of  the 
same  principle  occurs  a  little  further  on  in  the  same  poem, 
in  the  stanza: 

When  she  would  think,  where'er  she  turned  her  sight, 

The  airy  hand  confusion  wrought, 
Wrote  "  Mene,  mene,"  and  divided  quite 

The  kingdom  of  her  thought. 

Wendell  Phillips  was  exceedingly  happy  in  his  use  of 
allusion.  A  single  illustration  will  be  sufficient  to  show 
not  only  his  skill,  but  also  to  exemplify  the  value  of  this 
figure.  The  quotation  is  from  Mr.  Phillips'  speech  on 


General  Qualities  of  Style  139 

"  Public  Opinion  "  delivered  before  the  Antislavery  So- 
ciety of  Massachusetts  in  January,  1852.  The  anti- 
slavery  party,  including  Mr.  Phillips,  was  greatly  incensed 
at  Daniel  Webster  for  his  "Seventh  of  March  Speech," 
that  they  believed  was  a  bid  for  the  nomination  to  the 
presidency  by  seeking  to  curry  favor  of  the  slave  holders. 
In  the  speech  Mr.  Phillips  paid  his  respects  to  Webster, 
loading  him  with  obloquy  and  contumely.  In  the  course 
of  the  passage  in  which  he  especially  refers  to  the  great 
statesman  and  orator  he  says: 

He  (Webster)  gave  himself  up  into  the  lap  of  the  Delilah 
of  slavery,  for  the  mere  promise  of  a  nomination,  and  the 
greatest  hour  of  the  age  was  bartered  away, —  not  for  a  mess 
of  pottage,  but  for  the  promise  of  a  mess  of  pottage, —  a 
promise,  thank  God !  which  is  to  be  broken.  I  say,  it  is  not 
often  that  Providence  permits  the  eyes  of  twenty  millions 
of  thinking  people  to  behold  the  fall  of  another  Lucifer,  from 
the  very  battlements  of  Heaven,  down  into  that  "  lower  deep 
of  the  lowest  deep"  of  hell.  On  such  a  text,  how  effective 
the  sermon! 

In  this  passage  there  are  no  less  than  four  allusions 
including  the  quotation. 

The  value  of  allusion  depends,  of  course,  upon  its 
source  being  understood.  When  an  orator  refers  to  a 
corrupt  city  government  as  an  Augean  stable  that  needs 
to  be  cleansed,  the  allusion  is  without  significance  unless 
the  hearers  are  familiar  with  the  Greek  myth  of  Hercules 
and  the  mighty  task  that  was  assigned  him.  So  unless  the 
reader  readily  recalls  the  dramatic  story  of  Belshazzar's 
feast,  the  force  of  the  reference  in  the  last  stanza  quoted 


140  The  Making  of  an  Oration 

above  from  "  The  Palace  of  Art "  will  not  only  be  lost 
but  will  be  positively  confusing.  It  is  often  wise,  there- 
fore, for  the  orator  to  introduce  enough  explanation  of 
the  original  story  or  event  to  make  sure  that  the  basis  of 
the  allusion  is  understood  and  its  application  to  the  par- 
ticular matter  in  hand  is  apprehended  and  appreciated. 

Antithesis  is  a  figure  that  makes  use  of  the  law  of  com- 
parison by  way  of  contrast  or  opposites.  When  one  idea 
is  placed  over  against  another  not  only  unlike  but  an- 
tagonistic to  itself  and  better  understood  than  itself,  its 
meaning  is  not  only  made  clear  but  emphasized.  The 
peculiar  quality  of  each  member  of  the  comparison  is 
intensified  by  standing  it  over  against  its  opposite.  An- 
tithesis may  find  exemplification  in  words  that  are  placed 
in  contrast,  or  in  sentences  so  constructed  as  to  make  op- 
posite ideas  emphasize  each  other  by  the  very  fact  of 
their  juxtaposition.  The  mountain  seems  higher  when 
it  is  viewed  from  the  valley  at  its  foot. 

The  law  of  antithesis  is  much  broader,  however,  in 
its  application  than  in  the  case  of  single  words.  It  ex- 
tends, as  well,  to  sentences,  entire  paragraphs  and  even 
whole  productions.  It  is  the  underlying  principle  of  the 
balanced  sentence,  in  which  part  of  speech  contrasts  with 
part  of  speech,  phrase  balances  phrase,  and  clause  cor- 
responds to  clause. 

Macaulay  dearly  loved  a  good  antithesis.  In  his  pas- 
sion for  clearness  and  vividness  of  language  he  often 
found  this  principle  of  great  service,  although  his  liking 
for  the  figure  sometimes  led  him  to  say  a  little  more 


General  Qualities  of  Style  141 

than  strict  adherence  to  his  thought  would  justify.  For 
instance  when  he  said,  in  his  famous  description  of  the 
Puritans :  "  The  Puritans  hated  bear-baiting,  not  be- 
cause it  gave  pain  to  the  bear  but  because  it  gave  pleasure 
to  the  spectators,"  he  made  a  very  striking  sentence,  but 
at  the  same  time  he  condemned  the  Puritans  too  strongly 
and  also,  without  intending  it,  praised  them  for  objecting 
to  brutalizing  the  spectators  by  torturing  the  brute.  The 
same  fundamental  principle  of  contrast  underlies  the  fol- 
lowing characterization  of  the  Puritans,  in  which  Macau- 
lay  sets  forth  another  quality  of  their  attitude  toward 
mankind.  This  passage  shows  the  advantages  of  con- 
trast without  the  disadvantages  such  as  the  sentence 
quoted  above  reveals :  "  On  the  rich  and  the  eloquent, 
on  nobles  and  priests,  they  looked  down  with  contempt: 
for  they  esteemed  themselves  rich  in  a  more  precious 
treasure,  and  eloquent  in  a  more  sublime  language,  nobles 
by  right  of  an  earlier  creation,  and  priests  by  the  imposi- 
tion of  a  mightier  hand."  In  this  splendid  sentence  the 
writer  not  only  secures  emphasis  for  his  idea  by  the  con- 
trast he  institutes  between  the  first  clause  of  the  passage 
and  all  that  follows,  but  he  quickens  the  imagination  by 
the  same  device  and  at  the  same  time  satisfies  the  ear 
by  the  cadence  and  music  of  the  sentence  as  a  whole. 

Lincoln  frequently  made  use  of  the  principle  of  con- 
trast, and  some  of  his  most  famous  passages  depend  for 
their  effectiveness,  so  far  as  the  mere  manner  of  expres- 
sion is  concerned,  largely  upon  the  skillful  employment 
of  this  law.  A  striking  example  of  this  fact  is  found  in 


142  The  Making  of  an  Oration 

the  Gettysburg  address ;  and  it  will  be  a  profitable  study 
for  the  student  to  examine  this  remarkable  piece  of  ora- 
tory in  detail  and  to  note  the  extent  to  which  its  signif- 
icance depends  upon  the  way  in  which  the  speaker  in  this 
immortal  address  makes  word  stand  over  against  word 
and  idea  against  idea.  A  few  of  the  more  prominent 
illustrations  will  be  seen  from  the  following  arrangement 
in  parallel  lines: 

Four  score  and  seven now 

Our  fathers  we 

We  have  come  to  dedicate. . .  .those  who  gave  their  lives 

We  cannot . .  consecrate the  brave  men . .  have 

consecrated 

The  world  will  little  note but  it  can  never  forget 

nor  long  remember 

What  we  say  here what  they  did  here 

We  have  come  to  dedicate  a  portion  of  that  field .... 

. . . .  It  is  for  us to  be  dedicated 

and  so  on  in  much  more  intricate  and  subtile  relations,  the 
whole  wonderful  speech  is  permeated,  saturated,  made 
emphatic  and  beautiful  not  only  by  the  thought  but  by  the 
way  in  which  the  thoughts  in  their  varying  aspects  are 
made  to  help  one  another  by  thus  being  marshaled  over 
against  one  another  as  if  in  contrasting  columns. 

The  value  of  contrast  as  a  means  of  both  clearness  and 
force  can  hardly  be  overemphasized.  Burke  often,  es- 
pecially in  his  more  impassioned  moments,  freely  availed 
himself  of  the  advantage  of  this  construction.  In  his 
first  speech  in  the  trial  of  Warren  Hastings,  after  giving 


General  Qualities  of  Style  143 

an  account  of  the  offenses  for  which  the  accused  is 
brought  to  trial  before  the  House  of  Lords,  he  bursts 
into  the  following  terrific  invective : 

He  is  never  corrupt,  but  he  is  cruel;  he  never  dines  with 
comfort,  but  where  he  is  sure  to  create  a  famine.  He  never 
robs  from  the  loose  superfluity  of  standing  greatness;  he 
devours  the  fallen,  the  indigent,  the  necessitous.  His  extor- 
tion is  not  like  the  generous  rapacity  of  the  princely  eagle, 
who  snatches  away  the  living,  struggling  prey;  he  is  a  vul- 
ture, who  feeds  upon  the  prostrate,  the  dying,  and  the  dead. 

Wendell  Phillips  often  used  the  law  of  contrast  with 
tremendous  effect,  especially  in  his  antislavery  speeches 
— 'Used  it  sometimes  as  a  lash  to  sting  and  flay  his  an- 
tagonists for  what  he  regarded  as  their  shortcomings, 
sometimes  as  a  trumpet  to  rouse  and  quicken  his  follow- 
ers and  fellow  abolitionists  to  action.  At  a  meeting  in 
Boston  in  1861,  just  after  the  attack  upon  Fort  Sumter, 
he  made  a  great  speech  in  which  he  urged  support  of  the 
war,  because  he  saw  in  the  war  the  promise  of  freedom 
for  the  negro.  In  the  beginning  of  his  address  he  said : 

I  rejoice  before  God  today  for  every  word  that  I  have 
spoken  counseling  peace;  but  I  rejoice  also  with  an  espe- 
cially profound  gratitude,  that  now,  the  first  time  in  my  anti- 
slavery  life,  I  speak  under  the  stars  and  stripes,  and  welcome 
the  tread  of  Massachusetts  men  marshaled  for  war.  No 
matter  what  the  past  has  been  or  said;  today  the  slave  asks 
God  for  a  sight  of  this  banner,  and  counts  it  the  pledge  of 
his  redemption.  Hitherto  it  may  have  meant  what  you 
thought,  or  what  I  did;  today  it  represents  sovereignty  and 
justice. 


144          The  Making  of  an  Oration 

Further  along  he  said,  "  The  North  thinks  *  *  *  The 
South  dreams ;  "  again  he  said :  "  The  cannon  shot  against 
Fort  Sumter  has  opened  the  only  door  out  of  this  hour. 
There  were  but  two.  One  was  compromise;  the  other 
was  battle."  And  so  he  went  on  with  a  speech  of  great, 
almost  surpassing  eloquence ;  and  all  through  it  he  made 
frequent  use  of  contrast  to  give  light  and  point  to  his 
ideas. 

One  of  the  most  effective  devices  for  securing  desirable 
qualities  of  style  is  found  in  the  rhetorical  question.  This 
is  a  question  given  under  such  conditions  and  in  such  re- 
lations that  it  carries  with  it  its  own  answer.  The  speaker 
is  so  confident  of  his  position,  so  certain  of  its  impreg- 
nability, that  he  is  willing  to  challenge  opposition.  It  is 
a  strong  and  striking  method  of  affirming;  and  like  all 
really  strong  forms  of  speech  it  is  at  the  same  time  an 
aid  to  clearness.  The  value  of  the  question  as  a  means 
of  giving  movement  and  adding  interest  to  the  discourse 
is  not  always,  apparently,  appreciated.  A  whole  para- 
graph, an  entire  speech,  is  often  saved  from  dullness  and 
failure  by  the  insertion  at  the  right  place  and  in  the  right 
manner  of  a  question.  A  long  series  of  affirmations  may 
become  "  stale,  flat,  and  unprofitable,"  tending  to  mental 
drowsiness  and  defeat,  which  may  be  redeemed  from  their 
stolidity  by  a  question  or  two,  and  be  given  life  and 
power  by  simply  changing  the  sentence  from  an  asser- 
tion to  an  interrogation.  This  is  an  attractive  form  of 
speech,  but  for  this  very  reason  it  should  be  used  with 
moderation  and  only  when  the  thought  and  feeling  justify. 


General  Qualities  of  Style  145 

In  impassioned  speech,  in  the  expression  of  strong  con- 
viction, in  vigorous  and  intense  reasoning  —  this  figure 
is  an  invaluable  possession. 

Senator  Hoar,  in  his  speech  on  the  Philippine  Ques- 
tion, made  frequent  and  effective  use  of  interrogation  — 
so  effective  that  each  query  had  the  force  of  an  argu- 
ment. He  said: 

There  were  no  public  lands  in  the  Philippine  Islands,  the 
property  of  Spain,  which  we  have  bought  and  paid  for.  The 
mountains  of  iron  and  the  nuggets  of  gold  and  the  hemp- 
bearing  fields  —  do  you  propose  to  strip  the  owners  of  their 
rightful  title?  *  *  *  Will  any  man  go  to  the  Philip- 
pine Islands  to  dwell,  except  to  help  govern  the  people,  or 
to  make  money  by  a  temporary  residence?  *  *  *  Is 
it  credible  that  any  American  statesman,  that  any  American 
senator,  that  any  intelligent  American  citizen  anywhere,  two 
years  ago,  could  have  been  found  to  affirm  that  a  proceeding 
like  that  of  the  Paris  treaty  could  give  a  valid  title  to  sov- 
ereignty over  a  people  situated  as  were  the  people  of  those 
islands?  *  *  *  International  law  has  something  to  say 
about  this  matter.  Will  the  American  people,  for  the  first 
time  in  their  history,  disregard  its  august  mandates? 

So  it  will  be  noticed  that  all  through  this  great  speech, 
the  distinguished  orator  made  use  of  the  interrogation  to 
quicken  interest,  to  drive  home  his  arguments,  to  enforce 
his  appeals. 

In  a  speech,  likewise  on  the  Philippine  Question,  but 
on  the  opposite  side  from  that  assumed  by  Senator  Hoar, 
we  find  Senator  Beveridge  also  using  many  examples 
of  the  rhetorical  question.  In  one  place  he  said: 


146  The  Making  of  an  Oration 

What  shall  history  say  of  us?  Shall  it  say  that  we  re- 
nounced that  holy  trust,  left  the  savage  to  his  base  condition, 
the  wilderness  to  the  reign  of  waste,  deserted  duty,  aban- 
doned glory,  forgot  our  sordid  profit  even,  because  we  feared 
our  strength  and  read  the  charter  of  our  powers  with  the 
doubter's  eye  and  the  quibbler's  mind?  Shall  it  say  that, 
called  by  events  to  captain  and  command  the  proudest,  ablest, 
purest  race  of  history's  noblest  work,  we  declined  the  great 
commission  ? 

In  another  place  we  find  this  passage : 

Do  you  tell  me  that  it  will  cost  us  money?  When  did 
Americans  ever  measure  duty  by  financial  standards?  Do 
you  tell  me  of  the  tremendous  toil  required  to  overcome  the 
vast  difficulties  of  our  task?  What  mighty  work  for  the 
world,  for  humanity,  even  for  ourselves,  has  ever  been  done 
with  ease? 

One  cannot  help  feeling  that  there  is  a  little  of  the 
"  spread  eagle  "  type  of  oratory  in  the  passages  from  Mr. 
Beveridge's  speech,  but  even  so,  such  a  method  of  ex- 
pressing his  thought  with  its  sharp  series  of  questions, 
is  tremendously  effective.  Even  if  we  grant  it  to  be  bun- 
combe, it  is  buncombe  of  a  rather  high  class ;  and  it  also 
illustrates  the  value  of  the  rhetorical  question  to  the 
orator. 

Patrick  Henry  used  interrogation  very  skillfully.  His 
most  famous  oration  —  that  closing  with  the  words,  "  give 
me  liberty  or  give  me  death !  "  may  well  be  declaimed  by 
every  American  schoolboy.  Mr.  Henry's  biographer, 
William  Wirt,  is  authority  for  the  accuracy  of  this  cele- 
brated speech.  The  following  quotations  will  serve  to 


General  Qualities  of  Style  147 

illustrate  at  once  the  skill  with  which  the  great  orator  of 
the  Revolution  employed  the  question  as  an  instrument 
of  both  argument  and  persuasion,  and  the  savage  vigor 
and  almost  superhuman  eloquence  with  which  he  made 
the  appeal  to  the  will. 

It  is  natural  to  man  to  indulge  in  the  illusions  of  hope. 
We  are  apt  to  shut  our  eyes  against  a  painful  truth,  and  listen 
to  the  song  of  that  siren,  till  she  transforms  us  into  beasts. 
Is  this  the  part  of  wise  men,  engaged  in  a  great  and  arduous 
struggle  for  liberty?  Are  we  disposed  to  be  of  the  number 
of  those,  who,  having  eyes,  see  not,  and  having  ears,  hear 
not,  the  things  which  so  nearly  concern  their  temporal  sal- 
vation ?  *  *  *  Are  fleets  and  armies  necessary  to  a  work 
of  love  and  reconciliation?  Have  we  shown  ourselves  so 
unwilling  to  be  reconciled,  that  force  must  be  called  in  to 
win  back  our  love?  *  *  *  What  means  this  martial 
array,  if  its  purpose  be  not  to  force  us  to  submission?  Can 
gentlemen  assign  any  other  possible  motive  for  it?  Has 
Great  Britain  any  enemy  in  this  quarter  of  the  world,  to  call 
for  all  this  accumulation  of  navies  and  armies?  *  *  * 
Our  brethren  are  already  in  the  field!  Why  stand  we  here 
idle?  What  is  it  that  gentlemen  wish?  What  would  they 
have  ?  Is  life  so  dear,  or  peace  so  sweet,  as  to  be  purchased 
at  the  price  of  chains  and  slavery?  Forbid  it,  Almighty 
God!  I  know  not  what  course  others  may  take,  but  as  for 
me,  give  me  liberty  or  give  me  death ! 

In  Patrick  Henry's  speech  on  "  The  Adoption  of  the 
Constitution  "  we  find  another  passage  which  well  illus- 
trates his  habit  of  making  an  argument  telling  by  the  use 
of  the  interrogation : 

Is  there  a  disposition  in  the  people  of  this  country  to  revolt 
against  the  dominion  of  the  laws?  Has  there  been  a  single 


148  The  Making  of  an  Oration 

tumult  in  Virginia?  Have  not  the  people  of  Virginia,  when 
laboring  under  the  severest  pressure  of  accumulated  dis- 
tresses, manifested  the  most  cordial  acquiescence  in  the 
execution  of  the  laws?  What  could  be  more  awful  than  their 
unanimous  acquiescence  under  general  distresses?  Is  there 
any  revolution  in  Virginia  ?  Whither  is  the  spirit  of  America 
gone?  Whither  is  the  genius  of  America  fled? 

Whatever  may  be  the  opinion  of  the  passage  quoted 
from  the  address  of  Senator  Beveridge,  one  can  not  help 
believing  that  the  interrogations  from  the  speeches  of 
Patrick  Henry  sprung  from  profound  convictions,  from 
intense  feeling  and  purpose,  and  from  an  overflowing 
heart.  There  is  a  genuineness  about  them  that  is  unmis- 
takable ;  they  ring  true,  and  so  they  are  effective. 

Epigram  is  another  figure  that  some  speakers  have  em- 
ployed with  great  effectiveness.  This  may  be  generally 
defined  as  the  expression  of  an  important  idea  in  a  brief, 
striking  form,  that  may  also  contain  an  element  of  sur- 
prise or  a  seeming  contradiction.  It  has,  therefore,  un- 
derlying it  the  principle  of  antithesis  or  contrast,  and  it 
thus  gives  vigor  and  meaning  to  the  thought.  When  one 
describes  a  good  woman,  who  finds  her  work  in  deeds  of 
service  for  the  relief  of  suffering,  by  saying  that  "  she  is 
never  happy  unless  she  is  miserable,"  he  gives  point  to 
his  idea  by  this  epigrammatical  way  of  expressing  him* 
self.  The  force  of  epigram  may  sometimes  be  given  to 
an  expression  in  which  an  unexpected  turn  is  given  to  the 
thought  by  the  employment  of  a  word  or  phrase  different 
from  what  is  naturally  anticipated.  An  instance  would 
be  the  following  definition :  "  A  college  professor  is  a 


General  Qualities  of  Style  149 

man  with  a  vast  store  of  rare  and  useless  knowledge  which 
he  employs  for  the  purpose  of  making  the  lives  of  col- 
lege students  miserable." 

Edmund  Burke  often  made  use  of  the  epigram  as  a 
climax  to  a  passage  of  close  reasoning  or  of  detailed  ex- 
position, thus  summing  up  the  substance  of  a  whole  para- 
graph in  a  single  sparkling  sentence  and  making  his  idea 
striking  and  rememberable  by  the  novelty  and  suggestive- 
ness  of  its  expression.  Sometimes,  on  the  other  hand,  he 
would  attract  attention  and  arouse  curiosity  by  beginning 
a  passage  with  the  epigrammatic  statement,  and  then  pro- 
ceed to  expound  and  elaborate  that  statement  in  detail  to 
show  its  application  to  the  case  under  consideration. 

Wendell  Phillips,  also,  was  much  given  to  this  form  of 
speech.  He  was  preeminently  a  controversialist  among 
the  orators  of  modern  days.  He  was  never  quite  at  his 
best  unless  he  was  assailing  some  abuse  or  attacking  some 
evil  or  flaying  some  antagonist  or  pleading  for  some  re- 
form. Then  his  language  blazed  with  an  intensity  of 
conviction  that  made  it  a  consuming  fire,  scorching,  with- 
ering, burning  to  ashes  the  logic  of  the  falsehood  that  he 
opposed.  And,  yet,  he  was  not  a  brutal  fighter;  he  was, 
rather,  a  scholarly  gentleman  —  a  graduate  of  Harvard, 
embodying  in  his  own  person  the  polish  and  culture  of 
that  modern  Athens.  He  did  not  use  the  bludgeon  of  a 
barbarian,  nor  even  the  great  sword  of  a  Richard,  whose 
effectiveness  depended  upon  the  main  strength  of  the 
hand  that  grasped  it;  he  wielded,  rather,  a  Damascus 
blade,  that  glittered  and  flashed  and  scintillated  with 


150          The  Making  of  an  Oration 

dazzling  brilliancy,  and  whose  razor  edges  cut  so  keenly 
and  smoothly  that  his  adversary  hardly  realized  that  he 
was  wounded,  until  he  attempted  to  defend  himself,  when 
at  the  first  movement  he  discovered  that  he  was  decap- 
itated and  his  severed  head  rolled  bleeding  at  his  own 
feet.  It  was  the  language,  rather  than  the  manner  of 
speaking,  that  gave  to  the  oratory  of  Wendell  Phillips  its 
appalling  intensity.  When  thoroughly  aroused  and  at  his 
best,  his  thoughts  often  came  in  short,  snappy,  piercing 
sentences,  with  a  sting  like  that  of  a  whip.  Then  he  often 
spoke  in  epigram.  The  following  examples  taken  almost 
at  random  from  some  of  his  speeches  will  illustrate  his 
skill  in  the  use  of  this  figure  and,  at  the  same  time,  the 
value  of  the  figure  itself  as  a  device  for  making  thought 
clear  and  vigorous : 

1.  I  cannot  help  God  govern  His  world  by  telling  lies,  or 
doing  what  my  conscience  deems  unjust. 

2.  Free  thought  in  the  long  run  strangles  tyrants. 

3.  Whether  in  chains  or  in  laurels,  LIBERTY  knows  nothing 
but  victory. 

4.  God  gives  us  great  scoundrels  for  texts  to  antislavery 
sermons. 

5.  Cannon  think  in  this  nineteenth  century. 

Because  epigram  is  a  striking  and  valuable  aid  to  the 
public  speaker,  let  no  one  make  the  mistake  of  supposing 
that  a  speech  made  up  of  epigrams  would  be  a  good 
speech.  This  is  an  artificial  form  of  expression,  and 
while  it  is  brilliant  and  helpful  now  and  then  when  there 
is  need  of  a  condensed  and  striking  expression  of  a 


General  Qualities  of  Style  151 

thought,  its  frequent  use  would  rob  it  of  its  force  and 
genuineness. 

The  law  of  climax  as  related  to  the  logic  of  discourse 
has  already  been  noticed.  In  the  matter  of  style,  also, 
this  law  is  to  be  obeyed.  It  is  hardly  too  much  to  say 
that  it  is  to  be  observed  in  every  sentence.  That  is, 
every  sentence  should  be  so  constructed  as  to  fulfill  the 
requirements  of  this  law  —  it  should  grow  in  interest 
from  the  first  word  to  the  last.  Still  further,  the  sen- 
tences in  a  paragraph  should  be  so  arranged  that  the  last 
sentence  should  be  the  best  in  the  paragraph.  In  the 
arrangement  of  the  paragraphs  the  same  principle  should 
prevail,  so  that  the  final  paragraph  in  a  message  should 
be  the  best,  the  most  convincing,  the  most  elevated,  the 
most  eloquent  in  the  division  to  which  it  belongs.  And 
finally  the  whole  speech  should  be  so  constructed  and  so 
presented  as  to  make  it  in  all  ways  the  summit  of  the  en- 
tire discourse. 

Almost  any  production  that  is  properly  called  ora- 
tory will  furnish  illustrations  of  climax.  Webster  was 
especially  skillful  in  his  mastery  of  this  principle.  The 
following  examples  are  taken  from  his  masterpiece 
as  a  commemorative  orator,  "  The  Character  of  Wash- 
ington," delivered  on  the  centennial  anniversary  of 
Washington's  birth. 

I.  While  the  hundreds  whom  party  excitement,  and  tem- 
porary circumstances,  and  casual  combinations,  have  raised 
into  casual  notoriety,  sink  again,  like  thin  bubbles,  bursting 
and  dissolving  into  the  great  ocean,  Washington's  fame  is 


152          The  Making  of  an  Oration 

like  a  great  rock  which  bounds  that  ocean,  and  at  whose  feet 
its  billows  are  destined  to  break  harmlessly  forever. 

2.  The  ingenuous  youth  of  America  will  hold  up  to  them- 
selves the  bright  model  of  Washington's  example,  and  study 
to  be  what  they  behold;  they  will  contemplate  his  character 
till  all  its  virtues  spread  out  and  display  themselves  to  their 
delighted  vision;  as  the  earliest  astronomers,  the  shepherds 
on  the  plains  of  Babylon,  gazed  at  the  stars  till  they  saw 
them  form  into  clusters  and  constellations,  overpowering  at 
length  the  eyes  of  the  beholders  with  the  united  blaze  of  a 
thousand  lights. 

In  Macaulay's  characterization  of  the  Puritan,  as  given 
in  his  essay  on  Milton,  we  find  an  admirable  example  of 
the  climax,  that  at  the  same  time  well  illustrates  Macau- 
lay's  liking  for  contrast : 
t 

Events  which  short-sighted  politicians  ascribed  to  earthly 
causes,  had  been  ordained  on  his  (the  Puritan's)  account. 
For  his  sake  empires  had  risen,  and  flourished,  and  decayed. 
For  his  sake  the  Almighty  had  proclaimed  his  will  by  the 
pen  of  the  Evangelist,  and  the  harp  of  the  prophet.  He  had 
been  wrested  by  no  common  deliverer  from  the  grasp  of  no 
common  foe.  He  had  been  ransomed  by  the  sweat  of  no 
vulgar  agony,  by  the  blood  of  no  earthly  sacrifice.  It  was  for 
him  that  the  sun  had  been  darkened,  that  the  rocks  had  been 
rent,  that  the  dead  had  risen,  that  all  nature  had  shuddered 
at  the  sufferings  of  her  expiring  God. 

A  marked  example  of  climax  as  applied  to  the  whole 
speech  is  the  eloquent  peroration,  already  quoted,  of 
Webster's  "  Reply  to  Hayne." 

Whether  the  orator  always  constructs  his  language  so 
as  to  make  every  sentence  a  marked  climax  or  not,  he 


General  Qualities  of  Style  153 

does  need  to  be  on  his  guard  lest  by  carelessness  he  weaken 
his  thought  by  allowing  its  development  to  proceed  from 
a  stronger  to  a  relatively  weaker  expression.  An  anti- 
climax is  likely  to  make,  not  only  the  idea,  but  the  man 
that  utters  it  absurd.  A  good  rule  is,  Let  the  strong 
ideas  be  expressed  in  strong  words,  and  let  these  words 
be  put  in  the  correspondingly  strong  places.  The  debili- 
tating effect  of  anticlimax  will  be  seen  in  the  following 
sentence  from  Dr.  Marsh's  Lectures  on  the  English 
Language : 

Language  can  inform  them  (words)  with  the  spiritual 
philosophy  of  the  Pauline  epistles,  the  living  thunder  of 
Demosthenes,  or  the  material  picturesqueness  of  Russell. 

When  it  is  desired  to  give  a  touch  of  humor  to  an 
expression  the  anticlimax  may  be  justifiable  and  even 
helpful ;  as  when  Thackeray  says : 

We  cannot  expect  to  be  loved  by  a  relative  whom  we  have 
knocked  into  an  illuminated  pond,  and  whose  coattails,  pan- 
taloons, nether  limbs,  and  best  feelings  we  have  lacerated 
with  ill  treatment  and  broken  glass. 

Intentional  anticlimax  for  the  purpose  of  humorous 
absurdity  is  well  illustrated  in  DeQuincey's  essay,  "  Mur- 
der Considered  as  One  of  the  Fine  Arts  "  : 

Never  tell  me  of  any  special  work  of  art  you  are  medi- 
tating—  I  set  my  face  against  it  in  toto.  For,  if  a  man  once 
indulges  himself  in  murder,  very  soon  he  comes  to  think 
little  of  robbing;  and  from  robbing  he  comes  next  to  drink- 
ing and  Sabbath-breaking,  and  from  that  to  incivility  and 
procrastination.  Once  begin  upon  this  downward  path,  you 
never  know  where  you  are  to  stop.  Many  a  man  has  dated 


154          The  Making  of  an  Oration 

his  ruin  from  some  murder  or  other  that  perhaps  he  thought 
little  of  at  the  time. 

All  good  prose  has  an  agreeable  rhythm  as  truly  as  has 
all  good  poetry.  The  voice  of  the  orator  rising  and  fall- 
ing, swelling  and  subsiding  with  the  rising  and  falling  of 
the  sentiment,  is  as  truly  musical  as  is  the  voice  of  the 
singer  interpreting  the  verse  of  the  poet  and  the  art  of 
the  musician.  There  is,  however,  this  difference  between 
the  language  of  the  orator  and  that  of  the  poet :  in  poetry 
the  alternation  of  accented  and  unaccented  syllables  is 
regular  according  to  some  stated  law;  in  prose  there  is 
no  law  except  the  law  of  variety.  With  every  sentence, 
with  every  clause,  the  intervals  between  accents  change. 
It  must  not  be  supposed,  however,  that  mere  variety  is 
sufficient.  The  language  must  be  agreeable ;  the  sentences 
must  satisfy  the  demands  of  a  cultivated  ear.  Nor  this 
alone:  they  must  harmonize  with  the  thought.  If  the 
sentiment  is  harsh,  the  language  must  be  correspondingly 
harsh ;  if  the  idea  is  beautiful,  or  picturesque,  or  elevated, 
or  full  of  passion,  the  construction  of  the  language  in 
which  that  idea  is  expressed  must  correspond.  It  is 
hardly  too  much  to  say  that  every  emotion  of  the  heart 
has  its  own  language,  its  own  music.  In  a  large  and  true 
sense  all  oratory  is  onomatopoetic.  The  language  of 
anger  is  different  in  sound  from  the  language  of  appeal ; 
that  of  pathos  from  that  of  sarcasm.  Beyond,  then,  the 
mere  dictionary  definition  of  its  terms,  language  has  a 
significance  and  suggestiveness  of  its  own.  Even  if  the 
hearer  do  not  understand  -the  language  of  the  orator,  he 


General  Qualities  of  Style  155 

may  be  able  from  the  very  sound  of  that  language  to 
determine  with  considerable  confidence  the  nature  of  the 
sentiments  that  the  orator  is  presenting.  This,  of  course, 
on  the  assumption  that  the  orator  is  skillful  in  his  choice 
of  words  and  in  his  use  of  those  words.  Pope's  assertion 
that, 

When  Ajax  strives  some  rock's  vast  weight  to  throw, 

The  line  too  labors,  and  the  words  move  slow ; 

Not  so,  when  swift  Camilla  scours  the  plain, 

Flies  o'er  th'  unbending  corn  and  skims  along  the  main, 

applies  as  truly  to  the  orator  as  to  the  poet.  The  prin- 
ciple of  rhythm,  therefore,  demands  that  the  orator  shall 
exercise  constant  care  and  cultivate  a  correct  taste  in  giv- 
ing to  his  speech  qualities  that  will  make  it  agreeable  to 
the  ear  and  at  the  same  time  expressive  in  its  rhythm  to 
the  sentiments  presented.  It  must  be  "  speakable." 

The  speeches  of  any  great  orator  will  furnish  abundant 
exemplification  of  the  use  and  value  of  the  principle  under 
discussion.  Some  notable  illustrations  are  furnished  by 
the  speeches  of  Webster.  Webster  combined  the  im- 
agination and  musical  ear  of  the  poet  with  the  sturdy 
good  sense  and  inexorable  logic  of  the  thinker.  And  he 
so  used  his  poetic  powers  as  to  make  them  both  enforce 
and  illumine  his  logic.  When  standing  on  the  Heights  of 
Abraham  at  Quebec  one  early  morning  hour,  he  heard 
the  drumbeat  in  the  British  fort  there  calling  the  garrison 
to  the  duties  of  the  day.  The  thought  suggested  itself 
to  him  that  England  was  so  extensive  a  power  that  at 
every  hour  of  the  day  a  drumbeat  would  be  heard  from 


156         The  Making  of  an  Oration 

some  British  garrison  to  welcome  the  rising  of  the  sun, 
until  again  it  would  be  heard  at  Quebec.  Afterward  in  a 
speech  on  President  Jackson's  Protest  he  had  occasion  to 
refer  to  the  idea  that  the  colonies  engaged  in  war  with 
England  over  a  theory  rather  than  because  of  any  violence 
that  had  been  suffered  from  the  mother  country.  He 
spoke  of  the  difference  in  resources  between  the  com- 
batants, and  alluded  to  England  as  a  great  military  power. 
Then  the  thought  that  had  come  to  him  on  the  heights 
of  Quebec  flashed  into  his  mind  and  he  described  England 
as, 

A  power,  which  has  dotted  over  the  surface  of  the  whole 
globe  with  her  possessions  and  military  posts,  whose  morning 
drumbeat,  following  the  sun,  and  keeping  company  with  the 
hours,  circles  the  earth  with  one  continuous  and  unbroken 
strain  of  the  martial  airs  of  England. 

In  the  music  of  this  passage,  with  its  irregular  succes- 
sion of  iambic  and  anapaestic  feet,  we  have  a  rhythm  not 
only  pleasing  to  the  ear,  but  quickening  to  the  imagination 
by  its  echo  of  the  stirring  roll  and  thunder  of  the  drum. 

Another  passage  from  Webster,  almost  Miltonic  in  its 
organ-like  music  as  well  as  in  the  sublimity  of  its  thought, 
is  taken  from  the  oration  commemorative  of  the  lives  of 
Adams  and  Jefferson.  These  two  statesmen  had  passed 
away  within  a  few  hours  of  each  other,  on  the  fourth  day 
of  July,  1826  —  the  fiftieth  anniversary  of  the  passage  of 
the  Declaration  of  Independence,  which  significant  docu- 
ment the  hand  of  Jefferson  had  penned  and  the  adoption 
of  which  Adams  had  done  so  much  to  secure.  The  com- 


General  Qualities  of  Style  157 

mon  council  of  Boston  arranged  to  hold  memorial 
services,  and  Mr.  Webster  was  asked  to  pronounce  the 
address.  The  oration  was  given  at  Faneuil  Hall,  August 
2,  1826.  After  portraying  the  characters  and  reciting 
the  public  services  of  the  illustrious  dead,  the  great 
orator  burst  into  the  following  strain  of  almost  prophetic 
eloquence : 

It  is  not  my  voice,  it  is  not  the  cessation  of  ordinary  pur- 
suits, this  arresting  of  all  attention,  these  solemn  ceremonies, 
and  this  crowded  house,  which  speak  their  eulogy.  Their 
fame,  indeed,  is  safe.  That  is  now  treasured  up  beyond  the 
reach  of  accident.  Although  no  sculptured  marble  should 
rise  to  their  memory,  nor  engraved  stone  bear  record  of 
their  deeds,  yet  will  their  remembrance  be  as  lasting  as  the 
land  they  honored.  Marble  columns  may,  indeed,  moulder 
into  dust,  time  may  erase  all  impress  from  the  crumbling 
stone,  but  their  fame  remains;  for  with  AMERICAN  LIBERTY 
it  rose,  and  with  AMERICAN  LIBERTY  ONLY  can  it  perish.  It 
was  the  last  swelling  peal  of  yonder  choir,  "  THEIR  BODIES  ARE 

BURIED    IN    PEACE,    BUT    THEIR    NAME    LIVETH    EVERMORE."       I 

catch  that  solemn  song,  I  echo  that  lofty  strain  of  funeral 
triumph,  "  THEIR  NAME  LIVETH  EVERMORE." 

So  the  swelling  music  of  his  speech,  like  the  pealing 
harmonies  of  a  mighty  organ,  fill  and  uplift  the  soul 
with  a  majesty  altogether  suitable  to  the  solemnity  of  the 
occasion  that  called  it  forth. 

Perhaps  the  first  thing  to  rely  upon  in  acquiring  a 
rhythmical  style  is  the  instinct  of  a  cultivated  ear.  Does 
the  sentence,  does  the  passage,  sound  well?  Does  its 
sound  fit  the  idea?  These  are  questions  that  the  orator 
needs  to  ask  himself  when  formulating  his  language  so  as 


158  The  Making  of  an  Oration 

to  make  it  the  fullest  expression  of  his  thought  and  feel- 
ing. In  addition  to  these  questions  should  come  the  ques- 
tion, Is  the  sentence,  is  the  passage,  speakable?  An 
affirmative  answer  to  these  inquiries  will  go  far  toward 
satisfying  the  demands  of  rhythm  and  euphony.  Conse- 
quently if  the  thought  is  harsh,  the  sound  of  the  expres- 
sion of  that  thought  may  be  harsh.  Constant  variety  in 
sentence  structure  will  be  necessary  to  secure  that  rhythm, 
that  music,  that  euphony  which  good  oratory  must  have, 
—  a  succession  of  long  and  short,  of  periodic  and  loose, 
of  balanced,  interrogative,  and  declarative  sentences. 

Still  further,  this  quality  can  be  secured  and  sureness 
of  touch  can  be  acquired  only  as  the  orator  is  willing  to 
pay  the  price  of  constant,  thorough,  and  patient  self- 
criticism  of  his  own  work.  Such  self-criticism,  however, 
for  this  purpose  as  well  as  for  the  purpose  of  attaining 
force,  is  well  repaid  by  the  results  that  attend  and  follow 
it. 

Further  still:  the  study  of  those  writers  and  speakers 
whose  style  is  conspicuous  for  their  euphony  will  be  of 
great  value  as  a  means  of  acquiring  similar  excellence. 
Many  of  Lincoln's  speeches  as  well  as  his  state  papers 
show  a  keen  appreciation  of  euphony.  He  had  the  rare 
gift  of  writing  in  a  style  suitable  for  the  speaker,  and  of 
speaking  in  a  style  suitable  for  the  writer,  without  injury 
to  his  oratory.  Both  of  his  inaugural  addresses  and  his 
Gettysburg  speech  were  written  with  the  greatest  care, 
and  yet  they  stand  today  among  the  most  splendid  ex- 
amples of  American  oratory.  They  were  anything  but 


>n- 

in- 


General  Qualities  of  Style  159 

exteniporaneous  or  even  spontaneous.  It  will  be  well 
for  the  student  of  oratory  to  study  his  speeches  as  well 
as  those  of  Webster,  Wendell  Phillips,  and  other  masters 
of  eloquence,  for  the  purpose  of  noting  how  largely  the 
effectiveness  of  their  oratory  is  enhanced  by  their  mastery 
of  the  music  of  spoken  discourse,  and  also  as  models 
whose  excellence  in  this  particular  is  to  be  emulated. 

The  work  of  the  orator,  like  that  of  the  poet,  is  con- 
crete. He  dreams  dreams  and  sees  visions,  and  he 
carnates  his  visions  and  dreams  so  as  to  make  them  "  live 
and  move  and  have  a  being  "  in  the  minds  and  hearts  of 
his  hearers.  He  does  not  speak  abstract  truth ;  he  makes 
truth  concrete  by  the  terms  in  which  it  is  presented.  The 
philosopher  speaks  in  abstractions  and  generalizations, 
with  the  purpose  of  making  the  idea  stand  forth  in  the 
"  dry  light,"  uncolored  by  the  imagination  or  the  emotion. 
The  orator,  on  the  contrary,  labors  to  present  the  idea 
as  a  living,  concrete  reality,  clothed  in  flesh  and  blood, 
standing  upon  its  feet,  and  operant  in  the  lives  of  the  men 
and  women  around  him  and  in  the  world  to  which  he  be- 
longs. His  thought  is  as  profound  as  that  of  the  philoso- 
pher, but  with  him  the  thought  is  not  "  unclothed,  but 
clothed  upon,"  as  a  visible  and  practical  fact  in  human 
society. 

This  principle  furnishes  the  justification  for  the  free 
employment  by  the  orator  of  illustrations,  short  stories, 
incidents,  concrete  examples,  and  the  like.  They  serve, 
if  wisely  introduced,  to  make  the  thought  clear  and 
definite,  to  keep  up  the  interest  of  the  audience  in  the  sub- 


160  The  Making  of  an  Oration 

ject  of  discussion,  to  avoid  dullness,  to  give  point  and 
reality  to  the  speech.  Sometimes  an  audience  may  need 
to  be  amused  even,  in  order  that  it  may  not  lose  alert- 
ness and  so  become  indifferent  to  the  theme. 

It  was  to  give  concreteness  to  his  theme  that  Edmund 
Burke,  in  his  speech  in  the  trial  of  Warren  Hastings,  en- 
titled "The  Nabob  of  Arcot's  Debts,"  introduced  the 
famous  passage  known  as  "  Hyder  Ali's  Invasion  of  the 
Carnatic."  A  mere  statement  to  the  effect  that  Hyder 
AH  caused  suffering  and  devastation  by  that  invasion 
would  have  had  little  power  to  move  his  hearers.  But 
they  were  moved  with  indignation  and  horror  when  he 
pictured  the  scourge  of  war  in  concrete  language.  He 
said: 

When  at  length  Hyder  AH  found  that  he  had  to  do  with 
men  who  *  *  *  were  the  determined  enemies  of  human 
intercourse  itself,  he  decreed  to  make  the  country  possessed 
by  these  incorrigible  and  predestinated  criminals  a  memor- 
able example  to  mankind.  He  resolved  to  leave  the  whole 
Carnatic  an  everlasting  monument  of  vengeance.  He  drew 
from  every  quarter  whatever  a  savage  ferocity  could  add  to 
his  new  rudiments  in  the  arts  of  destruction ;  and  compound- 
ing all  the  materials  of  fury,  havoc,  and  desolation  into  one 
black  cloud,  he  hung  for  awhile  on  the  declivities  of  the 
mountains.  Whilst  the  authors  of  all  these  evils  were  idly 
and  stupidly  gazing  on  this  menacing  meteor,  which  black- 
ened all  their  horizon,  it  suddenly  burst,  and  poured  down 
the  whole  of  its  contents  upon  the  plains  of  the  Carnatic. 
Then  ensued  a  scene  of  woe,  the  like  of  which  no  eye  had 
seen,  no  heart  conceived,  and  which  no  tongue  can  ade- 
quately tell.  All  the  horrors  of  war  before  known  or  heard 


General  Qualities  of  Style  161 

of  were  mercy  to  that  new  havoc.  A  storm  of  universal  fire 
blasted  every  field,  consumed  every  house,  destroyed  every 
temple.  The  miserable  inhabitants,  flying  from  their  flaming 
villages,  in  part  were  slaughtered;  others,  without  regard  to 
sex,  to  age,  to  the  respect  of  rank  or  sacredness  of  function, 
fathers  torn  from  children,  husbands  from  wives,  enveloped 
in  a  whirlwind  of  cavalry,  and  amidst  the  goading  spears  of 
drivers,  and  the  trampling  of  pursuing  horses,  were  swept 
into  captivity  in  an  unknown  and  hostile  land.  Those  who 
were  able  to  evade  this  tempest  fled  to  the  walled  cities;  but 
escaping  from  fire,  sword,  and  exile,  they  fell  into  the  jaws 
of  famine.  *  *  *  For  eighteen  months,  without  inter- 
mission, this  destruction  raged  from  the  gates  of  Madras  to 
the  gates  of  Tanjore;  and  so  completely  did  these  masters  of 
their  art,  Hyder  Ali  and  his  more  ferocious  son,  absolve 
themselves  of  their  impious  vow,  that,  when  the  British 
armies  traversed,  as  they  did,  the  Carnatic  for  hundreds  of 
miles  in  all  directions,  through  the  whole  line  of  their  march 
they  did  not  see  one  man,  not  one  woman,  not  one  child,  not 
one  four-footed  beast  of  any  description  whatever.  One  dead, 
uniform  silence  reigned  over  the  whole  region. 

The  introduction  of  illustration,  incident,  anecdote 
is  permissible  only  when  they  help  and  are  needed  by  the 
thought  and  will  further  the  object.  They  should  never 
be  introduced  for  their  own  sake.  A  good  story,  an  in- 
teresting incident,  or  a  laughable  joke,  should  never  be  re- 
lated simply  because  it  is  good  or  interesting  or  laughable. 
It  must  have  a  bearing  that  is  obvious  as  used  upon  the 
matter  in  hand.  Otherwise,  instead  of  helping  to  make 
the  speech  a  good  one,  by  so  much  it  tends  to  make  it  a 
bad  one  by  distracting  the  attention  from  the  question 
at  issue. 


162  The  Making  of  an  Oration 

This  caution  needs  to  be  especially  emphasized  with 
reference  to  the  use  of  amusing  stories.  It  is  almost 
fatal  to  the  effectiveness  of  any  speaker  to  have  the  repu- 
tation of  being  a  "  funny  man."  A  laugh  at  the  witticism 
of  a  speaker  is  sweet  to  his  vanity,  but  if  he  pampers 
his  vanity  by  feeding  it  too  much  on  this  kind  of  pabulum, 
he  may  discover  when  too  late  that  men  have  come  to 
regard  him  as  a  joker  without  serious  purpose,  and  may 
finally  think  of  him  not  only  as  a  joker  but  as  a  joke. 
An  amusing  story  now  and  then  is  allowable  and,  if  it 
sharpens  the  point  of  an  argument  or  illumines  an  idea,  it 
may  be  helpful  to  the  task  of  the  orator,  but  he  may  easily 
indulge  in  so  many  stories  of  this  nature  as  to  make  men 
think  that  he  is  a  mere  story-teller, —  that  he  speaks 
mainly  to  amuse.  To  tell  funny  stories  is  easy,  but  even 
those  that  laugh  loudest  at  them  may  soon  come  to  lose 
respect  for  the  opinions  of  him  who  peddles  the  stories, 
and  thus  conveys  the  impression  that  they  are  his  chief 
stock  in  trade. 


CHAPTER  XIII 

ESSENTIAL  QUALITIES  OF  ORATORICAL 
STYLE 

IN  GENERAL,  it  may  be  said  that  effective  oratory  has 
those  qualities  appropriate  to  strong,  vigorous  think- 
ing, and  manly,  straightforward  presentation  of  that 
thinking  so  as  to  drive  it  home  to  the  apprehension  and 
acceptance  of  the  hearer.  This  means  that  its  style  must 
not  be  so  elaborate  as  to  be  difficult  to  interpret  offhand, 
while  the  speaker  and,  with  him,  the  audience  march  on 
to  the  chosen  goal.  Consequently,  its  words  will,  as  al- 
ready noted,  be  mainly  Saxon,  short,  clear, —  the  vocab- 
ulary of  everyday  speech,  the  language  of  the  common 
people.  Of  course,  the  nature  of  the  vocabulary,  the  con- 
struction, all  the  qualities  of  style  will  be  determined 
largely  by  the  kind  of  audience  —  its  culture,  habits,  in- 
terests,—  and  by  the  nature  of  the  subject  of  discourse 
But  any  audience,  even  an  audience  of  scholars,  will  ap- 
preciate the  simple,  virile,  homely  language  of  everyday 
life,  that  wrestles  with  the  thought  and  with  them,  like 
an  athlete  who,  stripped  of  unnecessary  clothing,  strug- 
gles with  them  to  make  them  see  his  thought  as  he  sees 
it,  and  act  accordingly. 

Nouns  and  verbs  are  the  strong  words  of  language; 

163 


164  The  Making  of  an  Oration 

adjectives  and  adverbs  are  merely  modifiers,  to  give  shade 
and  direction  and  limitation  to  the  thought.  A  good  rule 
for  the  user  of  language,  then,  is  to  cut  out  all  such 
words  not  essential  to  the  thought.  For  vigor,  never  use 
an  adjective  or  an  adverb,  if  you  can  help  it.  The  mul- 
tiplication of  modifiers,  instead  of  strengthening,  weakens 
the  style. 

Another  good  law  to  observe  is  to  seek  suggestive 
words.  The  study  of  the  derivation  and  history  of  words 
is  very  helpful  to  him  who  would  use  them  with  power. 
Make  the  vocabulary  picturesque,  robust,  appealing  to 
the  imagination.  Sometimes  a  single  word  will  bring 
before  the  mind  a  whole  event,  a  scene,  a  history,  an 
argument. 

All  types  of  discourse  will  be  found  in  oratory,  and 
the  language  of  all  forms  should  be  made  familiar.  De- 
scription, narration,  exposition,  argumentation, —  the 
simplest  prose,  the  sublimest  poetry  —  all  are  tools  of  the 
orator,  with  which  he  needs  to  be  familiar. 

The  main  types  of  discourse  that  the  orator  will  use 
are  argument  and  exposition.  But  whatever  the  particular 
form  at  any  place  in  the  speech,  the  language  should  suit 
the  thought.  The  argument  of  the  orator  is  not  the  ar- 
gument of  the  mathematician,  who  is  satisfied  with  the 
mere  intellectual  demonstration  of  the  truth  of  his  prop- 
osition. It  is  not  enough  for  him  to  show  that  two 
and  two  make  four.  He  must  make  his  two  and  two 
stand  for  something  beyond  the  mere  fact ;  it  must  mean 
something  in  life.  It  is  not  an  end  in  itself,  sought  for 


Essential  Qualities  of  Style  165 

its  own  sake.  The  orator's  logic  is  logic  set  on  fire,  or  as 
someone  has  defined  it,  "  oratory  is  the  fusion  of  reason 
and  passion."  So,  even  when  he  speaks  the  language  of 
argumentation,  it  is  argumentation  quickened,  made  alive. 
A  good  style  for  the  orator  is  based  first  of  all  upon 
strong,  vigorous  thinking,  and  is  the  outcome  of  such 
thinking.  It  does  not  exist  for  its  own  sake,  but  for  the 
sake  of  the  "  object  "  for  which  the  speech  is  made.  Only 
as  it  furthers  that  "  object "  is  it  a  good  style.  In  the 
advancement  of  his  controlling  purpose,  the  orator  is  like 
an  athlete  running  a  race.  He  casts  off  every  weight  and 
runs  with  diligence  the  race  that  is  set  before  him,  and 
presses  toward  the  goal  —  the  end  to  which  he  desires 
to  lead  his  hearers.  Every  legitimate  device,  therefore, 
which  will  help  him  on  his  way  is  allowable.  His  lan- 
guage, consequently,  will  be  so  direct,  so  intense,  so  glow- 
ing with  the  force  and  fire  of  a  man  with  a  message  that 
his  whole  mental,  moral,  and  even  physical  attitude  will 
give  the  impression  that  he  has  something  to  say,  and  that 
it  is  a  matter  of  prime  importance  that  he  say  it,  and 
say  it  in  such  a  way  as  to  make  his  hearers  see  the  truth 
as  he  sees  it.  It  is  hardly  too  much  to  say  that  any  style 
that  makes  his  thought  clear  and  convincing  to  the  under- 
standing of  his  hearers,  that  moves  their  feeling,  and  that 
finally  arouses  and  directs  their  wills,  is,  for  him,  a  good 
style.  This,  of  course,  always  on  the  assumption  that  his 
English  is  correct. 


PART  IV 

GIFTS  AND  HABITS  OF  THE  ORATOR 


CHAPTER  XIV 

INBORN  GIFTS 

A  TTENTION  has  already  been  called  to  the  fact  that 
*V  the  orator  is  both  "  born  and  made."  No  man  can 
become  an  orator  of  a  high  type  unless  he  is  born  with 
certain  qualities,  that  cannot  be  learned,  although  they 
may  be  developed  and  directed  to  efficient  use. 

1.  For  one  thing,  the  orator  must  be  gifted  with  a  keen 
and  logical  mind.     Mere  words,  high-sounding  phrases 
do  not  and  cannot  constitute  eloquence.     Oratory  im- 
plies insight  into  truth,  a  power  of  reason,  ability  to  fol- 
low a  course  of  thought  to  a  chosen  end. 

2.  The  real  orator  has,  also,  by  virtue  of  birth  a  quick 
and  responsive  imagination.     He  observes  and  thinks  in 
the  concrete.    He  has  the  power  of  vision  and  of  express- 
ing his  visions  in  speech.    He  "  realizes  "  ideas.     With- 
out this  quality,  to  become  an  orator  of  the  highest  type 
is  beyond  human  experience,  and  so  far  as  we  know, 
beyond  human  possibility.     Imagination  may,  to  be  sure, 
be  cultivated,  may  be  chastened,  may  be  stirred  by  cir- 
cumstances; but  fundamentally  it  must  be  in  the  man's 
soul.    It  cannot  be  created.    It  cannot  be  manufactured. 
This  quality  underlies  the  fine  fancies,  the  telling  meta- 
phors,   the    illuminating    similes, —  all    those    forms    of 

169 


170          The  Making  of  an  Oration 

speech  that  serve  to  uplift  the  mind  above  the  sordid  and 
commonplace  thoughts  of  everyday,  matter-of-fact  ex- 
periences. It  is  this,  partly,  that  allies  the  orator  to  the 
poet ;  it  is  this  that  makes  him,  also,  move  about  "  in 
worlds  not  realized." 

3.  Another  quality  essential  to  eloquence  is  that  of  feel- 
ing. In  this  matter  as  well  as  in  moral  and  spiritual  ex- 
periences, it  is  fundamentally  true  that  "  out  of  the  heart 
are  the  issues  of  life."  Only  as  he  has  a  sensitive  emo- 
tional system,  feelings  that  kindle  into  a  flame  at  the 
slightest  contact  with  the  torch  of  reason,  can  he  speak 
with  power.  It  has  been  well  said  that  "  the  man  who 
can't  put  fire  into  his  speeches  should  put  his  speeches 
into  the  fire." 

Feeling  in  speech  is  something  that  cannot  be  a  matter 
of  artifice.  No  man  can  speak  with  the  deadly  earnest- 
ness that  carries  conviction  and  action  with  it,  who  does 
not  himself  feel  to  the  bottom  of  his  soul  the  truth,  the 
importance,  the  overwhelming  necessity  of  the  "object" 
he  is  urging.  How  can  he  hope  to  move  others,  unless 
he,  himself,  is  moved?  He  needs  to  be  stirred  to  the 
depths  of  his  being  with  the  feeling  that  his  subject  is  not 
only  for  him  but  for  his  hearers  the  most  important,  the 
most  vital  subject  that  can  engage  their  attention.  He 
must  be  so  filled  with  his  subject  that  he  has  no  room  for 
anything  else  until  he  has  delivered  himself  of  that 
subject.  It  must  "  possess  "  him,  bubbling  in  his  heart, 
taking  possession  of  his  mind,  controlling  his  tongue,  in- 
spiring his  whole  speech.  When  he  so  feels,  he  will 


Inborn  Gifts  171 

speak  with  such  earnestness,  with  such  "  unction  " —  as 
the  old  preachers  called  it  —  that  he  will  arouse  similar 
feelings  in  the  hearts  of  his  hearers.  Horace's  advice 
to  poets  is  equally  applicable  to  orators :  "If  you  wish 
me  to  weep,  you  yourself  must  first  be  filled  with  grief." 

Now  this  does  not  mean  that  the  speaker  must  give 
way  to  the  unrestrained  expression  of  his  feelings.  It 
means  rather  that  he  must  have  genuineness  of  feeling, 
before  he  can  speak  with  that  sincerity,  that  earnestness, 
that  deep  conviction  which  alone  lays  hold  of  the  hearts 
and  moves  the  wills  of  men.  But  such  feeling  must  be 
under  the  mastering  control  of  him  that  speaks.  Hamlet 
spoke  very  good  advice  to  the  players,  when  he  said,  "  In 
the  very  torrent,  tempest,  and,  as  I  may  say,  whirlwind  of 
your  passion,  you  must  acquire  and  beget  a  temperance 
that  may  give  it  smoothness."  He  knew  that  the  expres- 
sion of  passion  would  be  more  effective  if  it  conveyed  the 
impression  that  it  was  held  in  leash  by  the  will.  But  let 
no  one  who  would  be  an  effective  orator  venture  to  speak 
before  he  has  brooded  over  his  theme  until  it  becomes  to 
him  the  most  important  matter  and  occupies  the  largest 
angle  of  his  mental  and  spiritual  vision.  Then  he  can 
speak  earnestly,  sincerely,  from  the  heart  to  the  heart. 
Then  he  will  speak  with  power. 


CHAPTER  XV 

READING  FOR  THE  ORATOR 

A  FEW  words  on  the  relation  of  reading  to  the  style 
of  the  reader  himself,  may  not  be  out  of  place  as 
preliminary  to  some  specific  suggestion  as  to  reading  for 
the  orator. 

The  English  language  and  English  literature  are  one 
flesh,  and  cannot  be  safely  divorced.  He,  therefore,  who 
would  use  the  language  effectively  must  know  how  it  has 
been  used  by  others  who  have  used  it  effectively.  He 
must  read  the  great  literature  of  the  world.  The  union 
of  such  reading,  with  constant  writing  in  emulation  of 
the  masters,  is  the  true  laboratory  method.  It  is  the  in- 
ductive process  applied  to  the  work  of  ascertaining  the 
facts  of  the  language  at  first  hand  and  the  application  of 
the  knowledge  so  acquired  to  the  process  of  attaining 
power  in  speech  on  the  part  of  the  investigator  himself. 

If  we  read  the  history  of  our  great  writers,  we  shall 
find  that  a  surprisingly  large  proportion  of  them  learned 
their  art  by  seeing  that  art  exemplified  in  real  literature. 
Call  the  long  roll  of  the  immortals  whose  names  make 
luminous  the  literary  history  of  the  world.  So  far  as 
they  revealed  the  secret  of  their  power,  almost  without 
exception,  they  claim  to  have  acquired  their  magic  of 

172 


Reading  for  the  Orator      173 

speech  through  the  study  and  conscious  imitation  of  the 
great  writers  that  have  gone  before  them.  Time  would 
fail  to  tell  of  Ben  Franklin  and  Stevenson,  and  Bur- 
roughs, of  Tennyson  and  Burns  and  Lamb,  of  Ruskin 
and  Coleridge,  of  Edmund  Spenser  and  Milton  and  Pope, 
of  Ben  Jonson  and  Sir  Philip  Sidney,  of  Wordsworth 
also,  and  Addison  and  DeQuincey  and  Irving,  and  many 
others  whose  names  shine  with  conspicuous  brilliancy 
in  the  firmament  of  the  world's  great  writers.  These  have 
all  gained  a  good  reputation  through  the  splendor  with 
which  their  messages  to  men  have  been  expressed.  And 
they  learned  how  to  clothe  those  messages  with  beauty 
and  power,  because  their  own  minds  were  enriched  and 
their  own  style  given  form  and  impulse  through  absorp- 
tion, as  it  were,  of  the  very  heart's  blood  of  the  masters 
who  went  before  them.  So  their  works  do  follow  them. 
So  they  have  learned  how  to  work  "  by  watching  the 
masters'  work,"  thus  gaining 

Hints  of  the  proper  craft,  tricks  of  the  tool's  true  play. 
One  may  know  the  rules  of  good  writing  by  heart,  and 
violate  every  one  of  them.  We  are  all  unconscious  as 
well  as  conscious  imitators.  We  catch  from  our  asso- 
ciates habits  of  thought,  tricks  of  manner,  forms  of 
speech.  If  the  boy  is  so  wise  as  to  choose  a  father  and 
a  mother  that  speak  good  English,  and  select  a  home  of 
culture  where  books  are  his  daily  companions,  it  is  reason- 
ably certain  that  he  will  speak  and  write  correctly,  though 
he  never  learn  a  formal  rule  of  grammar  and  though  he 


174  The  Making  of  an  Oration 

would  not  recognize  a  law  of  rhetoric,  as  such,  were  he  to 
meet  it  face  to  face.  He  uses  the  language  as  he  hears 
and  reads  it  as  used  by  others.  On  the  other  hand,  the 
boy  that  is  brought  up  amid  illiterate  surroundings  will 
commit  linguistic  murder  with  every  sentence  he  utters. 
If,  then,  we  would  counteract  the  corrupting  effects  of 
evil  associations  as  applied  to  this  subject,  we  must  see  to 
it  that  all  opportunity  and  all  encouragement  be  given  to 
read  sympathetically  the  works  of  those  that  have  ob- 
tained a  place  among  the  world's  great  writers. 

The  preceding  remarks  are  as  applicable  to  the  orator 
as  to  him  who  would  use  language  effectively  with  the  pen. 
He,  too,  must  saturate  his  mind  with  the  eloquent  speech 
of  the  masters  of  assemblies,  if  he  would  himself  become 
a  master  of  assemblies.  He  cannot  safely  trust  to  un- 
trained genius,  even  on  the  assumption  that  he  has  genius. 
He  needs  to  read  not  only  for  the  immediate  occasion, 
but  as  a  means  of  general  oratorical  culture;  not  simply 
for  information,  but  for  inspiration.  In  general,  it  may 
be  said  that  all  reading,  if  of  the  right  kind,  will  be  of 
value  to  the  speaker.  All  books  should  add  something 
to  his  store  from  which  he  can  draw  as  occasion  offers. 
The  more  knowledge  he  has,  the  wider  will  be  his  stock  of 
supplies  and  the  greater  will  be  his  range  of  vision,  the 
richer  his  resources. 

While  all  good  books  are  of  real  value  to  the  public 
speaker,  certain  lines  of  reading  are  especially  important. 
For  one  thing  the  speaker  should  give  much  attention  to 
History.  A  knowledge  of  the  ancient  peoples  and  their 


Reading  for  the  Orator  175 

civilizations,  the  great  works  they  have  accomplished,  the 
deeds  they  have  done,  the  ideas  for  which  they  have 
stood, —  all  this  will  be  of  value  in  furnishing  the  mind 
with  material  from  which  the  orator  may  draw  as  occa- 
sion offers.  The  great  movements  of  the  world,  also 
crises  in  the  progress  of  the  nations  should  be  familiar  to 
his  mind.  The  fall  of  the  Roman  Empire,  the  Refor- 
mation in  the  various  countries  of  Europe,  the  French 
Revolution,  the  Magna  Charta  in  England,  the  growth 
of  constitutional  government  during  the  last  hundred 
years,  some  knowledge  of  the  great  religions  that  have 
shaped  the  course  of  history,  at  least  a  general  familiarity 
with  the  development  of  modern  science, —  all  these 
things  will  be  of  value  to  him  who  would  make  of  himself 
a  well  finished  speaker. 

As  of  value  in  his  work,  also,  the  speaker  should  keep 
in  touch  with  the  great  questions  of  his  time.  The  great 
political  movements  of  his  day,  not  only  in  his  own  coun- 
try but  in  other  lands ;  great  religious  movements ;  great 
missionary  undertakings ;  education ;  reforms ;  benevolent 
efforts;  economic  and  sociological  discussions, —  with 
these  great  tides  of  human  thought  as  they  ebb  and  flow 
in  the  world  around  him,  the  speaker  must  be  familiar; 
and  he  can  best  gain  familiarity  with  them  not  only 
through  first-hand  contact,  but  through  the  reading  of 
books  and  discussions.  Thus  will  his  thinking  be  kept 
abreast  of  the  march  of  progress. 

Still  further,  he  who  would  be  an  orator  will  do  well 
to  read  much  of  biography.  The  history  of  the  race  is 


176  The  Making  of  an  Oration 

little  more  than  the  record  of  the  great  men  that  have 
led  the  race.  The  most  interesting  object  on  earth  is  a 
human  being;  the  most  instructive,  suggestive,  inspiring 
truths  are  those  illustrated  in  the  lives  of  human  beings. 
The  closer  contact  one  that  aspires  to  be  a  speaker  can 
have  with  the  great  men  of  all  ages,  the  more  likely  he 
is  himself  to  become  great.  Many  a  boy  has  been  in- 
spired to  high  endeavor,  many  a  youth  has  been  encour- 
aged to  noble  effort,  many  a  man  has  found  helpful  ma- 
terial and  lofty  ideals,  in  the  experiences,  character,  and 
achievements  of  other  men,  who  have  done  something  and 
been  something  in  the  world. 

Once  more,  the  orator  will  find  it  of  advantage  to  read 
much  of  the  best  general  literature.  From  those  produc- 
tions that  require  hard,  close  thinking,  the  fiber  of  his 
own  mind  is  made  tough  and  flexible,  his  own  mental 
processes  are  quickened  and  lifted,  his  imagination  is  given 
a  broader  range,  and  his  emotional  nature  a  greater  re- 
sponsiveness. The  reading  of  the  best  poetry,  especially, 
has  this  value.  Attention  has  already  been  called  to  the 
fact  that  the  work  of  the  orator  is  in  many  particulars 
analogous  to  that  of  the  poet.  His  mind  is  of  the  same 
cast.  In  powers  of  thought,  in  reach  of  imagination,  in 
sensitiveness  of  emotion,  orator  and  poet  are  of  the  same 
cast.  The  main  difference  in  their  work  is  that  the  work 
of  the  poet  is  in  verse,  while  that  of  the  orator  is  in 
prose,  and  that  the  poem  is  written  to  be  read,  while  the 
oration  is  prepared  and  spoken  to  be  heard. 

The  wide  reading  of  literature  is  valuable  because  it 


Reading  for  the  Orator  177 

brings  the  student  of  oratory  into  intimate  association 
with  great  men.  We  all  know  something  of  the  inspira- 
tion a  life  may  receive  from  contact  with  a  strong 
personality.  A  college,  for  illustration,  does  not  consist 
mainly  of  its  great  buildings,  or  its  spacious  grounds,  or 
its  splendid  equipment.  Its  greatness  is  measured,  rather, 
by  the  men  that  occupy  its  chairs  and  by  the  quality  of 
the  material  with  which  they  have  to  deal.  Garfield  was 
right  when  he  said  that  a  log  with  Mark  Hopkins  at  one 
end  and  an  eager  student  at  the  other  would  make  a  good 
college.  Our  life  does  not  consist  of  the  things  that  are 
seen.  It  consists  of  all  subtle  influences,  those  unseen 
forces,  those  strong  though  underground  currents,  that 
unite  to  make  us  what  we  are.  How  important,  then, 
that  the  orator  come  into  as  close  contact  as  possible  with 
the  great  men  of  past  ages!  Every  civilized  being  is 
what  he  is, —  civilization  itself  is  what  it  is,  largely  be- 
cause of  the  great  books  that  have  had  the  vitality  to 
endure  through  the  ages.  Real  literature  persists  because 
those  who  produced  it  put  into  it  their  own  selves.  Those 
that  have  had  the  genius  to  write  great  books  or  to  make 
great  speeches  are  the  leaders  of  the  world's  thought  and 
life  today,  whether  we  know  it  or  admit  it,  or  not.  Almost 
thirty  centuries  have  passed  since  Homer  sang,  yet  Homer 
through  all  these  ages  has  been  influencing  the  thought 
and  ideals  of  men,  and  will  go  on  as  a  refining  and 
inspiring  force  in  life  and  character  generations  after 
those  who  make  it  their  business  to  sneer  at  him  have 
been  forgotten  and  whose  only  claim  to  gratitude  in  the 


178  The  Making  of  an  Oration 

future  will  be  that  they  have  turned  to  clay  and,  it  may 
be,  then  "  stop  a  hole  to  keep  the  wind  away." 

Great  books  are  of  value,  because  they  are  revelations 
of  the  great  men  that  have  made  them.  Next,  therefore, 
to  the  privilege  of  sitting  at  the  feet  of  the  prophets  who 
have  poured  out  their  own  souls  in  their  books,  is  that  of 
coming  in  touch  with  those  inspired  teachers  at  second- 
hand through  the  medium  of  their  writings.  If,  then, 
the  would-be  orator  acquires  a  genuine  love  for  literature 
and  saturates  his  own  mind  with  the  noble  ideals  and 
language  of  such  literature,  the  vitalizing  energy  of  the 
men  and  women  that  put  their  own  lives  into  their  books 
will  quicken  as  an  informing  force  in  his  life  to  bear  fruit- 
age in  noble  speech.  Language,  until  it  is  thrilled  into 
life  by  the  magic  touch  of  some  creative  power,  is  dead. 
Only  when  some  genius  breathes  into  it  the  breath  of  his 
own  life,  does  it  become  a  living  soul.  Then  it  is  vital, 
dynamic,  able  to  quicken,  inspire,  uplift  others,  as  by 
indwelling  contact  of  a  dominating  personality. 

Not  only  because  of  its  effect  upon  his  own  intellectual 
and  spiritual  character,  should  the  orator  read  much  of 
the  best  literature,  but  also  because  he  thus  stores  up  a 
valuable  source  of  oratorical  material.  This  is  peculiarly 
true  of  the  study  of  poetry.  Such  study  enlarges  his 
powers  of  speech  and  provides  him  an  invaluable  source 
of  quotable  help. 

He  whose  mind  is  well  stored  with  passages  from  the 
thinkers  and  poets  of  the  world,  need  never  be  at  a  loss 
for  quotations  that  will  aid  him  in  furthering  his  thought. 


Reading  for  the  Orator      179 

By  this  is  not  meant  that  the  orator  is  to  be  a  mere  re- 
peater of  fine  phrases ;  but  rather  that  when  he  needs  to 
strengthen,  or  illustrate,  or  idealize,  or  beautify  his  own 
presentation  of  a  thought  and  can  best  do  so  by  appeal- 
ing to  the  authority  of  another,  if  his  mind  is  stored  with 
rich  passages  from  the  great  writers  of  the  world,  he  has 
at  his  command  those  passages.  He  can  thus  reinforce 
his  own  conclusions  by  appealing  to  the  words  of  others, 
of  recognized  ability  or  authority. 

It  goes  without  saying  that  he  who  would  learn  how 
to  bring  things  to  pass  through  the  power  of  speech 
should  make  a  constant  study  of  the  speeches  of  others 
who  have  moved  men  to  action  by  oral  address.  The 
great  speeches  of  the  world  should  not  only  be  read  but 
analyzed.  Plans  of  them  should  be  made;  their  words 
should  be  studied;  sentence  structure  should  be  exam- 
ined; the  length  and  kinds  of  sentences  should  be  con- 
sidered; their  figures  of  speech  should  be  given  atten- 
tion ;  passages  should  be  committed  to  memory. 

Such  study  of  oratory,  of  course,  should  not  be  con-  j 
fined  to  one  channel ;  it  should  rather  be  as  broad  as  the 
subject  itself.  It  should  cover  all  times  and  all  nations, 
extending  from  Demosthenes  to  William  Jennings  Bryan ; 
all  types, —  historical,  legal,  political,  educational,  ethical, 
religious;  all  men  who  have  won  a  permanent  place  for 
themselves  in  the  list  of  the  eloquent, —  not  only  among 
the  ancient,  but  among  the  mediaeval  and  modern  orators. 
Chatham,  Sheridan,  Fox,  Burke,  Webster,  Phillips,  Er- 
skine,  Beecher,  Spurgeon,  Maclaren,  Lincoln,  George 


180          The  Making  of  an  Oration 

William  Curtis,  Bryan,  John  Bright,  Charles  Sumner, 
Gladstone, —  these  are  some  of  the  modern  English-speak- 
ing orators,  whose  speeches  may  profitably  be  studied  by 
the  student  of  oratory. 

It  will  be  noticed  that  in  this  list  are  the  names  of  some 
preachers.  These  names  are  included  because  some  of 
the  most  eloquent  orators  that  the  world  has  known  are 
found  among  preachers.  And  there  is  reason  for  this :  in 
ability,  in  training  both  general  and  special,  in  the  incen- 
tive that  springs  from  the  subjects  with  which  they  deal, 
in  the  inspiration  that  comes  from  a  sympathetic  au- 
dience,—  in  all  those  conditions  that  conspire  to  produce 
the  highest  eloquence,  the  leading  preachers  of  the  world, 
both  past  and  modern,  are  peculiarly  fortunate.  The  ser- 
mons of  Charles  Spurgeon,  Henry  Ward  Beecher,  Phillips 
Brooks,  and  Alexander  Maclaren  are  to  be  especially  com- 
mended as  models  of  homiletical  construction  and  style 
that  may  profitably  be  studied  with  great  care  by  him 
who  would  learn  the  art  of  oratory. 

A  marked  example  of  the  value  of  the  right  kind  of 
reading  upon  the  style  of  him  who  would  learn  to  use 
language  effectively  is  found  in  the  oratory  of  Lincoln. 
It  is  hardly  too  much  to  say  that  for  certain  high  qualities 
of  prose  expression  no  American  writer  has  surpassed,  if, 
indeed,  any  has  rivaled  him.  Among  these  qualities  may 
be  mentioned,  especially,  a  homely  simplicity  and  straight- 
forwardness that  goes  directly  to  the  thought  and  feeling. 
There  can  be  no  mistaking  his  meaning,  and  there  can  be 
no  doubt  in  any  mind  that  behind  and  in  the  language 


Reading  for  the  Orator  181 

is  a  genuineness  of  conviction  and  a  depth  of  emotion  that 
show  the  language  to  be  the  expression  not  only  of  the 
head  but  of  the  heart.  His  vocabulary  is  largely  Anglo- 
Saxon;  his  words  are  those  of  the  common  people  and 
of  everyday  life.  This  is  one  secret,  not  only  of  his 
simplicity  but  of  that  rugged  strength  so  characteristic 
of  his  speech.  His  sentences  have,  also,  a  rare  musical 
quality.  Many  passages  in  his  speeches  have  a  music 
that  affect  one  like  the  swelling  harmonies  of  a  great 
organ  under  the  hand  of  a  master. 

The  quality  just  alluded  to  finds  splendid  exemplifica- 
tion in  the  concluding  words  of  his  first  inaugural  ad- 
dress. Those  words  sound  like  the  solemn  admonitions 
of  one  of  the  old  prophets : 

I  am  loth  to  close.  We  are  not  enemies,  but  friends.  We 
must  not  be  enemies.  Though  passion  may  have  strained  it 
must  not  break  our  bonds  of  affection.  The  mystic  bonds 
of  memory,  stretching  from  every  battlefield  and  patriot  grave 
to  every  living  heart  and  hearthstone  all  over  this  broad  land, 
will  yet  swell  the  chorus  of  the  union  when  again  touched, 
as  they  surely  will  be,  by  the  better  angels  of  our  nature. 

Where  did  this  man  get  his  marvelous  style  —  the  plain 
and  homely  vocabulary,  the  translucent  simplicity,  the 
rugged  energy,  the  soul-stirring  music  of  his  speech? 

The  answer  to  this  question  is  to  be  found  first,  of 
course,  in  the  man  himself.  He  spoke  the  language  of 
the  common  people,  because  he  was  one  of  the  common 
people.  But  it  was  that  language  ennobled,  refined,  puri- 
fied, glorified,  because  it  had  passed  through  the  alembic 


182  The  Making  of  an  Oration 

of  a  great  soul  upon  whom  had  been  laid  a  mighty  and 
inspiring  responsibility.  He  had  a  great  style  because, 
primarily,  he  was  a  great  man,  living  at  a  great  crisis, 
speaking  on  great  themes. 

But,  in  addition  to  what  he  owed  to  his  inborn  gifts  and 
to  the  conditions  of  his  life,  Lincoln's  style  was  due  in 
no  small  measure  to  his  early  reading.  He  did  not  read 
many  books,  but  he  read  a  few  until  they  were  his  own. 
But  those  few  were  Shakespeare,  Milton,  Bunyan,  the 
English  Bible.  With  these  masters  of  speech  as  his 
models,  furnishing  the  very  pabulum  of  his  early  thought 
and  life,  it  is  not  surprising  that  when  he  spoke  he  should 
speak  their  language.  The  influence  of  biblical  thought 
and  imagery  upon  his  style  is  especially  noticeable.  Read, 
for  illustration,  the  second  inaugural.  In  one  place  he 
says: 

The  Almighty  has  his  own  purposes.  Woe  unto  the  world 
because  of  offenses,  for  it  must  needs  be  that  offenses  come, 
but  woe  to  that  man  by  whom  the  offense  cometh. 

And  again: 

If  God  wills  that  the  war  continue  until  all  the  wealth  piled 
by  the  bondsman's  two  hundred  and  fifty  years  of  unrequited 
toil  shall  be  sunk,  and  until  every  drop  of  blood  drawn  by 
the  lash  shall  be  paid  by  another  drawn  by  the  sword,  as  was 
said  three  thousand  years  ago,  so  still  it  must  be  said  that 
the.  judgments  of  the  Lord  are  true  and  righteous  altogether. 

What  has  been  said  about  Lincoln's  reading  suggests 
that  there  are  some  books  that  every  public  speaker  will 
find  it  of  advantage  to  make  himself  familiar  with. 


Reading  for  the  Orator     183 

The  very  first  that  should  be  named  is  the  English 
Bible.  Many  reasons  for  this  statement  might  be  ad- 
vanced, only  one  or  two  of  which  need  here  be  empha- 
sized. For  one  thing,  it  should  be  read  because  of  the 
splendor  of  its  language.  One  who  would  acquire  com* 
mand  of  a  strong,  simple,  beautiful  style  can  do  no  better 
than  to  read  in  the  King  James  English,  until  its  language 
is  his  own,  this  book  of  all  books.  This  translation  was 
made  by  the  scholars  of  the  time,  and  yet  it  was  made 
for  the  use  of  the  common  people.  Consequently  it 
blends  the  speech  of  the  masses  with  that  of  the  cultured 
people  of  that  time.  From  Shakespeare's  day  to  our  own 
this  has  been  the  one  book  which  everybody  has  known 
more  or  less.  One  whose  style  is  influenced  by  the  lan- 
guage of  this  book,  therefore,  is  certain  to  use  language 
suited  to  all  ranks  of  men,  both  the  learned  and  the 
unlearned. 

Another  reason  why  the  orator  will  find  it  an  advan- 
tage to  know  the  Bible  is  found  in  the  fact  that  no  other 
book  is  the  source  of  so  many  quotations  and  allusions 
as  this.  It  is  hardly  too  much  to  say  that  no  man  can 
understand  and  appreciate  the  great  literature  of  our 
tongue  who  is  not  familiar  with  the  thought,  stories, 
teachings,  language,  characters  of  the  Bible.  Our  whole 
literature  is  saturated  with  it.  Because  of  this  fact, 
without  reference  to  its  religious  teachings,  this  book 
ought  to  be  a  required  study  in  every  public  school.  More 
quotations,  more  allusions  are  drawn  from  this  than  from 
any  other  source,  whose  meaning  cannot  be  understood, 


184          The  Making  of  an  Oration 

or  whose  beauty  and  force  appreciated  oy  the  reader, 
unless  he  is  acquainted  with  the  original  as  found  in  the 
Old  or  New  Testament.  Such  quotations  and  allusions 
are  so  common  in  literature,  partly  because  they  are  more 
likely  to  be  understood  and  enjoyed  by  the  reader  than 
if  they  were  drawn  from  obscure  sources  which  the 
average  reader  or  hearer  would  probably  not  be  familiar 
with.  Another  reason  is  that  this  book  is  so  full  of 
wisdom  and  suggestion  that  it  is  a  more  prolific  source 
of  helpful  and  applicable  sayings  than  any  other  book 
that  can  be  named.  Consequently,  the  orator  should  study 
the  Bible  both  as  a  training  in  the  best  and  most  sug- 
gestive language  and  at  the  same  time  as  furnishing  an 
inexhaustible  treasury  of  wisdom  from  which  he  may 
draw  more  effectively  than  from  any  other  one  source. 

Perhaps  next  to  the  Bible,  the  orator  will  find  it  to  his 
advantage  to  know  the  works  of  Shakespeare.  This, 
mainly  because  this  greatest  of  English  poets  let  the 
plummet  down  deeper  into  the  mysteries  of  the  human 
soul  than  any  other  uninspired  man  that  has  ever  lived. 
The  orator  must  know  human  nature,  and  a  great  help 
to  the  acquisition  of  such  knowledge  is  always  accessible 
in  the  plays  of  the  Bard  of  Avon.  In  these  plays,  also, 
we  find  one  of  the  best  means  of  attaining  power  in  the 
use  of  language.  Shakespeare,  it  is  said,  employed  a 
larger  vocabulary  than  any  other  writer  of  the  language. 
The  speaker,  therefore,  who  would  gain  a  large  and 
flexible  mastery  of  speech,  may  wisely  study  the  works 
of  this  master  of  speech. 


Reading  for  the  Orator  185 

But  time  and  space  would  fail  to  present,  even  briefly, 
reasons  for  reading  books  that  the  orator  will  find  it  an 
advantage  to  know  for  training  in  his  art.  It  may  be 
helpful,  however,  to  name  a  few  more  that  he  will  find 
beneficial  and  inspiring.  Among  these  should  be  included 
a  copy  of  Plutarch's  Lives,  The  Arabian  Nights,  a  book 
on  classic  mythology,  The  Pilgrim's  Progress,  Paradise 
Lost,  Homer,  Virgil,  Don  Quixote,  Goethe's  Faust, 
Burns'  poems,  Dante's  Divina  Comedia;  with  these  at 
least  the  orator  will  find  it  an  advantage  to  be  fairly 
familiar.  Such  works  he  should  have  upon  his  own 
bookshelves,  as  standard  and  tried  friends,  to  which  he 
may  always  resort,  with  confidence  that  they  will  never 
fail  him.  There  will  be,  of  course,  many  other  books 
that  he  will  read  for  information,  or  recreation,  or  inspi- 
ration, or  all  these  purposes  combined. 


CHAPTER  XVI 

TWO  LINES  OF  PREPARATION 

HPOO  much  emphasis  cannot  be  placed  upon  the  im- 
1  portance  to  the  speaker  of  careful  and  untiring 
preparation,  and  hence  in,  i,  Practice  in  Writing.  This  is 
especially  true  if  he  is  gifted  with  readiness  of  utterance. 
The  fluent  man, —  the  man  who  is  never  at  a  loss  for 
words,  who  speaks  readily  even  without  preparation, 
needs  in  particular  to  be  on  his  guard.  Such  fatal  fluency 
is  a  delusion  and  a  snare.  The  one  that  possesses  such 
readiness  is  always  subject  to  the  temptation  of  depend- 
ing on  his  glibness  of  tongue  at  the  expense  of  that 
patient,  full,  and  thorough  preparation  which  alone  will 
insure  steady  and  permanent  growth  and  a  high  measure 
of  excellence.  If  genius  is  the  infinite  capacity  for  taking 
pains,  as  someone  has  declared  it  to  be,  surely  he  who  has 
ability,  ambition,  high  ideals,  unfaltering  determination, 
and  unending  industry  may  hope  to  succeed  and  even  ob- 
tain some  measure  of  prominence  in  the  art  of  persuading 
men.  The  main  question  is  whether  he  is  willing  to  pay 
the  price.  The  story  of  Demosthenes  speaking  by  the 
roaring  sea,  with  pebbles  in  his  mouth  to  correct  weakness 
and  defects  of  voice,  is  both  a  lesson  and  an  inspiration. 
Because  he  was  willing  to  pay  the  price,  because  he  had 

186 


Two  Lines  of  Preparation  187 

infinite  capacity  for  taking  pains,  his  name  for  more  than 
two  thousand  years  has  stood  at  the  head  of  the  list  of 
the  world's  eloquent  men.  If  Edmund  Burke,  with  his 
superior  ability  and  broad  learning,  was  not  satisfied  until 
he  had  written  his  orations  through  from  ten  to  fifty 
times,  as  some  of  his  biographers  tell  us  was  his  habit, 
any  aspirant  for  oratorical  preeminence  may  well  emulate 
his  example.  He  paid  the  price ;  he  received  the  reward. 

2.  Training  in  Elocution. —  It  is  not  the  purpose  of  this 
manual  to  teach  elocution.  It  is,  however,  within  its 
province  to  emphasize  the  importance  of  having  a  good 
elocution.  This  word,  elocution,  has  been  so  abused  and 
its  use  has  been  so  distorted  that  we  have  a  prejudice 
against  the  term  itself.  It  is  so  identified  in  the  popular 
mind  with  the  distortions  and  contortions  of  speech  per- 
petrated a  number  of  years  ago  by  the  half-trained  young 
people  who  traveled  about  the  country  murdering  Shake- 
speare and  other  defenseless  writers,  that  many  educated 
people  have  gone  to  the  other  extreme  and  condemn  the 
thing  itself,  because  it  has  been  so  wofully  misused  by 
many  of  its  would-be  exemplars.  There  is,  doubtless,  a 
reaction  toward  a  more  rational  attitude  toward  this 
matter  at  present,  but  even  now  there  is  room  for  a  wiser 
understanding  and  saner  recognition  of  the  place  of  this 
subject  in  every  scheme  of  education  and  especially  in 
the  preparation  of  the  orator  for  the  highest  success. 

The  instrument  by  which  the  orator  communicates  his 
speech  to  the  audience  is  the  voice.  That  he  have  full 
command  of  this  instrument  is  of  supreme  importance, 


188          The  Making  of  an  Oration 

if  he  would  attain  the  highest  success.  Many  a  man  who 
had  ideas  and  who  could  express  those  ideas  in  good 
English  has  failed  or  only  moderately  succeeded  because 
of  a  weak,  or  squeaky  voice,  or  nasal  tone ;  or  who  did 
not  know  how  to  speak  his  words  so  as  to  make  them 
effective;  or  who  had  a  faulty  articulation;  or  who 
"  mouthed  "  his  words  in  a  way  that  would  be  a  discredit 
to  "  the  town  crier."  On  the  other  hand,  there  have  been 
men  who  have  been  able  to  sway  multitudes  by  their 
power  of  speech,  whose  ideas  and  language  have  been 
hardly  above  the  commonplace,  simply  because  they  have 
had  good  voices  and  have  known  how  to  use  those  voices 
with  effect.  The  speeches  of  Henry  Clay  today  are  not 
particularly  interesting,  and  the  reader  of  those  speeches 
may  wonder  why  Clay  was  so  popular  as  an  orator.  The 
chief  explanation  is  found  in  the  elocution  of  Clay.  He 
had  a  voice  sweet  and  powerful,  wrhich  he  used  as  skill- 
fully as  a  musician  trained  to  play  upon  his  instrument, 
and  he  had  a  person  that,  in  its  attitudes  and  gestures, 
was  grace  itself. 

It  is  the  fashion  in  many  places  and  of  many  people 
to  depreciate  vocal  training  for  the  speaker  —  to  sneer 
at  it  as  childish  and  to  grumble  at  elocutionary  training 
as  artificial  and  a  bar  to  all  genuineness  in  public  speech. 

He  that  takes  this  attitude  is  as  unreasonable  in  his 
prejudice  as  is  the  one  that  assumes  oratory  to  consist 
merely  in  declamation.  An  oration  is  to  be  spoken.  Until 
it  is  "  delivered  "  it  has  no  just  claim  to  the  title.  To  be 
effective,  then,  it  should  be  spoken  well.  If  the  voice  is 


Two  Lines  of  Preparation  189 

strident,  harsh,  squeaky,  inflexible,  weak,  heady,  or 
throaty,  how  can  the  orator  expect  to  accomplish  by  it 
the  best  results  ?  It  would  be  just  as  reasonable  to  antici- 
pate for  a  Jenny  Lind  or  a  Melba  the  highest  triumphs 
of  song  without  thorough  and  long  continued  vocal  cul- 
ture. One  may  or  may  not  have  a  good  voice  by  nature, 
but  good  or  bad,  he  needs  to  train  that  voice  to  give  it 
smoothness,  clearness,  power,  resonance,  sharpness  of 
enunciation  and  articulation,  richness,  and  all  those  quali- 
ties which  he  must  have  for  the  best  results  in  his  noble 
art.  If  the  athlete,  who  would  win  contests  in  his  arena, 
must  subject  himself  to  long  months  of  self-denying 
practice,  how  much  more  must  the  contestant  in  this  far 
more  difficult  arena  submit  to  years  of  toil  and  to  never- 
ending  effort  in  order  to  keep  himself  in  prime  form  for 
these  harder  tests!  Let  him  daily  practice  those  vocal 
exercises,  and  they  are  not  so  very  many,  that  are  adapted 
to  make  the  most  of  the  voice  that  has  been  given  him 
by  nature  —  but  that  probably  he  has  greatly  abused  — 
until  that  mighty  instrument  is  in  good  condition  and  is 
the  servant  of  his  mental  processes  and  his  trained  will ; 
then  by  constant  care  let  him  keep  it  in  good  form,  and 
it  will  be  a  faithful  servant  and  minister  to  his  thought 
and  will. 

Reference  has  already  been  made  to  the  fact  that 
Henry  Clay  owed  so  much  of  his  success  to  his  voice 
and  his  graceful  bearing.  Let  no  one  suppose,  however, 
that  these  were  his  by  inborn  gifts.  On  the  contrary,  he 
practiced  assiduously  that  he  might  perfect  his  elocution. 


190          The  Making  of  an  Oration 

For  years,  when  a  young  man,  he  devoted  himself  to 
practice  that  he  might  make  the  most  of  all  his  powers. 
These  efforts,  he  himself  said,  "  were  sometimes  made  in 
a  cornfield,  at  others  in  the  forest,  and  not  infrequently 
in  some  distant  barn,  with  the  horse  and  ox  for  my 
auditors.  It  is  to  this  early  practice  in  the  great  art  of 
all  arts,  that  I  am  indebted  for  the  primary  and  leading 
impulses  that  stimulated  me  forward,  and  shaped  and 
molded  my  subsequent  entire  destiny."  So  he  made  that 
voice  an  instrument  by  which,  when  he  came  into  public 
life,  he  swayed  the  multitudes  that  listened  entranced  to 
its  music.  He  learned  how  to  speak  on  real  occasions  by 
practicing  for  years  on  fictitious  occasions.  So  when  the 
real  occasions  came  he  was  ready  to  make  the  most  of 
them. 

We  might  cite  the  experience  of  any  of  the  great 
orators  of  history,  and  almost  without  exception  their 
evidence  would  be  of  a  similar  tenor.  The  biographers 
of  Charles  Sumner  tell  us  that  when  he  was  about  to 
make  a  speech  in  the  senate,  he  was  discovered  declaim- 
ing that  speech  before  a  mirror  in  his  room  at  the  hotel 
where  he  lived.  Some  of  Webster's  finest  passages  were 
carefully  wrought  out  beforehand  and  practiced,  so  that 
when  opportunity  came  they  were  given  with  great  effect. 
It  was  a  habit  of  Lord  Chatham,  also,  to  toil  terribly 
that  he  might  perfect  himself  in  all  the  arts  of  oratory. 
If  ever  man  was  a  born  orator,  that  distinction  could  be 
ascribed  to  him;  but  trusting  not  to  natural  gifts,  he 
showed  by  his  diligence  and  labor  in  declamation  as  well 


Two  Lines  of  Preparation  191 

as  in  the  practice  of  the  laws  of  rhetoric,  that  in  his  case 
at  any  rate  the  orator  was  made  as  well  as  born.  His 
distinguished  son,  the  younger  Pitt,  toiled  even  more 
strenuously  that  he  might  perfect  his  natural  gifts.  We 
might  add  to  these  the  names  of  such  masters  as  Brough- 
am, Erskine,  Curran,  "  stuttering  Jack  Curran,"  as  he 
was  called  by  his  associates  in  a  debating  club  when  he 
began  his  practice,  Grattan,  Gladstone,  the  eloquent  Wil- 
liam Wirt,  Edward  Everett,  and  hosts  of  others  who 
have  attained  distinction  in  this  greatest  of  the  arts. 
These  great  speakers  thought  it  worth  their  while  to 
supplement  their  natural  gifts  by  the  most  diligent  and 
prolonged  practice,  that  all  their  powers  might  be  made 
the  most  of  and  be  at  their  call  whenever  occasion  de- 
manded. They  trained  not  only  their  voices  but  all  their 
powers,  so  that  they  became  real  elocutionists  in  the  best 
sense  of  that  much-abused  term. 

Not  only  the  voice,  but  the  body,  should  be  trained  if 
the  speaker  would  make  the  most  of  his  powers.  It  is 
surprising  how  few  people  without  training  know  how  to 
stand;  fewer  still  who  realize  the  difference  between 
standing  correctly  and  standing  incorrectly.  The  mere 
difference  between  resting  the  weight  of  the  body  upon 
the  heels  or  upon  the  balls  of  the  feet,  often  spells  the 
difference  between  failure  and  success  in  a  speech.  Many 
think  they  are  standing,  when  others  think  they  are 
sprawling,  or  loafing,  or  lounging.  Many  a  man  has  been 
born  with  brains  in  his  head,  but  with  awkwardness  in 
every  other  part  of  his  body.  Knowing  this  he  is  shy, 


192          The  Making  of  an  Oration 

self-conscious,  blundering.  He  is  ever  falling  over  his 
own  feet  as  well  as  over  other  people's.  He  does  not 
know  what  to  do  with  his  hands.  If  he  so  far  forgets 
himself  as  to  attempt  gestures,  those  gestures  have  about 
as  much  grace  and  significance  as  the  contortions  of  a 
jumping  jack.  Now,  why  is  it  not  the  most  reasonable 
course  for  one  with  conscious  talent  and  ambition,  but 
with  such  physical  defects,  to  take  training  from  a  repu- 
table teacher  of  elocution  and  learn  how  to  correct  his 
shortcomings?  His  very  awkwardness  may,  wisely 
treated,  become  the  basis  of  positive  power  in  gesture  and 
attitude.  And,  surely,  without  correction  it  will  prove 
a  handicap  and  hindrance  to  the  highest  success. 

The  value  of  culture  in  elocution  was  well  illustrated 
in  the  experience  of  Henry  Ward  Beecher.  If  any  man 
could  afford  to  depend  wholly  upon  native  powers  for 
success  in  public  speech,  it  would  seem  that  he  was  such 
a  man.  The  son  of  a  distinguished  preacher,  brought  up 
amid  cultured  surroundings,  hearing  eloquent  sermons 
and  addresses  every  week  from  childhood,  with  extraor- 
dinary talent  and  remarkable  physical  powers  to  begin 
with,  what  need  had  he  for  learning  the  tricks  of  the 
elocutionist?  Why  should  he  spend  his  labor  for  that 
which  satisfieth  not?  The  inquiry  put  in  such  a  way  is, 
after  all,  a  begging  of  the  question.  He  thought  such 
training  well  worth  his  while.  The  mere  fact  that  he 
had  advantages  beyond  those  of  most  men,  instead  of 
furnishing  an  excuse  for  neglect,  was  to  him  an  added 
incentive  and  obligation  to  increased  exertion.  He  real- 


Two  Lines  of  Preparation  193 

ized  that  to  whom  much  was  given  of  him  much  would 
be  required.  So  what  do  we  find  him  doing?  He  placed 
himself,  when  at  college,  under  a  skillful  teacher,  and  for 
three  years  was  drilled  incessantly,  he  says,  in  posturing, 
gesture,  and  voice  culture.  Not  long  after,  at  the  theo- 
logical seminary,  Mr.  Beecher  continued  his  drill.  There 
was  a  large  grove  between  the  seminary  and  his 
father's  house,  and  it  was  the  habit,  he  tells  us,  of  his 
brother  Charles  and  himself,  with  one  or  two  others,  to 
make  the  night,  and  even  the  day,  hideous  with  their 
voices,  as  they  passed  backward  and  forward  through 
the  wood,  exploding  all  the  vowels  from  the  bottom  to  the 
very  top  of  their  voices.  And  what  was  the  result  of  all 
these  exercises?  Was  it  a  stiff,  cramped  style  of  speak- 
ing? "The  drill  that  I  underwent,"  says  this  many- 
sided  orator,  "  produced,  not  a  rhetorical  manner,  but  a 
flexible  instrument,  that  accommodated  itself  readily  to 
every  kind  of  thought  and  every  shade  of  feeling,  and 
obeyed  the  inward  will  in  the  outward  realization  of  the 
results  of  rules  and  regulations." 

Now,  let  us  hear  the  conclusion  of  the  whole  matter. 
What  do  such  examples  teach  us  ?  As  another  well  says, 
"  They  prove  conclusively,  we  think,  that  the  great 
orators,  of  ancient  and  modern  times,  have  trusted,  not 
to  native  endowments,  but  to  careful  culture ;  that  it  was 
to  the  infinitus  labor  et  quotidiana  meditatio,  of  which 
Tacitus  speaks,  that  they  owed  their  triumphs ;  that  mar- 
velous as  were  their  gifts,  they  were  less  than  the 
ignorant  rated  them;  and  that  even  the  mightiest,  the 


194          The  Making  of  an  Oration 

elect  natures,  that  are  supposed  to  be  above  all  rules, 
condescended  to  methods  by  which  the  humblest  may 
profit." 

This  discussion  may  well  be  closed  with  the  words  of 
Salvini,  the  great  actor,  to  students  in  eloquence :  "  Above 
all,  study,  study,  STUDY.  All  the  genius  in  the  world  will 
not  help  you  along  with  any  art,  unless  you  become  a 
hard  student.  It  has  taken  me  years  to  master  a  single 
part." 

3.  Another  habit  of  great  importance  to  the  orator  is 
that  he  cultivate  the  oratorical  spirit.  He  who  can  con- 
ceive of  his  audience  as  always  present  while  he  is  pre- 
paring his  speech  will  have  an  advantage  that  otherwise 
would  be  impossible.  His  imagination  will  then  be  stirred, 
and  if  his  imagination  is  vivid  he  will  have  something  of 
the  same  spirit  and  inspiration  that  would  stir  him  in 
the  actual  presence  of  an  audience.  As  a  help  to  him  in 
preparation,  also,  it  will  be  wise  to  pronounce  his  sen- 
tences aloud  so  as  to  test  them,  as  it  were,  before  actually 
deciding  upon  them.  Not  an  uncommon  thing  was  it  for 
the  most  striking  passages  of  the  great  orators,  that 
seemed  to  spring  spontaneously  from  the  inspiration  of 
the  moment,  to  be  wrought  out  with  all  care  and 
diligence  word  for  word  days  before  they  came  so  elo- 
quently from  the  orator's  apparently  inspired  lips.  Such 
preparation  cannot  be  criticised  as  deceit ;  it  is  only  good 
sense  applied  to  the  presentation  of  a  theme  with  recog- 
nition of  the  demands  of  the  prospective  audience. 

Care    in    preparation,    cultivation    of    the    oratorical 


Two  Lines  of  Preparation  195 

imagination,  thoroughness  and  finish  of  diction,  must  not 
be  interpreted  as  meaning  that  these  are  the  chief  things 
to  be  sought.  Figures,  incidents,  beauties  of  language 
should  not  be  chosen  for  their  own  sake.  There  may  be 
such  a  thing  as  too  great  finish.  A  production  may  be  so 
polished  and  become  so  slick  that  the  thought  it  bears 
may  slip  through  the  memory.  It  needs  to  have  barbs, 
which,  even  though  they  irritate,  will  also  penetrate  and 
hold  fast  to  the  minds  of  the  hearers.  An  illustration,  a 
figure,  a  splendid  passage  that  does  not  at  the  same  time 
help  on  the  purpose  for  which  the  speech  is  pronounced 
is  as  sounding  brass. 


A 


CHAPTER  XVII 

THE  DELIVERY  OF  THE  ORATION 

Methods  of  Delivery. —  However  great  the  care 
and  skill  in  preparation  on  the  part  of  the  orator, 
his  work  is  not  done  until  he  has  delivered  himself  of  his 
message  to  the  actual,  living  audience.  Rhetorically, 
such  deliverance  is  the  end  for  which  his  speech  has  been 
prepared.  Unless  he  succeed  in  this  final  deliverance,  his 
labor  has  been  in  vain.  He  may  have  spent  days,  weeks, 
months,  even  years,  in  getting  ready  for  an  occasion  that 
will  be  passed  by  in  a  brief  hour  or  two.  Such  being  the 
case,  how  vastly  important  that  he  be  prepared  to  make 
the  most  of  the  occasion  when  it  comes!  Attention  has 
already  been  called  to  the  importance  of  having  a  well 
trained  voice  and  a  well  disciplined  body,  that  will  aid  him 
in  making  the  most  of  his  opportunity. 

There  are  various  methods  of  delivery.  Each  has  its 
champions.  Each  has  its  advantages  and  its  difficulties. 
Shall  the  speaker  write  his  speech  and  then  read  it  from 
the  manuscript  ?  Shall  he  write  it  and  memorize  ?  Shall 
he  write,  and,  without  attempting  to  remember  the  words, 
follow  the  line  of  thought  and  the  main  methods  of  de- 
velopment in  such  detail  as  may  come  to  him  in  the  glow 
of  delivery  ?  Shall  he  speak  from  notes,  with  no  attempt 

196 


The  Delivery  of  the  Oration         197 

to  memorize  anything?  Shall  he  memorize  the  main 
headings  of  his  plan,  and  trust  to  the  occasion  to  fill  in 
the  details  ?  Or  shall  he  speak  with  no  attempt  to  memo- 
rize anything,  but  out  of  the  fullness  of  his  information, 
thinking,  and  enthusiasm,  on  his  subject,  speak  as  with- 
out special  premeditation  regarding  the  language  that  he 
shall  use? 

i.  Some  of  the  great  speeches,  that  have  marked 
epochs  in  the  history  of  movements,  have  been  carefully 
written  and  read  word  for  word.  Those  tremendous  ser- 
mons of  Jonathan  Edwards,  which  moved  his  Puritan 
hearers  to  cling  to  the  pews  and  pillars  of  the  church  and 
cry  out  for  mercy,  were  read  without  a  gesture  and  almost 
without  a  glance  of  the  eye  away  from  the  manuscript. 
But  those  sermons  were  delivered  under  peculiar  circum- 
stances, to  an  audience  accustomed  to  follow  long  and 
intricate  lines  of  theological  reasoning,  by  a  man  who, 
perhaps,  was  the  greatest  theologian  yet  produced  in 
America.  Such  a  combination  of  conditions  is  not  likely 
to  come  again.  Lincoln's  Gettysburg  speech  was,  like- 
wise, carefully  written  and  read  from  the  manuscript. 

The  advantages  of  writing  in  full  and  reading  what  is 
written  when  the  speech  is  pronounced  are  somewhat 
obvious.  The  speaker  has  the  advantage  of  accuracy. 
He  does  not  say  in  the  haste  of  composition  what  he 
would  not  intend  to  say  and  be  willing  to  abide  by  after 
the  occasion  has  passed.  There  is,  also,  the  analogous 
advantage  of  correctness  of  grammar.  There  are  few 
that  use  the  English  language  with  precision  in  unpre- 


198  The  Making  of  an  Oration 

meditated  speech.  He  that  writes  with  deliberation  and 
care  is  less  likely  to  divorce  his  relatives  from  their 
antecedents,  to  put  his  modifiers  next  to  the  wrong  gov- 
erning words,  to  violate  the  laws  of  unity,  and  to  trans- 
gress the  principles  of  coherence,  than  is  the  man  that 
trusts  to  what  he  calls  "  inspiration."  Preliminary  per- 
spiration is  more  reliable  for  these  qualities  than  occa- 
sional inspiration.  If  he  must  do  one  or  the  other,  it  is 
better  for  the  speaker  to  read  sense  than  to  roar  nonsense. 

The  one  that  reads,  also,  is  spared  the  anxiety  and 
uncertainty,  the  fear  of  saying  what  he  does  not  mean, 
the  terror  of  making  an  utter  failure.  He  may  not  rise 
to  the  loftiest  heights  of  eloquence,  but  neither  will  he 
descend  to  the  lowest  depths  of  inane  platitudes.  He 
knows  precisely  what  he  is  going  to  say  to  his  audience, 
regardless  of  the  state  of  his  digestion  or  the  direction 
of  the  wind. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  reader  loses  much  of  that  free- 
dom and  dash,  that  magnetic  touch,  that  play  and  inter- 
play of  sympathy  which  should  exist  between  the  speaker 
and  his  audience,  and  which  the  man  that  speaks  without 
the  intervention  of  a  manuscript  between  him  and  his 
hearers  may  possess. 

If  the  speaker  decides  to  use  the  manuscript,  some 
suggestions  may  be  made  that  if  followed  will  be  of  value, 
(i.)  Let  him  write  on  single  sheets  (not  folded)  of  paper, 
so  that  when  he  reads  he  can  slip  these  sheets  to  one 
side  without  being  obliged  to  turn  them  over  and  thus 
obtrude  the  manuscript  upon  the  attention  of  his  audi- 


The  Delivery  of  the  Oration         199 

ence.  (2.)  Do  not  use  a  typewriter  but  a  pen.  The 
machine  makes  smaller  letters  and  the  lines  are  rather 
close  together,  and  do  not  catch  the  eye  as  readily  as 
writing.  Use  a  stub  pen,  or  some  kind  that  will  make  a 
heavy  mark.  Write,  also,  with  a  large,  clear  hand,  with 
the  lines  far  apart  to  enable  the  eye  to  catch  the  words 
and  even  the  lines  at  a  glance.  Make  no  flourishes,  but 
write  so  plainly  that  he  that  runs  may  read.  (3.)  Be 
perfectly  familiar  with  the  manuscript.  One  who  pre- 
pares his  manuscript  in  the  way  indicated  above,  and  has 
it  well  in  hand,  will  not  find  the  paper  a  serious  hindrance 
to  him  in  speaking.  With  such  preparation,  and  with 
good  eyes,  a  speaker  can  see  his  manuscript  from  three 
to  six  feet  away  and  thus  be  able  to  speak  with  all  the 
enthusiasm  of  the  "  off-hand  "  speaker  as  well  as  with  the 
accuracy  of  the  writer. 

2.  Some  advocate  the  method  of  writing  and  commit- 
ting the  speech  to  memory.  There  are  undoubtedly  some 
advantages  to  this  method.  It  secures  the  accuracy  of 
the  written  production  and,  theoretically,  the  freedom  and 
ease  of  the  unwritten  one.  A  disadvantage  is,  that  one 
who  follows  this  method  is  likely  to  become  declamatory 
in  his  style  of  speaking.  It  is  too  obviously  studied.  And 
it  is  not  quite  honest  with  the  audience  in  that  it  pretends 
to  be  what  it  is  not.  Few  can  speak  so  naturally  by  this 
method  as  to  convey  the  impression  of  spontaneity, —  of 
actual  face  to  face  conversation  with  an  audience.  A 
still  further  disadvantage  is  due  to  the  burden  such  a 
method  lays  upon  the  memory.  It  is  a  slavish  method, 


200  The  Making  of  an  Oration 

and  few  are  willing  to  undergo  the  kind  of  toil  demanded 
by  it.  There  are  some  that  have  been  extraordinarily 
successful  speakers  who  have  spoken  from  memory. 
For  students,  perhaps,  this  is  the  best  method.  There  is, 
of  course,  always  danger  that  the  memorized  production 
will  be  partly  forgotten  —  that  a  transitional  expression, 
or  the  order  of  thought  will  escape  the  memory,  and  that 
the  speaker  will  be  thrown  entirely  off  his  course  by  the 
failure.  One  needs  self-control,  readiness  of  resource, 
abundant  assurance,  in  such  a  contingency.  He  must 
"  keep  the  sound  going,"  or  he  is  lost.  If  he  lose  grip  on 
his  speech,  he  will  soon  lose  grip  on  himself  and  on  his 
audience.  One,  however,  who  can  successfully  pursue 
this  method  may  well  follow  it. 

3.  There  have  been  men,  who  have  been  accustomed 
to  write  fully  and  then,  without  attempting  to  remember 
the  language  of  their  speech,  have  practically  repeated  it 
word  for  word.  A  few  years  ago,  when  Dr.  T.  Harwood 
Pattison  was  professor  of  homiletics  in  the  Rochester 
Theological  Seminary,  he  was  talking  to  a  small  group  of 
students  regarding  his  own  methods.  Dr.  Pattison  was 
a  brilliant  preacher,  fluent,  eloquent,  impressive.  He  said, 
in  substance :  "  I  write  my  sermons  in  full,  usually  at 
one  sitting.  Or  rather  I  write  standing  at  a  high  desk. 
Saturday  evening  I  read  my  morning  sermon  with  great 
care.  Sunday  morning  I  read  it  again.  When  the  hour 
for  service  comes,  I  put  the  sermon  in  my  pocket,  and, 
often,  during  the  opening  services  I  glance  through  the 
manuscript  again.  Then  I  lay  the  sermon  aside,  and 


The  Delivery  of  the  Oration         201 

preach  with  no  conscious  effort  to  remember;  but  prac- 
tically give  the  sermon  word  for  word  as  it  was  written." 
Perhaps  such  a  method  would  become  possible  for  almost 
any  well  trained  man,  with  natural  talent,  and  with  the 
persistency  of  effort  requisite  to  make  the  most  of  that 
talent. 

4.  Some  speakers  do  their  best  work  by  speaking  from 
notes,  carefully  prepared  and  used  as  a  guide  while  pro- 
nouncing their  speech.    The  notes  of  those  who  employ 
this  method  are  usually  full  enough  to  include  not  only 
the  outline  of  the  plan  but  enough  of  the  details  of 
development  to  furnish  a  somewhat  complete  synopsis 
of  the  minor  details  as  well  as  the   larger  groups  of 
thought. 

Unless  one  prefers  this  method,  it  is  not  commended 
as  a  good  one  to  cultivate.  It  has  neither  the  accuracy 
and  fullness  of  writing  nor  the  freedom  of  the  off-hand 
production.  Whatever  method  of  presentation  is  adopted, 
it  should  be  a  help  and  not  a  bondage. 

5.  Some  of  the  most  successful  speakers  advocate  and 
practice  the  habit  of  using  a  bare  outline  of  the  prepared 
speech  and  not  using  any  other  guide  in  the  delivery.    If 
this  method  is  followed,  the  outline  should  contain  little 
more  than  the  main  headings  of  the  plan,  with,  at  the 
most,    only    the   principal    subdivisions.      Then,    if    the 
speaker  is  fearful  that  he  may  forget  or  that  he  may  not 
present  his  thought  in  the  best  order,  he  has  his  plan  at 
hand  as  a  guide.     Thus  he  is  sure  of  his  logic, —  sure 
of  presenting  his  speech  in  what  seems  to  him  the  best 


202          The  Making  of  an  Oration 

order,  whatever  be  the  excellences  or  deficiencies  of  the 
language  in  which  that  thought  is  expressed.  This 
method  has  also  the  virtue  of  giving  confidence  to  the 
speaker.  He  may  never  have  occasion  to  refer  to  his 
outline,  but  he  knows  it  to  be  within  reach  if  he  needs  it. 

6.  There  is  no  question  that  the  great  majority  of 
hearers  prefer  to  hear  the  orator  speak  who  uses  no  visible 
helps  in  the  form  of  manuscript  or  even  the  briefest  out- 
line. That  is,  if  he  speaks  with  equal  excellence,  so  far  as 
the  thought  and  the  language  are  concerned.  And  why 
is  it  not  just  as  easy  to  speak  in  this  way  as  it  is  to  have  a 
written  outline,  as  well  as  more  effective?  Surely,  to 
commit  the  plan  to  memory  is  not  so  very  difficult,  and 
such  a  practice  will  serve  as  a  guide,  a  framework,  on 
which  to  hang  the  thought,  as  well  as  the  same  frame- 
work would  serve  if  it  were  committed  to  paper.  If  the 
speaker  is  as  thoroughly  master  of  his  theme  as  he  is 
presumed  to  be,  and  has  done  the  thorough  work  in 
preparation  that  he  should  have  done,  he  will  be  so  in 
command  of  his  subject  and  of  himself  that  on  the  basis 
of  the  plan  that  he  holds  completely  in  his  mind,  he  can 
speak,  at  last,  with  all  freedom  and  with  all  the  exactness 
of  which  he  is  capable. 

Whatever  manner  of  delivery  the  orator  adopts,  it  must 
be  his  own.  Let  him  choose  that  which  best  suits  his  own 
temperament,  his  own  tastes,  his  own  habits  of  thought. 
And  then  let  him  make  the  most  of  that  method.  What- 
ever method  he  follow,  he  can  attain  all  the  success 


The  Delivery  of  the  Oration         203 

within  his  powers  if  he  is  willing  to  pay  the  price  of  the 
hard  labor  that  is  the  measure  of  success. 

But  whether  the  speaker  use  a  manuscript  or  even 
write  his  speech  and  pronounce  it  without  reading,  he 
should  constantly  practice  writing.  Thus  he  will  develop 
habits  of  using  language  accurately.  Nothing  is  easier 
than  for  one  to  acquire  slovenly  and  incorrect  habits  of 
speech,  especially  if  he  speaks  much  without  a  corre- 
sponding amount  of  writing.  To  counteract  such  a  tend- 
ency, therefore,  he  should  let  no  day  pass  without  some 
practice  in  serious  composition.  Whether  this  writing 
be  the  composition  of  speeches  or  of  something  quite 
distinct  in  nature,  makes  little  difference,  so  far  as  the 
question  of  its  effect  upon  his  style  is  concerned.  Care- 
ful and  regular  practice  in  writing  is  his  security  from 
looseness  and  incorrectness. 

B.  Spirit  of  the  Delivery. — When  the  time  arrives  for 
the  orator  to  deliver  himself  of  his  message,  then  let 
him  speak  with  all  boldness.  Let  him  speak  as  one  having 
authority,  because  he  knows  more,  probably,  about  the 
subject  in  hand  than  any  one  of  his  hearers.  So,  let  him 
speak  with  confidence. 

Let  him  speak,  also,  with  all  earnestness, —  with  an 
intensity  of  conviction  arising  from  the  feeling  that  his 
subject  is  the  most  important  theme  that  can  then  engage 
the  attention  of  mankind.  Let  him  speak  as  if  his  own 
life,  the  safety  of  his  country,  and  the  progress  of  the 
world  depend  upon  the  acceptance  and  adoption  of  his 
"  object "  by  his  hearers.  So  his  speaking  cannot  be 


204  The  Making  of  an  Oration 

cold-blooded  and  studied.  When  he  is  preparing  his 
speech  is  the  time  for  the  exercise  of  such  a  spirit;  but 
in  the  task  of  actual  speaking,  he  must  "  let  himself  go." 
Then  is  the  time  for  abandon.  Then  is  the  time  for  him 
to  speak  with  enthusiasm, —  with  the  spontaneousness  of 
a  fountain  bursting  from  the  hillside  and  dashing  down 
to  the  valley  of  great  waters,  because  it  has  the  weight 
of  conviction  behind,  urging  it  on,  and  the  gravitation  of 
purpose  calling  it. 

*************** 
IS  THE  NEED  OF  ORATORY  DECLINING? 

Something  has  already  been  said  upon  this  question, 
but  a  few  more  words  may  not  be  out  of  place. 

We  not  infrequently  hear  it  remarked  that  in  these 
days  of  books  and  newspapers  there  is  no  room  and  no 
need  for  oratory, —  that  men  read  and  form  their 
opinions  from  their  reading,  and  do  not  depend  upon 
the  spoken  address  for  the  impulse  that  shall  give  direc- 
tion to  their  will  and  its  resultant  act  or  course  of  action. 

Plausible  as  this  statement  may  seem,  we  may  confi- 
dently appeal  to  facts  for  its  refutation.  From  a  hundred 
thousand  Christian  pulpits  throughout  the  world,  the 
voice  of  the  preacher  of  righteousness  refutes  it  every 
Sunday.  And  these  preachers  do  not  speak  to  empty 
pews.  If  statistics  are  to  be  believed,  the  attendance  on 
the  oratory  of  the  pulpit  is  greater  than  ever  before  in 
the  history  of  the  world.  From  every  court  of  justice, 
the  voice  of  the  advocate  refutes  it.  From  every  legis- 


The  Delivery  of  the  Oration         205 

lative  assembly,  and  from  the  halls  of  congress  for 
months  every  year,  the  voices  of  our  lawmakers  refute  it. 
While  these  words  are  being  written,  the  political  parties 
of  our  country  are  preparing  for  the  nomination  of  can- 
didates for  president  and  for  other  public  officers,  and 
already  the  followers  of  the  various  aspirants  are  heard 
speaking  in  behalf  of  their  respective  leaders.  After  the 
nominations  shall  have  been  made,  from  every  public  hall, 
under  the  open  sky,  from  almost  every  schoolhouse 
throughout  the  land,  the  voice  of  the  political  orator  will 
rise  every  day  for  weary  months  to  refute  the  assertion. 
Is  it  conceivable  that  the  shrewd  men  who  are  managing 
these  "  campaigns  "  would  send  out  these  hundreds  of 
speakers  at  a  vast  expenditure  of  energy  and  money,  did 
not  these  men  know  that  votes  are  to  be  won  through 
presentation  of  their  cause  by  the  living  advocate?  Is 
is  conceivable  that  Christian  churches  would  establish 
schools  for  the  training  of  preachers  and  would  pay 
millions  for  the  support  of  pastors  did  they  not  still 
believe  that  men  are  to  be  won  through  "  the  foolishness 
of  preaching  "  ? 

So,  we  may  confidently  appeal  to  facts  for  evidence  of 
the  truth  of  the  assertion  that  the  occupation  of  the 
orator  is  not  gone.  It  is  a  condition,  not  a  theory,  that 
we  may  depend  upon.  There  seems  to  be  no  ground  for 
doubt  that  there  is  a  growing  interest,  an  increasing  atten- 
tion to  the  subject  of  public  speaking  in  the  schools  and 
colleges  of  our  country.  During  the  last  few  years,  in 
some  portions  of  the  country  —  particularly  west  of  the 


206          The  Making  of  an  Oration 

Alleghany  mountains  —  this  revival  of  interest  has  been 
quite  marked.  This  fact  is  an  indication  of  the  belief 
among  students  and  school  authorities  that  there  is 
always  a  need  of  men  who  can  persuade  others  by  the 
power  of  oratory.  So  long  as  men  do  not  see  eye  to  eye, 
or  march  side  by  side ;  so  long  as  reforms  are  needed ; 
so  long  as  laws  are  to  be  made  and  enforced ;  so  long  as 
truth  and  righteousness  need  to  be  brought  home  to  the 
minds  and  consciences  and  wills  of  men ;  —  so  long  will 
there  be  a  call  for  the  eloquent  voice,  the  strong  per- 
sonality, the  magnetic  presence,  the  persuasive  speech  of 
the  orator  to  appeal  to  men. 


PARTY 

I.    SPEECHES  FOR  CAREFUL  STUDY 

II.    A  LIST  OF  SPEECHES  FOR  FURTHER 
STUDY 

III.    A  LIST  OF  SUBJECTS  SUITABLE  FOR 
ORATORICAL  TREATMENT 


LIBERTY  OR  DEATH 

BY 

PATRICK  HENRY 

(Judged  from  the  standpoint  of  effective  oratory,  probably  no 
man  in  the  history  of  American  eloquence  has  surpassed,  if  indeed 
any  has  equalled,  Patrick  Henry.  He  was  not  trained  in  the 
schools,  but  he  was  endowed  with  those  natural  gifts  that  the 
schools  cannot  impart, —  the  gifts  of  genius  that  are  a  law  unto 
themselves.  The  following  famous  speech,  as  reported  by  his 
biographer,  was  delivered  March  23,  1775,  in  the  Second  Revolu- 
tionary Convention  at  Richmond,  Virginia.  It  was  in  support  of 
a  resolution  that  Virginia  be  "put  into  a  posture  of  defense." 
An  account  of  the  speech  and  the  speaker,  showing  Henry's  man- 
ner and  the  immediate  effect  of  the  speech,  will  be  found  in  the 
volume  on  Patrick  Henry,  in  the  American  Statesmen  Series, 
pp.  140-151.) 

MR.  PRESIDENT:  No  man  thinks  more  highly  than  I  do  of 
the  patriotism,  as  well  as  abilities,  of  the  very  worthy  gentle- 
men who  have  just  addressed  the  house.  But  different  men 
often  see  the  same  subject  in  different  lights;  and,  therefore, 
I  hope  it  will  not  be  thought  disrespectful  to  those  gentlemen, 
if,  entertaining  as  I  do,  opinions  of  a  character  very  opposite 
to  theirs,  I  shall  speak  forth  my  sentiments  freely  and  with- 
out reserve.  This  is  no  time  for  ceremony.  The  question 
before  the  house  is  one  of  awful  moment  to  this  country. 
For  my  own  part,  I  consider  it  as  nothing  less  than  a  question 
of  freedom  or  slavery ;  and  in  proportion  to  the  magnitude  of 
the  subject  ought  to  be  the  freedom  of  the  debate.  It  is  only 
in  this  way  that  we  can  hope  to  arrive  at  truth,  and  fulfill 
the  great  responsibility  which  we  hold  to  God  and  our  coun- 

209 


210          The  Making  of  an  Oration 

try.  Should  I  keep  back  my  opinions  at  such  a  time,  through 
fear  of  giving  offense,  I  should  consider  myself  as  guilty  of 
treason  toward  my  country,  and  an  act  of  disloyalty  toward 
the  Majesty  of  Heaven,  which  I  revere  above  all  earthly 
kings. 

Mr.  President,  it  is  natural  to  man  to  indulge  in  the  illu- 
sions of  hope.  We  are  apt  to  shut  our  eyes  against  a  painful 
truth,  and  listen  to  the  song  of  that  siren,  till  she  transforms 
us  into  beasts.  Is  this  the  part  of  wise  men,  engaged  in  a 
great  and  arduous  struggle  for  liberty?  Are  we  disposed 
to  be  of  the  number  of  those,  who,  having  eyes,  see  not, 
and,  having  ears,  hear  not,  the  things  which  so  nearly  con- 
cern their  temporal  salvation?  For  my  part,  whatever  an- 
guish of  spirit  it  may  cost,  I  am  willing  to  know  the  whole 
truth;  to  know  the  worst,  and  to  provide  for  it. 

I  have  but  one  lamp  by  which  my  feet  are  guided ;  and  that 
is  the  lamp  of  experience.  I  know  no  way  of  judging  of  the 
future  but  by  the  past.  And,  judging  by  the  past,  I  wish  to 
know  what  there  has  been  in  the  conduct  of  the  British  min- 
istry for  the  last  ten  years,  to  justify  those  hopes  with  which 
men  have  been  pleased  to  solace  themselves  and  the  house? 
Is  it  that  insidious  smile  with  which  our  petition  has  been 
lately  received?  Trust  it  not,  Sir.  It  will  prove  a  snare  to 
your  feet.  Suffer  not  yourselves  to  be  betrayed *  with  a  kiss. 
Ask  yourselves  how  this  gracious  reception  of  our  petition 
comports  with  those  warlike  preparations  which  cover  our 
waters  and  darken  our  land.  Are  fleets  and  armies  neces- 
sary to  a  work  of  love  and  reconciliation?  Have  we  shown 
ourselves  so  unwilling  to  be  reconciled,  that  force  must  be 
called  in  to  win  back  our  love?  Let  us  not  deceive  ourselves, 
Sir.  These  are  the  implements  of  war  and  subjugation;  the 
last  arguments  to  which  kings  resort.  I  ask  gentlemen,  Sir, 
what  means  this  martial  array,  if  its  purpose  be  not  to  force 
us  to  submission?  Can  gentlemen  assign  any  other  possible 
motive  for  it?  Has  Great  Britain  any  enemy,  in  this  quarter 


Speeches  for  Careful  Study          211 

of  the  world,  to  call  for  all  this  accumulation  of  navies  and 
armies?  No,  Sir,  she  has  none.  They  are  meant  for  us: 
they  can  be  meant  for  no  other.  They  are  sent  over  to  bind 
and  rivet  upon  us  those  chains,  which  the  British  ministry 
have  been  so  long  forging.  And  what  have  we  to  oppose  to 
them?  Shall  we  try  argument?  Sir,  we  have  been  trying 
that  for  the  last  ten  years.  Have  we  anything  new  to  offer 
upon  the  subject?  Nothing.  We  have  held  the  subject  up  in 
every  light  of  which  it  is  capable ;  but  it  has  all  been  in  vain. 
Shall  we  resort  to  entreaty  and  humble  supplication?  What 
terms  shall  we  find,  that  have  not  already  been  exhausted? 
Let  us  not,  I  beseech  you,  sir,  deceive  ourselves  longer.  Sir, 
we  have  done  everything,  that  could  be  done  to  avert  the 
storm  that  is  now  coming  on.  We  have  petitioned 2 ;  we 
have  remonstrated;  we  have  supplicated;  we  have  prostrated 
ourselves  before  the  throne,  and  have  implored  its  interposi- 
tion to  arrest  the  tyrannical  hands  of  the  ministry  and  parlia- 
ment. Our  petitions  have  been  slighted;  our  remonstrances 
have  produced  additional  violence  and  insult;  our  supplica- 
tions have  been  disregarded ;  and  we  have  been  spurned,  with 
contempt,  from  the  foot  of  the  throne !  In  vain,  after  these 
things,  may  we  indulge  the  fond  hope  of  peace  and  recon- 
ciliation. There  is  no  longer  any  room  for  hope.  If  we 
wish  to  be  free  —  if  we  mean  to  preserve  inviolate  those  ines- 
timable privileges  for  which  we  have  been  so  long  contend- 
ing—  if  we  mean  not  basely  to  abandon  the  noble  struggle 
in  which  we  have  been  so  long  engaged,  and  which  we  have 
pledged  ourselves  never  to  abandon,  until  the  glorious  object 
of  our  contest  shall  be  obtained  —  we  must  fight!  I  repeat 
it,  sir,  we  must  fight !  An  appeal  to  arms  and  to  the  God  of 
Hosts  is  all  that  is  left  us ! 

They  tell  us,  sir,  that  we  are  weak ;  unable  to  cope  with  so 
formidable  an  adversary.  But  when  shall  we  be  stronger? 
Will  it  be  the  next  week,  or  the  next  year  ?  Will  it  be  when 


212          The  Making  of  an  Oration 

we  are  totally  disarmed,  and  when  a  British  guard  is  stationed 
in  every  house?  Shall  we  gather  strength  by  irresolution 
and  inaction  ?  Shall  we  acquire  the  means  of  effectual  resist- 
ance, by  lying  supinely  on  our  backs  and  hugging  the  delusive 
phantom  of  hope,  until  our  enemies  have  bound  us  hand  and 
foot?  Sir,  we  are  not  weak,  if  we  make  a  proper  use  of 
those  means  which  the  God  of  nature  hath  placed  in  our 
power.  Three  millions  of  people,  armed  in  the  holy  cause  of 
liberty,  and  in  such  a  country  as  that  which  we  possess,  are 
invincible  by  any  force  which  our  enemy  can  send  against 
us.  Besides,  sir,  we  shall  not  fight  our  battles  alone.  There 
is  a  just  God  who  presides  over  the  destinies  of  nations,  and 
who  will  raise  up  friends  to  fight  our  battles  for  us.  The 
battle,  sir,  is  not  to  the  strong  3  alone ;  it  is  to  the  vigilant,  the 
active,  the  brave.  Besides,  sir,  we  have  no  election.  If  we 
were  base  enough  to  desire  it,  it  is  now  too  late  to  retire  from 
the  contest.  There  is  no  retreat,  but  in  submission  and  slav- 
ery !  Our  chains  are  forged !  Their  clanking  may  be  heard 
on  the  plains  of  Boston!  The  war  is  inevitable  —  and  let 
it  come!  I  repeat  it,  sir,  let  it  come! 

It  is  in  vain,  sir,  to  extenuate  the  matter.  Gentlemen  may 
cry,  Peace,  peace  —  but  there  is  no  peace.  The  war  is  actu- 
ally begun !  The  next  gale,  that  sweeps  from  the  north,  will 
bring  to  our  ears  the  clash  *  of  resounding  arms !  Our 
brethren  are  already  in  the  field !  Why  stand  we  here  idle  ? 
What  is  it  that  gentlemen  wish?  What  would  they  have? 
Is  life  so  dear,  or  peace  so  sweet,  as  to  be  purchased  at 
the  price  of  chains  and  slavery  ?  Forbid  it,  Almighty  God ! 
I  know  not  what  course  others  may  take;  but  as  for  me, 
give  me  liberty  or  give  me  death ! 

NOTES   ON    "  LIBERTY   OR   DEATH  " 

BY 
PATRICK   HENRY 

I.  Luke  XXII:  47-48.  Why  are  Scriptural  allusions  so 
effective? 


Speeches  for  Careful  Study          213 

2.  Note  how  the  brevity  of  these  clauses,  and  the  meaning  of 
the  words  as  arranged,  add  to  the  climacteric  effect. 

3.  Eccl.  IX:ii. 

4.  Try  to  substitute  some  other  word  for  "clash,"  and  see  if 
there  is  any  loss  of  effect. 

5.  A  very  large  proportion  of  the  sentences  is  interrogative. 
Try  the  effect  of  changing  these  sentences  to  the  declarative  form. 


FIRST  INAUGURAL  ADDRESS 

BY 

ABRAHAM  LINCOLN 

(Before  this  address  was  delivered  Lincoln  was  a  compar- 
atively unknown  man  to  the  country  at  large,  although  he  had 
recently  been  elected  president.  From  that  day,  however,  there 
was  no  doubt  in  the  minds  of  the  people  at  large  that  he  was  equal 
to  the  high  trust  that  had  been  placed  in  his  hands.  Thenceforth 
there  was  no  ground  for  doubt  regarding  his  attitude  toward  the 
great  questions  that  were  agitating  the  country.  His  words  are 
clear,  definite,  and  positive.  The  student  will  find  it  profitable 
to  study  this  and  others  of  Lincoln's  speeches  for  the  clearness 
and  cogency  of  their  reasoning,  for  his  precision  in  the  choice  of 
words  and  the  construction  of  sentences,  and  for  the  simplicity 
and  music  of  his  style.  He  should  also  read  carefully  what 
is  said  of  Lincoln's  style  in  the  text.) 

Fellow-Citizens  of  the  United  States: 

In  compliance  with  a  custom  as  old  as  the  government 
itself,  I  appear  before  you  to  address  you  briefly  and  to  take 
in  your  presence  the  oath  prescribed  by  the  Constitution  of 
the  United  States  to  be  taken  by  the  President  "  before  he 
enters  on  the  execution  of  his  office." 

I  do  not x  consider  it  necessary  at  present  for  me  to  discuss 
those  matters  about  which  there  is  no  present  nor  especial 
anxiety  or  excitement. 

Apprehension  seems  to  exist  among  the  people  of  the 
Southern  States  that  by  the  accession  of  a  Republican  admin- 
istration their  property  and  their  peace  and  personal  security 
are  to  be  endangered.  There  has  never  been  any  reasonable 
cause  for  such  apprehension.  Indeed,  the  most  ample  evidence 

214 


Speeches  for  Careful  Study          215 

to  the  contrary  has  all  the  while  existed  and  been  open  to  their 
inspection.  It  is  found  in  nearly  all  the  public  speeches  of 
him  who  now  addresses  you.  I  do  but  quote  from  one  of 
those  speeches  when  I  declare  that  — 

"  I  have  no  purpose,  directly  or  indirectly,  to  interfere 
with  the  institution  of  slavery  in  the  states  where  it  exists. 
I  believe  I  have  no  lawful  right  to  do  so,  and  I  have  no  incli- 
nation to  do  so." 

Those  who  nominated  and  elected  me  did  so  with  full 
knowledge  that  I  had  made  this  and  many  similar  declara- 
tions and  had  never  recanted  them ;  and  more  than  this,  they 
placed  in  the  platform  for  my  acceptance,  and  as  a  law  to 
themselves  and  to  me,  the  clear  and  emphatic  resolution 
which  I  now  read: 

"Resolved,  That  the  maintenance  inviolate  of  the  rights 
of  the  States,  and  especially  the  right  of  each  State  to  order 
and  control  its  own  domestic  institutions  according  to  its  own 
judgment  exclusively,  is  essential  to  that  balance  of  power  on 
which  the  perfection  and  endurance  of  our  political  fabric 
depend ;  and  we  denounce  the  lawless  invasion  by  armed  force 
of  the  soil  of  any  State  or  Territory,  no  matter  under  what 
pretext,  as  among  the  gravest  of  crimes-." 

I  now  reiterate  these  sentiments,  and  in  doing  so  I  only 
press  upon  the  public  attention  the  most  conclusive  evidence 
of  which  the  case  is  susceptible,  that  the  property,  peace, 
and  security  of  no  section  are  to  be  in  anywise  endangered  by 
the  now  incoming  administration.  I  add,  too,  that  all  the 
protection  which,  consistently  with  the  constitution  and  the 
laws,  can  be  given  will  be  cheerfully  given  to  all  the  States 
when  lawfully  demanded,  for  whatever  cause  —  as  cheer- 
fully to  one  section  as  to  another. 

There  is  much  controversy  about  the  delivering  up  of 
fugitives  from  service  or  labor.  The  clause  I  now  read  is  as 
plainly  written  in  the  Constitution  as  any  other  of  its  pro- 
visions: 


216          The  Making  of  an  Oration 

"No  person  held  to  service  or  labor  in  one  State,  under 
the  laws  thereof,  escaping  into  another,  shall  in  consequence 
of  any  law  or  regulation  therein  be  discharged  from  such 
service  or  labor,  but  shall  be  delivered  up  on  claim  of  the 
party  to  whom  such  service  or  labor  may  be  due." 

It  is  scarcely  questioned  that  this  provision  was  intended 
by  those  who  made  it  for  the  reclaiming  of  what  we  call 
fugitive  slaves;  and  the  intention  of  the  lawgiver  is  the 
law.  All  members  of  Congress  swear  their  support  to  the 
whole  Constitution  —  to  this  provision  as  much  as  to  any 
other.  To  the  proposition,  then,  that  slaves,  whose  cases 
come  within  the  terms  of  this  clause,  "  shall  be  delivered  up," 
their  oaths  are  unanimous.  Now,  if  they  would  make  the 
effort  in  good  temper,  could  they  not  with  nearly  equal 
unanimity  frame  and  pass  a  law  by  means  of  which  to  keep 
good  that  unanimous  oath? 

There  is  some  difference  of  opinion  whether  this  clause 
should  be  enforced  by  national  or  by  State  authority;  but 
surely  that  difference  is  not  a  very  material  one.  If  the  slave 
is  to  be  surrendered,  it  can  be  of  but  little  consequence  to 
him  or  to  others  by  which  authority  it  is  done.  And  should 
anyone,  in  any  case,  be  content  that  his  oath  should  be  unkept 
ori  a  merely  unsubstantial  controversy  as  to  how  it  shall  be 
kept? 

Again2:  In  any  law  upon  this  subject  ought  not  all  the 
safeguards  known  in  civilized  and  humane  jurisprudence  to 
be  introduced,  so  that  a  free  man  be  not  in  any  case  surren- 
dered as  a  slave  ?  And  might  it  not  be  well  at  the  same  time 
to  provide  by  law  for  the  enforcement  of  that  clause  in  the 
Constitution  which  guarantees  that  "the  citizens  of  each 
State  shall  be  entitled  to  all  privileges  and  immunities  of 
citizens  in  the  several  States  "  ? 

I  take  the  official  oath  today  with  no  mental  reservations 
and  with  no  purpose  to  construe  the  Constitution  or  the  laws 
by  any  hypercritical  rules ;  and  while  I  do  not  choose  now  to 


Speeches  for  Careful  Study          217 

specify  particular  acts  of  Congress  as  proper  to  be  enforced, 
I  do  suggest  that  it  will  be  much  safer  for  all,  both  in  official 
and  private  stations,  to  conform  to  and  abide  by  all  those 
acts  which  stand  unrepealed  than  to  violate  any  of  them  trust- 
ing to  find  impunity  in  having  them  held  to  be  unconstitutional. 

It  is  seventy-two  years  since  the  first  inauguration  of  a 
President  under  our  National  Constitution.  During  that 
period  fifteen  different  and  greatly  distinguished  citizens  have 
in  succession  administered  the  executive  branch  of  the  govern- 
ment. They  have  conducted  it  through  many  perils,  and 
generally  with  great  success.  Yet,  with  all  this  scope  of  pre- 
cedent, I  now  enter  upon  the  same  task  for  the  brief  consti- 
tutional term  of  four  years  under  great  and  peculiar  difficulty. 
A  disruption  of  the  Federal  Union,  heretofore  only  menaced, 
is  now  formidably  attempted. 

I  hold  that  in  contemplation  of  universal  law  and  of  the 
Constitution  the  Union  of  these  States  is  perpetual.3  Per- 
petuity is  implied,  if  not  expressed,  in  the  fundamental  law 
of  all  national  governments.  It  is  safe  to  assert  that  no 
government  proper  ever  had  a  provision  in  its  organic  law  for 
its  own  termination.  Continue  to  execute  all  the  express  pro- 
visions of  our  National  Constitution,  and  the  Union  will 
endure  forever,  it  being  impossible  to  destroy  it  except  by 
some  action  not  provided  for  in  the  instrument  itself. 

Again :  If  the  United  States  be  not  a  government  proper, 
but  an  association  of  States  in  the  nature  of  a  contract  merely, 
can  it,  as  a  contract,  be  peaceably  unmade  by  less  than  all  the 
parties  who  made  it?  One  party  to  a  contract  may  violate 
it  —  break  it  so  to  speak  —  but  does  it  not  require  all  to 
lawfully  rescind  it? 

Descending  from  these  general  principles,  we  find  the 
proposition  that  in  legal  contemplation  the  Union  is  perpetual, 
confirmed  by  the  history  of  the  Union  itself.  The  Union  is 
much  older  than  the  Constitution.  It  was  formed,  in  fact, 
by  the  Articles  of  Association  in  1774.  It  was  matured  and 


218          The  Making  of  an  Oration 

continued  by  the  Declaration  of  Independence  in  1776.  It  was 
further  matured,  and  the  faith  of  the  then  thirteen  States 
expressly  plighted  and  engaged  that  it  should  be  perpetual, 
by  the  Articles  of  Confederation  in  1778.  And  finally,  in 
1787,  one  of  the  declared  objects  for  ordaining  and  establish- 
ing the  Constitution  was  "  to  form  a  more  perfect  Union/' 

But  if  destruction  of  the  Union  by  one  or  by  a  part  only 
of  the  States  be  lawfully  possible,  the  Union  is  less  perfect 
than  before  the  Constitution,  having  lost  the  vital  element  of 
perpetuity. 

It  follows  from  these  views  that  no  State  upon  its  own 
mere  motion  can  lawfully  get  out  of  the  Union ;  that  resolves 
and  ordinances  to  that  effect  are  legally  void,  and  that  acts 
of  violence  within  any  State  or  States  against  the  authority 
are  insurrectionary  or  revolutionary,  according  to  circum- 
stances. 

I  therefore  consider  that  in  view  of  the  Constitution  and 
the  laws  the  Union  is  unbroken,  and  to  the  extent  of  my 
ability,  I  shall  take  care,  as  the  Constitution  still  expressly 
enjoins  upon  me,  that  the  laws  of  the  Union  be  faithfully 
executed  in  all  the  States.  Doing  this  I  deem  to  be  only  a 
simple  duty  on  my  part,  and  I  shall  perform  it  so  far  as 
practicable  unless  my  rightful  masters,  the  American  people, 
shall  withhold  the  requisite  means  or  in  some  authoritative 
manner  direct  the  contrary.  I  trust  this  will  not  be  regarded 
as  a  menace,  but  only  as  the  declared  purpose  of  the  Union 
that  it  will  constitutionally  defend  and  maintain  itself. 

In  doing  this  there  needs  to  be  no  bloodshed  or  violence, 
and  there  shall  4  be  none  unless  it  be  forced  upon  the  national 
authority.  The  power  confided  to  me  will  be  used  to  hold, 
occupy,  and  possess  the  property  and  places  belonging  to  the 
government  and  to  collect  the  duties  and  imposts ;  but  beyond 
what  may  be  necessary  for  these  objects,  there  will  be  no 
invasion,  no  using  of  force  against  or  among  the  people  any- 
where. Where  hostility  to  the  United  States  in  any  interior 


Speeches  for  Careful  Study          219 

locality  shall  be  so  great  and  universal  as  shall  prevent  com- 
petent resident  citizens  from  holding  the  Federal  offices,  there 
will  be  no  attempt  to  force  obnoxious  strangers  among  the 
people  for  that  object.  While  the  strict  legal  right  may 
exist  in  the  government  to  enforce  the  exercise  of  these 
offices,  the  attempt  to  do  so  would  be  so  irritating  and  so 
nearly  impracticable  withal  that  I  deem  it  better  to  forego 
for  the  time  the  uses  of  such  offices. 

The  mails,  unless  repelled,  will  continue  to  be  furnished  in 
all  parts  of  the  Union.  So  far  as  possible  the  people  every- 
where shall  have  that  sense  of  perfect  security  which  is 
favorable  to  calm  thought  and  reflection.  The  course  here 
indicated  will  be  followed  unless  current  events  and  experience 
shall  show  a  modification  or  change  to  be  proper,  and  in  every 
case  and  exigency  my  best  discretion  will  be  exercised,  ac- 
cording to  circumstances  actually  existing  and  with  a  view 
and  a  hope  of  a  peaceful  solution  of  the  national  troubles 
and  the  restoration  of  fraternal  sympathies  and  affections. 

That  there  are  persons  in  one  section  or  another  who  seek 
to  destroy  the  Union  at  all  events  and  are  glad  of  any  pre- 
text to  do  it,  I  will  neither  affirm  nor  deny ;  but  if  there  be  such, 
I  need  address  no  word  to  them.  To  those,  however,  who 
really  love  the  Union  may  I  not  speak? 

Before  entering  upon  so  grave  a  matter  as  the  destruc- 
tion of  our  national  fabric,  with  all  its  benefits,  its  memories, 
and  its  hopes,  would  it  not  be  wise  to  ascertain  precisely  why 
we  do  it?  Will  you  hazard  so  desperate  a  step  while  there 
is  any  possibility  that  any  portion  of  the  ills  you  fly  from  have 
no  real  existence?  Will  you,  while  the  certain  ills  you  fly 
to  are  greater  than  all  the  real  ones  you  fly  from,  will  you 
risk  the  commission  of  so  fearful  a  mistake? 

All  profess  to  be  content  in  the  Union  if  all  constitutional 
rights  can  be  maintained.  Is  it  true,  then,  that  any  right 
plainly  written  in  the  Constitution  has  been  denied?  I  think 
not.  Happily,  the  human  mind  is  so  constituted  that  no  party 


220          The  Making  of  an  Oration 

can  reach  to  the  audacity  of  doing  this.  Think,  if  you  can, 
of  a  single  instance  in  which  a  plainly  written  provision  of 
the  Constitution  has  ever  been  denied.  If  by  the  mere  force 
of  numbers  a  majority  should  deprive  a  minority  of  any 
clearly  written  constitutional  right,  it  might  in  a  moral  point 
of  view  justify  revolution;  certainly  would  if  such  a  right 
were  a  vital  one.  But  such  is  not  our  case.  All  the  vital 
rights  of  minorities  and  of  individuals  are  so  plainly  assured 
to  them  by  affirmations  and  negations,  guarantees  and  pro- 
hibitions, in  the  Constitution,  that  controversies  never  arise 
concerning  them.  But  no  organic  law  can  ever  be  framed 
with  a  provision  specifically  applicable  to  every  question  which 
may  occur  in  practical  administration.  No  foresight  can 
anticipate  nor  any  document  of  reasonable  length  contain 
express  provisions  for  all  possible  questions.  Shall  fugitives 
from  labor  be  surrendered  by  national  or  by  State  authority  ? 
The  Constitution  does  not  expressly  say:  May  Congress 
prohibit  slavery  in  the  territories  ?  The  Constitution  does  not 
expressly  say:  Must  Congress  protect  slavery  in  the  terri- 
tories? The  Constitution  does  not  expressly  say. 

From  questions  of  this  class  spring  all  our  constitutional 
controversies,  and  we  divide  upon  them  into  majorities  and 
minorities.  If  the  minorities  will  not  acquiesce,  the  majority 
must,  or  the  government  must  cease.  There  is  no  alternative, 
for  continuing  the  government  is  acquiescence  upon  one  side 
or  the  other.  If  a  minority5  in  such  case  will  secede  rather 
than  acquiesce,  they  make  a  precedent  which  in  turn  will 
divide  and  ruin  them,  for  a  minority  of  their  own  will  secede 
from  them  whenever  a  majority  refuses  to  be  controlled  by 
such  minority.  For  instance,  why  may  not  any  portion  of  a 
new  confederacy  a  year  or  two  hence  arbitrarily  secede 
again,  precisely  as  portions  of  the  present  Union  now  claim 
to  secede  from  it?  All  who  cherish  disunion  sentiments  are 
now  being  educated  to  the  exact  temper  of  doing  this. 


Speeches  for  Careful  Study          221 

Is  there  such  perfect  identity  of  interests  among  the  States 
to  compose  a  new  union  as  to  produce  harmony  only  and 
prevent  renewed  secession? 

Plainly  the  central  idea  of  secession  is  the  essence  of 
anarchy.  A  majority  held  in  restraint  by  constitutional 
checks  and  limitations,  and  always  changing  easily  with 
deliberate  changes  of  popular  opinions  and  sentiments,  is 
the  only  true  sovereign  of  a  free  people.  Whoever  rejects 
it  does  of  necessity  fly  to  anarchy  or  to  despotism.  Unanimity 
is  impossible.  The  rule  of  a  minority,  as  a  permanent  ar- 
rangement, is  wholly  inadmissible;  so  that,  rejecting  the 
majority  principle,  anarchy  or  despotism  in  some  form  is  all 
that  is  left. 

I  do  not  forget  the  position  assumed  by  some  that  consti- 
tutional questions  are  to  be  decided  by  the  Supreme  Court, 
nor  do  I  deny  that  such  decisions  in  any  case  are  binding 
upon  the  parties  to  a  suit  as  to  the  object  of  that  suit,  while 
they  are  also  entitled  to  very  high  respect  and  consideration 
in  all  parallel  cases  by  all  other  departments  of  the  Govern- 
ment. And  while  it  is  obviously  possible  that  such  decision 
may  be  erroneous  in  any  given  case,  still  the  evil  effect  fol- 
lowing it,  being  limited  to  that  particular  case,  with  the 
chance  that  it  may  be  overruled  and  never  become  a  prece- 
dent for  other  cases,  can  better  be  borne  than  could  the  evils 
of  a  different  practice.  At  the  same  time,  the  candid  citizen 
must  confess  that  if  the  policy  of  the  Government  upon  vital 
questions  affecting  the  whole  people  is  to  be  irrevocably  fixed 
by  decisions  of  the  Supreme  Court,  the  instant  they  are  in 
ordinary  litigation  between  parties  in  personal  actions  the 
people  will  have  ceased  to  be  their  own  rulers,  having  to  that 
extent  practically  resigned  their  Government  into  the  hands 
of  that  eminent  tribunal.  Nor  is  there  in  this  view  any 
assault  upon  the  court  or  the  judges.  It  is  a  duty  from  which 
they  may  not  shrink  to  decide  cases  properly  brought  before 


222  The  Making  of  an  Oration 

them,  and  it  is  no  fault  of  theirs  if  others  seek  to  turn  their 
decisions  to  political  purposes. 

One  section  of  our  country  believes  slavery  is  right  and 
ought  to  be  extended,  while  the  other  believes  it  is  wrong 
and  ought  not  to  be  extended.  This  is  the  only  substantial  dis- 
pute. The  fugitive-slave  clause  of  the  Constitution  and  the 
law  for  the  suppression  of  the  foreign  slave  trade  are  each 
as  well  enforced,  perhaps,  as  any  law  can  ever  be  in  a  com- 
munity where  the  moral  sense  of  the  people  imperfectly  sup- 
ports the  law  itself.  The  great  body  of  the  people  abide  by 
the  dry  legal  obligation  in  both  cases,  and  a  few  break  over 
in  each.  This,  I  think,  cannot  be  perfectly  cured,  and  it 
would  be  worse  in  both  cases  after  the  separation  of  the  sec- 
tions than  before.  The  foreign  slave  trade,  now  imperfectly 
suppressed,  would  be  ultimately  revived  without  restriction 
in  one  section,  while  fugitive  slaves,  now  only  partially  sur- 
rendered, would  not  be  surrendered  at  all  by  the  other. 

Physically  speaking,  we  cannot  separate.  We  cannot 
remove  our  respective  sections  from  each  other  nor  build 
an  impassable  wall  between  them.  A  husband  and  wife  may 
be  divorced  and  go  out  of  the  presence  and  beyond  the  reach 
of  each  other,  but  the  different  parts  of  our  country  cannot 
do  this.  They  cannot  but  remain  face  to  face,  and  inter- 
course, either  amicable  or  hostile,  must  continue  between 
them.  Is  it  possible,  then,  to  make  that  intercourse  more  ad- 
vantageous or  more  satisfactory  after  separation  than  before? 
Can  aliens  make  treaties  easier  than  friends  can  make  laws? 
Can  treaties  be  more  faithfully  enforced  between  aliens  than 
laws  can  among  friends?  Suppose  you  go  to  war,  you  can 
not  fight  always;  and  when,  after  much  loss  on  both  sides 
and  no  gain  on  either,  you  cease  fighting,  the  identical  old 
questions,  as  to  terms  of  intercourse,  are  again  upon  you. 

This  country  with  its  institutions  belongs  to  the  people 
who  inhabit  it.  Whenever  they  shall  grow  weary  of  the 


Speeches  for  Careful  Study          223 

existing  government,  they  can  exercise  their  constitutional 
right  of  amending  it  or  their  revolutionary  right  to  dismember 
or  overthrow  it.    I  cannot  be  ignorant  of  the  fact  that  many 
worthy  and  patriotic  citizens  are  desirous  of  having  the  Na- 
tional Constitution  amended.    While  I  make  no  recommenda- 
tions of  amendments,  I  fully  recognize  the  rightful  authority 
of  the  people  over  the  whole  subject,  to  be  exercised  in  either 
of  the  modes  prescribed  in  the  instrument  itself ;  and  I  should, 
under  existing  circumstances,  favor  rather  than  oppose  a  fair 
opportunity  being  afforded  the  people  to  act  upon  it.    I  will 
venture  to  add  that  to  me  the  convention  mode  seems  pref- 
erable, in  that  it  allows  amendments  to  originate  with  the 
people  themselves,  instead  of  only  permitting  them  to  take  or 
reject  propositions  originated  by  others,  not  especially  chosen 
for  the  purpose,  and  which  might  not  be  precisely  such  as  they 
would  wish  to  either  accept  or  refuse.    I  understand  a  pro- 
posed amendment  to  the  Constitution  —  which  amendment, 
however,  I  have  not  seen  — has  passed  Congress,  to  the  effect 
that  the  Federal  Government  shall  never  interfere  with  the 
domestic  institutions  of  the  States,  including  that  of  persons 
held  to  service.     To  avoid  misconstruction  of  what  I  have 
said,  I  depart  from  my  purpose  not  to  speak  of  particular 
amendments  so  far  as  to  say  that,  holding  such  a  provision 
now  to  be  implied  constitutional  law,  I  have  no  objection  to 
its  being  made  express  and  irrevocable. 

The  Chief  Magistrate  derives  all  his  authority  from  the 
people,  and  they  have  conferred  none  upon  him  to  fix  terms 
for  the  separation  of  the  States.  The  people  themselves  can 
do  this  also  if  they  choose,  but  the  Executive  as  such  has 
nothing  to  do  with  it.  His  duty  is  to  administer  the  present 
Government  as  it  came  to  his  hands  and  transmit  it  unimpaired 
by  him  to  his  successor. 

Why  6  should  there  not  be  a  patient  confidence  in  the  ulti- 
mate justice  of  the  people?  Is  there  any  better  or  equal  hope 


224          The  Making  of  an  Oration 

in  the  world?  In  our  present  differences,  is  either  party 
without  faith  of  being  in  the  right?  If  the  Almighty  Ruler 
of  Nations,  with  His  eternal  truth  and  justice,  be  on  your 
side  of  the  North,  or  on  yours  of  the  South,  that  truth  and 
that  justice  will  surely  prevail  by  the  judgment  of  this  great 
tribunal  of  the  American  people. 

By  the  frame  of  the  Government  under  which  we  live 
this  same  people  have  wisely  given  their  public  servants  but 
little  power  for  mischief,  and  have  with  equal  wisdom  pro- 
vided for  the  return  of  that  little  to  their  own  hands  at  very 
short  intervals.  While  the  people  retain  their  virtue  and 
vigilance,  no  Administration  by  any  extreme  of  wickedness 
and  folly  can  very  seriously  injure  the  Government  in  the 
short  space  of  four  years. 

My  countrymen,  one  and  all,  think  calmly  and  well  upon 
this  whole  subject.  Nothing  valuable  can  be  lost  by  taking 
time.  If  there  be  an  object  to  hurry  any  one  of  you  in  hot 
haste  to  a  step  which  you  would  never  take  deliberately,  that 
object  will  be  frustrated  by  taking  time;  but  no  good  object 
can  be  frustrated  by  it.  Such  of  you  as  are  now  dissatisfied 
still  have  the  old  Constitution  unimpaired,  and,  on  the  sen- 
sitive point,  the  laws  of  your  own  framing  under  it;  while 
the  new  Administration  will  have  no  immediate  power,  if 
it  would,  to  change  either.  If  it  were  admitted  that  you  who 
are  dissatisfied  hold  the  right  side  in  the  dispute,  there  is  still 
no  single  good  reason  for  precipitate  action.  Intelligence, 
patriotism,  Christianity,  and  a  firm  reliance  on  Him  who 
has  never  yet  forsaken  this  favored  land  are  still  competent 
to  adjust  in  the  best  way  our  present  difficulty. 

In  your  hands,  my  dissatisfied7  fellow-countrymen,  and 
not  in  mine  is  the  momentous  issue  of  civil  war.  The  Govern- 
ment will  not  assail  you.  You  can  have  no  conflict  without 
being  yourselves  the  aggressors.  You  have  no  oath  registered 
in  heaven  to  destroy  the  Government,  while  /  shall  have  the 
most  solemn  one  to  "preserve,  protect,  and  defend  it." 


Speeches  for  Careful  Study          225 

I  am  loath  to  close.  We  are  not  enemies,  but  friends.  We 
must  not  be  enemies.  Though  passion  may  have  strained  it 
must  not  break  our  bonds  of  affection.  The  mystic  chords  of 
memory,  stretching  from  every  battlefield  and  patriot  grave 
to  every  living  heart  and  hearthstone  all  over  this  broad  land, 
will  yet  swell  the  chorus  of  the  Union,  when  again  touched, 
as  surely  they  will  be  by  the  better  angels  of  our  nature. 

NOTES  ON  THE 
"FIRST  INAUGURAL  ADDRESS," 

BY 
ABRAHAM  LINCOLN 

1.  Observe  how  definitely  at  the  outset  the  speaker  limits  the 
range  of  his  address. 

2.  The  steps  of  the  points  discussed  should  be  noted.   Make  an 
outline  naming  the  steps  in  order. 

3.  This  is  the  same  interpretation  of  the  nature  of  the  Consti- 
tution advocated  by  Webster. 

4.  Observe  the  skill,  and  yet  kindness,  with  which  he  places 
responsibility  for  bloodshed  if  it  should  come. 

5.  Could  any  argument  be  homelier  or  more  conclusive  upon 
this  question? 

6.  The  student  should   note  the   conciliatory  attitude   of  the 
whole   speech,   especially   from   this  point   onward  —  nothing  to 
offend,  everything  to  appeal  to  the  patriotism  and  best  feelings  of 
the  people. 

7.  As  first  written  the  final  paragraph  read  as  follows :     "  My 
dissatisfied    fellow-countrymen,   you    cannot    forbear   the   assault 
upon  it;  I  cannot  shrink  from  the  defense  of  it.     With  you,  and 
not  with  me,  is  the  solemn  question  of,  Shall  it  be  peace  or  a 
sword?"     Secretary  Seward,  the  scholar  in  the  cabinet,  when 
the  document  was  submitted  to  him,  suggested  that  there  should 
be  "some  words  of  affection  —  some  of  calm  and  cheerful  con- 
fidence," and  proposed  the  following :    "  I  close.    We  are  not,  we 
must  not  be,  aliens  or  enemies,  but  fellow-countrymen  and  breth- 
ren.   Although  passion  has  strained  our  bonds  of  affection  too 
hardly,  they  must  not,  I  am  sure  they  will  not,  be  broken.    The 
mystic  chords  which,  proceeding  from  so  many  battlefields  and 
so  many  patriot  graves,  pass  through  all  the  hearts  and  all  the 
hearths  in  this  broad  continent  of  ours,  will  yet  again  harmonize 
in  their  ancient  music  when  breathed  upon  by  the  guardian  angel 
of   the   nation."    How   does   the   final    form    improve   on   both 
Seward's  sentence  and  Lincoln's  own  first  draft  —  both  in  felicity 
of  words,  in  precision  of  phrase,  in  suggestiveness  of  association, 
and  in  rhythm  ? 


SPEECH  AT  GETTYSBURG 

BY 

ABRAHAM  LINCOLN  * 

Four  score  and  seven  years  ago,  our  fathers  brought  forth 
on  this  continent  a  new  nation,  conceived  in  liberty,  and  ded- 
icated to  the  proposition  that  all  men  are  created  equal. 

Now  we  are  engaged  in  a  great  civil  war,  testing  whether 
that  nation  or  any  nation  so  conceived  and  so  dedicated, 
can  long  endure.  We  are  met  on  a  great  battlefield  of  that 
war.  We  have  come  to  dedicate  a  portion  of  that  field,  as 
a  final  resting  place  for  those  who  here  gave  their  lives  that 
that  nation  might  live.  It  is  altogether  fitting  and  proper 
that  we  should  do  this. 

But,  in  a  larger  sense,  we  cannot  dedicate,  we  cannot 
consecrate,  we  can  not  hallow  this  ground.  The  brave  men, 
living  and  dead,  who  struggled  here  have  consecrated  it  far 
above  our  poor  power  to  add  or  detract.  The  world  will 
little  note  nor  long  remember  what  we  say  here,  but  it  can 
never  forget  what  they  did  here.  It  is  for  us,  the  living, 
rather,  to  be  dedicated  here  to  the  unfinished  work  which 
they  who  fought  here  have  thus  far  so  nobly  advanced.  It 
is  rather  for  us  to  be  here  dedicated  to  the  great  task  remain- 
ing before  us, —  that  from  these  honored  dead  we  take 
increased  devotion  to  that  cause  for  which  they  gave  the  last 
full  measure  of  devotion  —  that  we  here  highly  resolve  that 
these  dead  shall  not  have  died  in  vain  —  that  this  nation, 
under  God,  shall  have  a  new  birth  of  freedom  —  and  that 
government  of  the  people,  by  the  people,  for  the  people,  shall 
not  perish  from  the  earth. 

*The  foregoing  text  is,  in  its  wording,  a  copy  of  the  speech, 
made  by  Mr.  Lincoln  himself,  for  a  fair  given  in  Baltimore  for 
the  benefit  of  soldiers  and  sailors. 

226 


SECOND  INAUGURAL  ADDRESS 

BY 

ABRAHAM  LINCOLN 

FELLOW-COUNTRYMEN  :  At  this  second  appearing  to  take 
the  oath  of  the  Presidential  office  there  is  less  occasion  for 
an  extended  address  than  there  was  at  the  first.  Then  a 
statement  somewhat  in  detail  of  a  course  to  be  pursued 
seemed  fitting  and  proper.  Now,  at  the  expiration  of  four 
years,  during  which  public  declarations  have  been  constantly 
called  forth  on  every  point  and  phase  of  the  great  contest 
which  still  absorbs  the  attention  and  engrosses  the  energies 
of  the  nation,  little  that  is  new  could  be  presented.  The 
progress  of  our  arms,  upon  which  all  else  chiefly  depends, 
is  as  well  known  to  the  public  as  to  myself,  and  it  is,  I  trust, 
reasonably  satisfactory  and  encouraging  to  all.  With  high 
hope  for  the  future,  no  prediction  in  regard  to  it  is  ventured. 

On  the  occasion  corresponding  to  this  four  years  ago  all 
thoughts  were  anxiously  directed  to  an  impending  civil  war. 
All  dreaded  it,  all  sought  to  avert  it.  While  the  inaugural 
address  was  being  delivered  from  this  place,  devoted  to 
saving  the  Union  without  war,  the  insurgent  agents  were  in 
the  city  seeking  to  destroy  it  without  war  —  seeking  to  dis- 
solve the  Union  and  divide  effects  by  negotiation.  Both 
parties  deprecated  war,  but  one  of  them  would  make  war 
rather  than  let  the  nation  survive,  and  the  other  would  accept 
war  rather  than  let  it  perish,  and  the  war  came. 

One  eighth  of  the  whole  population  were  colored  slaves, 
not  distributed  generally  over  the  whole  Union,  but  localized 
in  the  southern  part  of  it.  These  slaves  constituted  a  peculiar 

227 


228          The  Making  of  an  Oration 

and  powerful  interest.  All  knew  that  this  interest  was  some- 
how the  cause  of  the  war.  To  strengthen,  perpetuate,  and 
extend  this  interest  was  the  object  for  which  the  insurgents 
would  rend  the  Union  even  by  war,  while  the  Government 
claimed  no  right  to  do  more  than  to  restrict  the  territorial 
enlargement  of  it.  Neither  party  expected  for  the  war  the 
magnitude  or  the  duration  which  it  has  already  attained. 
Neither  anticipated  that  the  cause  of  the  conflict  might  cease 
with  or  even  before  the  conflict  itself  should  cease.  Each 
looked  for  an  easier  triumph,  and  a  result  less  fundamental 
and  astounding.  Both  read  the  same  Bible  and  pray  to  the 
same  God,  and  each  invokes  His  aid  against  the  other.  It 
may  seem  strange  that  any  men  should  dare  to  ask  a  just 
God's  assistance  in  wringing  their  bread  from  the  sweat  of 
other  men's  faces,  but  let  us  judge  not,  that  we  be  not  judged. 
The  prayers  of  both  could  not  be  answered.  That  of  neither 
has  been  answered  fully.  The  Almighty  has  His  own  pur- 
poses. "  Woe  unto  the  world  because  of  offenses,  but  woe 
to  that  man  by  whom  the  offense  cometh."  If  we  shall  sup- 
pose that  American  slavery  is  one  of  those  offenses  which,  in 
the  Providence  of  God,  must  needs  come,  but  which,  having 
continued  through  His  appointed  time,  He  now  wills  to 
remove,  and  that  He  now  gives  to  both  North  and  South  this 
terrible  war  as  the  woe  due  to  those  by  whom  the  offense  came, 
shall  we  discern  therein  any  departure  from  those  divine 
attributes  which  the  believers  in  a  living  God  always  ascribe 
to  him?  Fondly  do  we  hope,  fervently  do  we  pray,  that  this 
mighty  scourge  of  war  may  speedily  pass  away.  Yet,  if  God 
wills  that  it  continue  until  all  the  wealth  piled  by  the  bonds- 
man's two  hundred  and  fifty  years  of  unrequited  toil  shall 
be  sunk,  and  until  every  drop  of  blood  drawn  with  the  lash 
shall  be  paid  by  another  drawn  with  the  sword,  as  was  said 
three  thousand  years  ago,  so  still  it  must  be  said  "  the  judg- 
ments of  the  Lord  are  true  and  righteous  altogether." 


Speeches  for  Careful  Study          229 

With  malice  toward  none,  with  charity  for  all,  with  firm- 
ness in  the  right  as  God  gives  us  to  see  the  right,  let  us 
strive  on  to  finish  the  work  we  are  in,  to  bind  up  the  nation's 
wounds,  to  care  for  him  who  shall  have  borne  the  battle  and 
for  his  widow  and  his  orphan,  to  do  all  which  may  achieve  and 
cherish  a  just  and  lasting  peace  among  ourselves  and  with 
all  nations. 


UNDER  THE  FLAG 

BY 

WENDELL  PHILLIPS 

(The  following  speech  was  delivered  by  Mr.  Phillips  In  the 
Music  Hall,  Boston,  April  21,  1861,  just  after  the  outbreak  of  the 
Civil  War  by  the  attack  upon  Fort  Sumter.  It  was  delivered 
before  the  Twenty-eighth  Congregational  Society.  Previously 
Mr.  Phillips,  in  his  ardent  abolitionism,  had  expressed  the  idea 
that  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  because  it  was  the 
Constitution  of  a  government  that  recognized  slavery,  laid  no 
obligations  upon  any  man  to  obey  it.  When,  however,  the  war 
was  actually  begun,  he  supported  the  government,  because  he 
interpreted  the  war  as  destined  to  do  away  with  American 
slavery.  The  student  should  study  this  and  other  orations  of 
Wendell  Phillips,  as  among  the  best  examples  of  American  elo- 
quence. Phillips  was  preeminently  an  agitator  and  reformer. 
As  such  he  was,  of  course,  an  extremist.  Sentence  structure, 
choice  of  words,  directness,  picturesqueness,  intensity  of  convic- 
tion, richness  of  allusion  and  illustration,  epigrammatic  assertion, — 
all  these  and  other  qualities  that  help  to  illumine  and  give  force 
to  the  thought  are  found  in  abundance  in  these  addresses.) 

"  Therefore  thus  saith  the  Lord :  Ye  have  not  hearkened  unto 
me  in  proclaiming  liberty  everyone  to  his  brother,  and  every  man 
to  his  neighbor ;  behold,  I  proclaim  a  liberty  for  you,  saith  ^the 
Lord,  to  the  sword,  to  the  pestilence,  and  to  the  famine."  — 
Jer.  XXXIV:  17. 

Many  times  this  winter,  here  and  elsewhere,  I  have  coun- 
seled peace, —  urged,  as  well  as  I  know  how,  the  expediency 
of  acknowledging  a  Southern  Confederacy,  and  the  peaceful 
separation  of  these  thirty- four  states.  One  of  the  journals 
announces  to  you  that  I  come  here  this  morning  to  retract 
those  opinions.  No,  not  one  of  them !  [Applause.]  I  need 
them  all, —  every  word  I  have  spoken  this  winter, —  every 

230 


Speeches  for  Careful  Study          231 

act  of  twenty-five  years  of  my  life,  to  make  the  welcome  I 
give  this  war  hearty  and  hot.  Civil  war  is  a  momentous  evil. 
It  needs  the  soundest,  most  solemn  justification.  I  rejoice 
before  God  today  for  every  word  that  I  have  spoken  counsel- 
ing peace;  but  I  rejoice  also  with  an  especially  profound 
gratitude,  that  now,  the  first  time  in  my  anti-slavery  life,  I 
speak  under  the  stars  and  stripes,  and  welcome  the  tread  of 
Massachusetts  men  marshalled  for  war.  [Enthusiastic  cheer- 
ing.] No  matter  what  the  past  has  been  or  said;  today  the 
slave  asks  God  for  a  sight  of  this  banner,  and  counts  it  the 
pledge  of  his  redemption.  [Applause.]  Hitherto  it  may  have 
meant  what  you  thought,  or  what  I  did;  today  it  represents 
sovereignty  and  justice.  [Renewed  applause.]  The  only 
mistake  that  I  have  made,  was  in  supposing  Massachusetts 
wholly  choked  with  cottondust  and  cankered  with  gold.  [Loud 
cheering.]  The  South  thought  her  patience  and  generous 
willingness  for  peace  were  cowardice;  today  shows  the  mis- 
take. She  has  been  sleeping  on  her  arms  x  since  '83,  and  the 
first  cannonshot  brings  her  to  her  feet  with  the  warcry  of 
the  Revolution  on  her  lips.  [Loud  cheers.]  Any  man  who 
loves  either  liberty  or  manhood  must  rejoice  at  such  an 
hour.  [Applause.] 

Let  me  tell  you  the  path  by  which  I  at  least  have  trod  my 
way  up  to  this  conclusion.  I  do  not  acknowledge  the  motto, 
in  its  full  significance,  "  Our  country,  right  or  wrong."  If 
you  let  it  trespass  on  the  domain  of  morals,  it  is  knavish. 
But  there  is  a  full,  broad  sphere  for  loyalty ;  and  no  warcry 
ever  stirred  a  generous  people  that  had  not  in  it  much  of 
truth  and  right.  It  is  sublime,  this  rally  of  a  great  people  to 
the  defense  of  what  they  think  their  national  honor  !  "  A  noble 
and  puissant  nation  rousing  herself  like  a  strong  man  from 
sleep,  and  shaking  her  invincible  locks."  Just  now  we  saw 
her  "  reposing,  peaceful  and  motionless ;  but  at  the  call  of 
patriotism,  she  ruffles,  as  it  were,  her  swelling  plumage,  col- 


232          The  Making  of  an  Oration 

lects  her  scattered  elements  of  strength,  and  awakens  her 
dormant  thunders." 

But  how  do  we  justify  this  last  appeal  to  the  God  of  bat- 
tles? Let  me  tell  you  how  I  do.  I  have  always  believed  in 
the  sincerity  of  Abraham  Lincoln.  You  have  heard  me  ex- 
press my  confidence  in  it  every  time  I  have  spoken  from  this 
desk.  I  only  doubted  sometimes  whether  he  were  really  the 
head  of  the  government.  Today  he  is  at  any  rate  commander- 
in-chief. 

The  delay  in  the  action  of  government  has  doubtless  been 
necessity,  but  policy  also.  Traitors  within  and  without  made 
it  hesitate  to  move  till  it  had  tried  the  machine  of  govern- 
ment just  given  it.  But  delay  was  wise,  as  it  matured  a  public 
opinion  definite,  decisive,  and  ready  to  keep  step  to  the  music 
of  the  government  march.  The  very  postponement  of  another 
session  of  Congress  till  July  4th  plainly  invites  discussion, — 
evidently  contemplates  the  ripening  of  public  opinion  in  the 
the  interval.  Fairly  to  examine  public  affairs,  and  prepare  a 
community  wise  to  cooperate  with  the  government,  is  the 
duty  of  every  pulpit  and  every  press. 

Plain  words,  therefore,  now,  before  the  nation  goes  mad 
with  excitement,  is  every  man's  duty.  Every  public  meeting 
in  Athens  was  opened  with  a  curse  on  any  one  who  should 
not  speak  what  he  really  thought.  "  I  have  never  defiled  my 
conscience  from  fear  or  favor  to  my  superiors,"  was  part  of 
the  oath  every  Egyptian  soul  was  supposed  to  utter  in  the 
Judgment-Hall  of  Osiris,2  before  admission  to  heaven.  Let 
us  show  today  a  Christian  spirit  as  sincere  and  fearless.  No 
mobs  in  this  hour  of  victory,  to  silence  those  whom  events 
have  not  converted.  We  are  strong  enough  to  tolerate  dissent. 
That  flag  which  floats  over  press  and  mansion  at  the  bidding 
of  a  mob,  disgraces  both  victor  and  victim. 

All  winter  long,  I  have  acted  with  that  party  which  cried 
for  peace.  The  anti-slavery  enterprise  to  which  I  belong 


Speeches  for  Careful  Study  233 

started  with  peace  written  on  its  banner.  We  imagined  that 
the  age  of  bullets  was  over ;  that  the  age  of  ideas  had  come ; 
that  thirty  millions  of  people  were  able  to  take  a  great  ques- 
tion, and  decide  it  by  the  conflict  of  opinions;  that  without 
letting  the  ship  of  state  founder,  we  could  lift  four  millions 
of  men  into  Liberty  and  Justice.  We  thought  that  if  your 
statesmen  would  throw  away  personal  ambition  and  party 
watchwords,  and  devote  themselves  to  the  great  issue,  this 
might  be  accomplished.  To  a  certain  extent  it  has  been. 
The  North  has  answered  to  the  call.  Year  after  year,  event 
after  event,  has  indicated  the  rising  education  of  the  people, — 
the  readiness  for  a  higher  moral  life,  the  calm,  self-poised 
confidence  in  our  own  convictions  that  patiently  waits  —  like 
master  for  a  pupil  —  for  a  neighbor's  conversion.  The  North 
has  responded  to  the  call  of  that  peaceful,  moral,  intellectual 
agitation  which  the  antislavery  idea  has  initiated.  Our  mis- 
take, if  any,  has  been  that  we  counted  too  much  on  the  intelli- 
gence of  the  masses,  on  the  honesty  and  wisdom  of  statesmen 
as  a  class.  Perhaps  we  did  not  give  weight  enough  to  the 
fact  we  saw,  that  this  nation  is  made  up  of  different  ages; 
not  homogeneous,  but  a  mixed  mass  of  different  centuries. 
The  North  3  thinks, —  can  appreciate  argument, —  is  the  nine- 
teenth century, —  hardly  any  struggle  left  in  it  but  that  be- 
tween the  working  class  and  the  money  kings.  The  South 
dreams, —  it  is  the  thirteenth  and  fourteenth  century, —  baron 
and  serf, —  noble  and  slave.  Jack  Cade  4  and  Wat  Tyler  loom 
over  its  horizon,  and  the  serf,  rising,  calls  for  another 
Thierry  5  to  record  his  struggle.  There  the  fagot  still  burns 
which  the  Doctors6  of  the  Sorbonne  called,  ages  ago,  "the 
best  light  to  guide  the  erring."  There  men  are  tortured  for 
opinions,  the  only  punishment  the  Jesuits  were  willing  their 
pupils  should  look  on.  This  is,  perhaps,  too  flattering  a  pic- 
ture of  the  South.  Better  call  her,  as  Sumner  does,  "the 
Barbarous  States."  Our  struggle,  therefore,  is  between  bar- 


234          The  Making  of  an  Oration 

barism  and  civilization.  Such  can  only  be  settled  by  arms. 
[Prolonged  cheering.]  The  government  has  waited  until 
its  best  friends  almost  suspected  its  courage  or  its  integrity; 
but  the  cannon  shot  against  Fort  Sumter  has  opened  the  only 
door  of  this  hour.  There  were  but  two.  One  was  compromise ; 
the  other  was  battle.  The  integrity  of  the  North  closed  the 
first;  the  generous  forbearance  of  nineteen  states  closed  the 
other.  The  South  opened  this  with  cannon  shot,  and  Lincoln 
shows  himself  at  the  door.  [Prolonged  and  enthusiastic 
cheering.]  The  war,  then,  is  not  aggressive,  but  in  self- 
defense,  and  Washington  has  become  the  Thermopylae  of 
Liberty  and  Justice.  [Applause.]  Rather  than  surrender 
that  capital,  cover  every  square  foot  of  it  with  a  living  body 
[loud  cheers]  ;  crowd  it  with  a  million  men,  and  empty  every 
bank  vault  at  the  North  to  pay  the  cost.  [Renewed  cheering.] 
Teach  the  world  once  for  all,  that  North  America  belongs  to 
the  Stars  and  Stripes,  and  under  them  no  man  shall  wear  a 
chain.  [Enthusiastic  cheering.]  In  the  whole  of  this  con- 
flict, I  have  looked  only  at  Liberty, —  only  at  the  slave.  Perry 
entered  the  Battle  of  the  Lakes  with  "  Do  n't  give  up  the 
ship !  "  floating  from  the  masthead  of  the  Lawrence.  When 
with  his  fighting  flag  he  left  her  crippled,  heading  north, 
and,  mounting  the  deck  of  the  Niagara,  turned  her  bows  due 
west,  he  did  all  for  one  and  the  same  purpose, —  to  rake  the 
decks  of  the  foe.  Steer  north  or  west,  acknowledge  secession 
or  cannonade  it,  I  care  not  which ;  but  "  Proclaim 7  liberty 
throughout  all  the  land  unto  all  the  inhabitants  thereof." 
[Loud  cheers.] 

I  said,  civil  war  needs  momentous  and  solemn  justification. 
Europe,  the  world,  may  claim  of  us,  that,  before  we  blot  the 
nineteenth  century  by  an  appeal  to  arms,  we  shall  exhaust 
every  concession,  try  every  means  to  keep  the  peace ;  other- 
wise, an  appeal  to  the  God  of  battles  is  an  insult  to  the  civi- 
lization of  our  age;  it  is  a  confession  that  our  culture  and 


Speeches  for  Careful  Study          235 

our  religion  are  superficial,  if  not  a  failure.  I  think  that  the 
history  of  the  nation  and  of  the  government  both  is  an  ample 
justification  to  our  own  times  and  to  history  for  this  appeal 
to  arms.  I  think  the  South  is  all  wrong,  and  the  administra- 
tion is  all  right.  [Prolonged  cheering.]  Let  me  tell  you 
why.  For  thirty  years  the  North  has  exhausted  conciliation 
and  compromise.  They  have  tried  every  expedient,  they  have 
relinquished  every  right,  they  have  sacrificed  every  interest, 
they  have  smothered  keen  sensibility  to  national  honor,  and 
Northern  weight  and  supremacy  in  the  Union ;  have  forgotten 
that  they  were  the  majority  in  numbers  and  in  wealth,  in 
education  and  strength;  have  left  the  helm  of  government 
and  the  dictation  of  policy  to  the  Southern  States.  For  all 
this,  the  conflict  waxed  closer  and  hotter.  The  administra- 
tion which  preceded  this  was  full  of  traitors  and  thieves. 
It  allowed  the  arms,  ships,  money,  military  stores  of  the 
North  to  be  stolen  with  impunity.  Mr.  Lincoln  took  office, 
robbed  of  all  the  means  to  defend  the  constitutional  rights  of 
the  government.  He  offered  to  withdraw  from  the  walls  of 
Sumter  everything  but  the  flag.  He  allowed  secession  to 
surround  it  with  the  strongest  forts  which  military  science 
could  build.  The  North  offered  to  meet  in  convention  her 
sister  states,  and  arrange  the  terms  of  peaceful  separation. 
Strength  and  right  yielded  everything, —  they  folded  their 
hands,  waited  the  returning  reason  of  the  mad  insurgents. 
Week  after  week  elapsed,  month  after  month  went  by,  wait- 
ing for  the  sober  second-thought  of  the  two  millions  and  a 
half  of  people.  The  world  saw  the  sublime  sight  of  nineteen 
millions  of  wealthy,  powerful,  united  citizens,  allowing  their 
flag  to  be  insulted,  their  rights  assailed,  their  sovereignty 
defied  and  broken  in  pieces,  and  yet  waiting,  with  patient, 
brotherly,  magnanimous  kindness,  until  insurrection,  having 
spent  its  fury,  should  reach  out  its  hand  for  a  peaceful  ar- 
rangement. Men  began  to  call  it  cowardice,  on  the  one  hand ; 


236          The  Making  of  an  Oration 

and  we,  who  watched  closely  the  crisis,  feared  that  this  effort 
to  be  magnanimous  would  demoralize  the  conscience  and 
the  courage  of  the  North.  We  were  afraid  that,  as  the  hour 
went  by,  the  virtue  of  the  people,  white-hot  as  it  stood  on 
the  fourth  day  of  March,  would  be  cooled  by  the  tempta- 
tions, by  the  suspense,  by  the  want  and  suffering  which  it 
was  feared  would  stalk  from  the  Atlantic  to  the  valley  of 
the  Mississippi.  We  were  afraid  the  government  would  wait 
too  long,  and  find  at  last,  that  instead  of  a  united  people, 
they  were  deserted,  and  left  alone  to  meet  the  foe.  All  this 
time,  the  South  knew,  recognized,  by  her  own  knowledge  of 
constitutional  questions,  that  the  government  could  not  ad- 
vance one  inch  towards  acknowledging  secession ;  that  when 
Abraham  Lincoln  swore  to  support  the  Constitution  and  the 
laws  of  the  United  States,  he  was  bound  to  die  under  the 
flag  on  Fort  Sumter,  if  necessary.  [Loud  applause.]  They 
knew,  therefore,  that  the  call  on  the  administration  to  acknowl- 
edge the  commissioners  of  the  Confederacy  was  a  delusion 
and  a  swindle.  I  know  the  whole  argument  for  secession. 
Up  to  a  certain  extent,  I  accede  to  it.  But  no  administration 
that  is  not  traitor  can  acknowledge  secession  until  we  are 
hopelessly  beaten  in  fair  fight.  [Cheers.]  The  right  of  a 
state  to  secede,  under  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States, — 
it  is  an  absurdity;  and  Abraham  Lincoln  knows  nothing, 
has  a  right  to  know  nothing,  but  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States.  [Loud  cheers.]  The  right  of  a  state  to 
secede,  as  revolutionary  right,  is  undeniable;  but  it  is  the 
nation  which  is.  to  recognize  that ;  and  the  nation  offered,  at 
the  suggestion  of  Kentucky,  to  meet  the  question  in  full 
convention.  The  offer  was  declined.  The  government  and 
the  nation,  therefore,  are  all  right  [Applause.]  They  are 
right  on  constitutional  law;  they  are  right  on  the  principles 
of  the  Declaration  of  Independence.  [Cheers.] 

Let  me  explain  this  more  fully,  for  this  reason ;  because  — 


Speeches  for  Careful  Study          237 

and  I  thank  God  for  it,  every  American  should  be  proud  of 
it — you  cannot  maintain  a  war  in  the  United  States  of 
America  against  a  constitutional  or  a  revolutionary  right. 
The  people  of  these  States  have  too  large  brains  and  too  many 
ideas  to  fight  blindly, —  to  lock  horns  like  a  couple  of  beasts 
in  the  sight  of  the  world.  [Applause.]  Cannon  think  in  this 
nineteenth  century;  and  you  must  put  the  North  in  the  right, 
—  wholly,  undeniably,  inside  of  the  Constitution  and  out  of 
it, —  before  you  can  justify  her  in  the  face  of  the  world;  be- 
fore you  can  pour  Massachusetts  like  an  avalanche  through 
the  streets  of  Baltimore,  [great  cheering,]  and  carry  Lex- 
ington on  the  I9th  of  April8  south  of  Mason  and  Dixon's 
line.  [Renewed  cheering.]  Let  us  take  an  honest  pride  in 
the  fact  that  our  Sixth  Regiment  made  a  way  for  itself 
through  Baltimore,9  and  were  the  first  to  reach  the  threatened 
Capital.  In  this  war  Massachusetts  has  a  right  to  be  the 
first  in  the  field. 

I  said  I  knew  the  whole  argument  for  secession.  Very 
briefly  let  me  state  the  points.  No  government  provides  for 
its  own  death;  therefore  there  can  be  no  constitutional  right 
to  secede.  But  there  is  a  revolutionary  right.  The  Declara- 
tion of  Independence  establishes  what  the  heart  of  every 
American  acknowledges,  that  the  people  —  mark  you,  THE 
PEOPLE, —  have  always  an  inherent,  paramount,  inalienable 
right  to  change  their  governments,  whenever  they  think  — 
whenever  they  think  —  that  it  will  minister  to  their  happiness. 
That  is  a  revolutionary  right.  Now,  how  did  South  Carolina 
and  Massachusetts  come  into  the  Union?  They  came  into 
it  by  a  convention  representing  the  people.  South  Carolina 
alleges  that  she  has  gone  out  by  convention.  So  far,  right. 
She  says  that  when  the  people  take  the  state  rightfully  out  of 
the  Union,  the  right  to  forts  and  national  property  goes  with 
it.  Granted.  She  says,  also,  that  it  is  no  matter  that  we 
bought  Louisiana  of  France,  and  Florida  of  Spain.  No  bar- 


238  The  Making  of  an  Oration 

gain  made,  no  money  paid,  betwixt  us  and  France  or  Spain, 
could  rob  Florida  or  Louisiana  of  her  right  to  remodel  her 
government  whenever  the  people  found  it  would  be  for  their 
happiness.  So  far,  right.  THE  PEOPLE, —  mark  you  !  South 
Carolina  presents  herself  to  the  administration  at  Washing- 
ton, and  says,  "  There  is  a  vote  of  my  convention,  that  I  go 
out  of  the  Union."  "  I  cannot  see  you,"  says  Abraham  Lin- 
coln. [Loud  cheers.]  "  As  president,  I  have  no  eyes  but 
constitutional  eyes;  I  cannot  see  you."  [Renewed  cheers.] 
He  could  only  say,  like  Speaker  Lenthal  before  Charles  the 
First,  "  I  have  neither  eyes  to  see  nor  tongue  to  speak  but 
as  the  Constitution  is  pleased  to  direct  me,  whose  servant  I 
am."  He  was  right.  But  Madison  said,  Hamilton  said,  the 
Fathers  said,  in  1/89,  "  No  man  but  an  enemy  of  liberty  will 
ever  stand  on  technicalities  and  forms,  when  the  essence  is 
in  question."  Abraham  Lincoln  could  not  see  the  commission- 
ers of  South  Carolina,  but  the  North  could;  the  nation  could; 
and  the  nation  responded,  "  If  you  want  a  constitutional  se- 
cession, such  as  you  claim,  but  which  I  repudiate,  I  will  waive 
forms;  let  us  meet  in  convention,  and  we  will  arrange  it.'* 
[Applause.]  Surely,  while  one  claims  a  right  within  the 
Constitution,  he  may,  without  dishonor  or  inconsistency, 
meet  in  convention,  even  if  finally  refusing  to  be  bound  by 
it.  To  decline  doing  so  is  only  evidence  of  intention  to  pro- 
voke war.  Everything  under  that  instrument  is  peace. 
Everything  under  that  instrument  may  be  changed  by  a  na- 
tional convention.  The  South  says,  "  No !  "  She  says,  "  If 
you  don't  allow  me  the  constitutional  right,  I  claim  the  revo- 
lutionary right."  The  North  responds,  "  When  you  have 
torn  the  Constitution  into  fragments,  I  recognize  the  right 
of  THE  PEOPLE  of  South  Carolina  to  model  their  government. 
Yes,  I  recognize  the  right  of  the  three  hundred  and  eighty- 
four  thousand  white  men,  and  four  hundred  and  eighty-four 
thousand  black  men  to  model  their  Constitution.  Show  me  the 


Speeches  for  Careful  Study          239 

one  that  they  have  adopted,  and  I  will  recognize  the  revolu- 
tion. [Cheers.]  But  the  moment  you  tread  outside  of  the 
Constitution,  the  black  man  is  not 10  "  three-fifths  of  a  man, — 
he  is  a  whole  one."  [Loud  cheering.]  Yes,  the  South  has 
the  right  of  revolution;  the  South  has  a  right  to  model  her 
government;  and  the  moment  she  shows  us  four  million  of 
black  votes  thrown  even  against  it,  and  balanced  by  five 
million  of  other  votes,  I  will  acknowledge  the  Declaration 
of  Independence  is  complied  with  [loud  applause], —  that  the 
people  south  of  Mason  and  Dixon's  line  have'remodeled  their 
government  to  suit  themselves;  and  our  function  is  only  to 
recognize  it. 

Further  than  this,  we  should  have  the  right  to  remind  them, 
in  the  words  of  our  Declaration  of  Independence,  that  "  gov- 
ernments long  established  are  not  to  be  changed  for  light  and 
transient  causes,"  and  that,  so  long  as  government  fulfills 
the  purposes  for  which  it  was  made, —  the  liberty  and  happi- 
ness of  the  people, —  no  one  section  has  the  right  capriciously 
to  make  changes  which  destroy  joint  interests,  advantages 
bought  by  common  toil  and  sacrifice,  and  which  division 
necessarily  destroys.  Indeed,  we  should  have  the  right  to 
remind  them  that  no  faction,  in  what  has  been  recognized 
as  one  nation,  can  claim,  by  any  law,  the  right  of  revolution 
to  set  up  or  to  preserve  a  system  which  the  common  con- 
science of  mankind  stamps  as  wicked  and  infamous.  The 
law  of  nations  is  only  another  name  for  the  common  sense 
and  average  conscience  of  mankind.  It  does  not  allow  itself, 
like  a  county  court,  to  be  hoodwinked  by  parchments  or  con- 
fused by  technicalities.  In  its  vocabulary,  the  right  of  revo- 
lution means  the  right  of  the  people  to  protect  themselves, 
not  the  privilege  of  tyrants  to  tread  under  foot  good  laws, 
and  claim  the  world's  sympathy  in  riveting  weakened  chains. 

I  say  the  North  had  a  right  to  assume  these  positions.  She 
did  not.  She  had  a  right  to  ignore  revolution  until  these 


240  The  Making  of  an  Oration 

conditions  were  complied  with ;  but  she  did  not.  She  waived 
it.  In  obedience  to  the  advice  of  Madison,  to  the  long  history 
of  her  country's  forbearance,  to  the  magnanimity  of  nineteen 
States,  she  waited;  she  advised  the  government  to  wait.  Mr. 
Lincoln,  in  his  inaugural,  indicated  that  this  would  be  the 
wise  course.  Mr.  Seward  hinted  it  in  his  speech  in  New 
York.  The  London  Times  bade  us  remember  the  useless 
war  of  1776,  and  take  warning  against  resisting  the  princi- 
ples of  popular  sovereignty.  The  Tribune,  whose  unflinching 
fidelity  and  matchless  ability  make  it  in  this  fight  "  the  white 
plume  of  Navarre,"  has  again  and  again  avowed  its  readiness 
to  waive  forms  and  go  into  convention.  We  have  waited. 
We  said,  "  Anything  for  peace."  We  obeyed  the  magnani- 
mous statesmanship  of  John  Quincy  Adams.  Let  me  read 
you  his  advice,  given  at  the  "  Jubilee  of  the  Constitution,"  to 
the  New  York  Historical  Society,  in  the  year  1839.  He  says, 
recognizing  this  right  of  the  people  of  a  State, —  mark  you, 
not  a  State :  the  Constitution  in  this  matter  knows  no  States ; 
the  right  of  revolution  knows  no  States;  it  knows  only  the 
people.  Mr.  Adams  says:  — 

"  The  people  of  each  State  in  the  Union  have  a  right  to 
secede  from  the  confederated  Union  itself. 

"  Thus  stands  the  right.  But  the  indissoluble  link  of  union 
between  the  people  of  the  several  States  of  this  confederated 
nation  is,  after  all,  not  in  the  right,  but  in  the  heart. 

"If  the  day  should  ever  come  (may  heaven  avert  it!) 
when  the  affections  of  the  people  of  these  States  shall  be 
alienated  from  each  other,  when  the  fraternal  spirit  shall 
give  way  to  cold  indifference,  or  collisions  of  interest  shall 
fester  into  hatred,  the  bands  of  political  association  will  not 
long  hold  together  parties  no  longer  attracted  by  the  mag- 
netism of  conciliated  interests  and  kindly  sympathies;  and 
far  better  will  it  be  for  the  people  of  the  disunited  States 
to  part  in  friendship  from  each  other,  than  to  be  held  together 


Speeches  for  Careful  Study          241 

by  constraint.  Then  will  be  the  time  for  reverting  to  the 
precedents  which  occurred  at  the  formation  and  adoption  of 
the  Constitution,  to  form  again  a  more  perfect  union,  by 
dissolving  that  which  could  no  longer  bind;  and  to  leave  the 
separated  parts  to  be  reunited  by  the  law  of  political  gravi- 
tation to  the  center." 

The  North  said  "  Amen "  to  every  word  of  it.  They 
waited.  They  begged  the  States  to  meet  them.  They  were 
silent  when  the  cannonshot  pierced  the  flag  of  the  Star  of  the 
West.  They  said  "  Amen  "  when  the  government  offered  to 
let  nothing  but  the  bunting  cover  Fort  Sumter.  They  said 
"  Amen  "  when  Lincoln  stood  alone,  without  arms,  in  a  de- 
fenseless capital,  and  trusted  himself  to  the  loyalty  and  for- 
bearance of  thirty-four  States. 

The  South,  if  the  truth  be  told,  cannot  wait.  Like  all 
usurpers,  they  dare  not  give  time  for  the  people  to  criticise 
their  power.  War  and  tumult  must  conceal  the  irregularity 
of  their  civil  course,  and  smother  discontent  and  criticism  at 
the  same  time.  Besides,  bankruptcy  at  home  can  live  out  its 
short  term  of  possible  existence  only  by  conquest  on  land  and 
piracy  at  sea.  And,  further,  only  by  war,  by  appeal  to  popular 
frenzy,  can  they  hope  to  delude  the  border  states  to  join  them. 
War  is  the  breath  of  their  life. 

Today,  therefore,  the  question  is,  by  the  voice  of  the  South, 
"  Shall  Washington  or  Montgomery  own  the  continent  ? " 
And  the  North  says,  "  From  the  Gulf  to  the  Pole,  the  Stars 
and  Stripes  shall  atone  to  four  millions  of  negroes  whom  we 
have  forgotten  for  seventy  years ;  and,  before  you  break  the 
Union,  we  will  see  that  justice  is  done  to  the  slave."  [Enthu- 
siastic and  long-continued  cheers.] 

There  is  only  one  thing  those  cannonshot  in  the  harbor  of 
Charleston  settled, —  that  there  never  can  be  a  compromise. 
[Loud  applause.]  We  Abolitionists  have  doubted  whether 
this  Union  really  meant  justice  and  liberty.  We  have  doubted 


242  The  Making  of  an  Oration 

the  intention  of  nineteen  millions  of  people.  They  have 
said,  in  answer  to  our  criticism :  "  We  believe  that  the 
Fathers  meant  to  establish  justice.  We  believe  that  there 
are  hidden  in  the  armory  of  the  Constitution  weapons  strong 
enough  to  secure  it.  We  are  willing  yet  to  try  the  experi- 
ment. Grant  us  time."  We  have  doubted,  derided  the  pre- 
tence, as  we  supposed.  During  these  long  and  weary  weeks 
we  have  waited  to  hear  the  Northern  conscience  assert  its 
purpose.  It  comes  at  last.  [An  impressive  pause.]  Massa- 
chusetts blood  has  consecrated  the  pavements  of  Baltimore, 
and  these  stones  are  now  too  sacred  to  be  trodden  by  slaves. 
[Loud  cheers.] 

You  and  I  owe  it  to  these  young  martyrs,  you  and  I  owe 
it,  that  their  blood  shall  be  the  seed  of  no  mere  empty 
triumph,  but  that  the  negro  shall  teach  his  children  to  bless 
them  for  centuries  to  come.  [Applause.]  When  Massa- 
chusetts goes  down  to  that  Carolina  fort  to  put  the  Stars  and 
Stripes  again  over  its  blackened  walls  [enthusiasm],  she  will 
sweep  from  its  neighborhood  every  institution  which  hazards 
their  ever  bowing  again  to  the  palmette.  [Loud  cheers.] 
All  of  you  may  not  mean  it  now.  Our  fathers  did  not  think 
in  1775  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence.  The  Long 
Parliament  never  thought  of  the  scaffold  of  Charles  the  First, 
when  they  entered  on  the  struggle;  but  having  begun,  they 
made  thorough  work.  [Cheers.]  It  is  an  attribute  of  the 
Yankee  blood, —  slow  to  fight,  and  fight  once.  [Renewed 
cheers.]  It  was  a  holy  war,  that  for  Independence;  this  is 
a  holier  and  the  last, —  that  for  LIBERTY.  [Loud  applause.] 

I  hear  a  great  deal  about  constitutional  liberty.  The 
mouths  of  Concord  and  Lexington  guns  have  room  only  for 
one  word,  and  that  is  LIBERTY.  You  might  as  well  ask 
Niagara  to  chant  the  Chicago  platform,  as  to  say  how  far 
war  shall  go.  War  and  Niagara  thunder  to  a  music  of  their 
own.  God  alone  can  launch  the  lightnings,  that  they  may 


Speeches  for  Careful  Study          243 

go  and  say,  Here  we  are.  The  thunderbolts  of  His  throne 
always  abase  the  proud,  lift  up  the  lowly,  and  execute  justice 
between  man  and  man. 

Now  let  me  turn  one  moment  to  another  consideration. 
What  should  the  government  do  ?  I  said  "  thorough  "  should 
be  its  maxim.  When  we  fight,  we  are  fighting  for  justice 
and  an  idea.  A  short  war  and  a  rigid  one  is  the  maxim.  Ten 
thousand  men  in  Washington  !  it  is  only  a  bloody  fight.  Five 
hundred  thousand  men  in  Washington,  and  none  dare  come 
there  but  from  the  North.  [Loud  cheers.]  Occupy  St. 
Louis  with  the  millions  of  the  West,  and  say  to  Missouri, 
"  You  cannot  go  out !  "  [Applause.]  Cover  Maryland  with 
a  million  of  the  friends  of  the  administration,  and  say :  "  We 
must  have  our  capital  within  reach.  [Cheers.]  If  you  need 
compensation  for  slaves  taken  from  you  in  the  convulsion  of 
battle,  here  it  is.  [Cheers.]  Government  is  engaged  in  the 
fearful  struggle  to  show  that  '89  u  meant  justice,  and  there 
is  something  better  than  life,  holier  than  even  real  and  just 
property,  in  such  an  hour  as  this."  And  again,  we  must  re- 
member another  thing, —  the  complication  of  such  a  struggle 
as  this.  Bear  with  me  a  moment.  We  put  five  hundred 
thousand  men  on  the  banks  of  the  Potomac.  Virginia  is  held 
by  two  races,  white  and  black.  Suppose  those  black  men  flare 
in  our  faces  the  Declaration  of  Independence.  What  are 
we  to  say  ?  Are  we  to  send  Northern  bayonets  to  keep  slaves 
under  the  feet  of  Jefferson  Davis?  [Many  voices,  "No!" 
"  Never !  "  ]  In  1842,  Governor  Wise  of  Virginia,  the  sym- 
bol of  the  South,  entered  into  argument  with  Quincy  Adams, 
who  carried  Plymouth  Rock  to  Washington.  [Applause.] 
It  was  when  Joshua  Giddings  offered  his  resolution  stating 
his  constitutional  doctrine  that  Congress  had  no  right  to 
interfere,  in  any  event,  in  any  way,  with  the  slavery  of  the 
Southern  States.  Plymouth  Rock  refused  to  vote  for  it. 
Mr.  Adams  said  [substantially] :  "  If  foreign  war  comes, 


244  The  Making  of  an  Oration 

if  civil  war  comes,  if  insurrection  comes,  is  this  beleaguered 
capital,  is  this  besieged  government,  to  see  millions  of  its 
subjects  in  arms,  and  have  no  right  to  break  the  fetters  which 
they  are  forging  into  swords?  No;  the  war  power  of  the 
government  can  sweep  this  institution  into  the  Gulf." 
[Cheers.]  Ever  since  1842,  that  statesman-like  claim  and 
warning  of  the  North  has  been  on  record,  spoken  by  the  lips 
of  her  wisest  son.  [Applause.] 

When  the  South  cannonaded  Fort  Sumter  the  bones  of 
Adams  stirred  in  his  coffin.  [Cheers.]  And  you  might  have 
heard  him,  from  that  granite  grave  at  Quincy,  proclaim  to 
the  nation :  "  The  hour  has  struck  !  Seize  the  thunderbolt 
God  has  forged  for  you,  and  annihilate  the  system  which 
has  troubled  your  peace  for  seventy  years !  "  [Cheers.]  Do 
not  say  this  is  the  cold-blooded  suggestion.  I  hardly  ever 
knew  slavery  to  go  down  in  any  other  circumstances.  Only 
once,  in  the  broad  sweep  of  the  world's  history,  was  any 
nation  lifted  so  high  that  she  could  stretch  her  imperial  hand 
across  the  Atlantic,  and  lift  by  one  peaceful  word  a  million 
of  slaves  into  liberty.  God  granted  that  glory  only  to  our 
motherland. 

You  heedlessly  expected,  and  we  Abolitionists  hoped,  that 
such  would  be  our  course.  Sometimes  it  really  seemed  so, 
and  we  said  confidently,  the  age  of  bullets  is  over.  At  others 
the  sky  lowered  so  darkly  that  we  felt  our  only  exodus  would 
be  one  of  blood;  that,  like  other  nations,  our  Bastile  would 
fall  only  before  revolution.  Ten  years  ago  I  asked  you, 
How  did  French  slavery  go  down?  How  did  the  French 
slavetrade  go  down?  When  Napoleon  came  back  from 
Elba,  when  his  fate  hung  trembling  in  the  balance,  and  he 
wished  to  gather  around  him  the  sympathies  of  the  liberals 
of  Europe,  he  no  sooner  set  foot  in  the  Tuilleries  than  he 
signed  the  edict  abolishing  the  slavetrade,  against  which  the 
Abolitionists  of  England  and  France  had  protested  for 


Speeches  for  Careful  Study          245 

twenty  years  in  vain.  Ana  the  trade  went  down,  because 
Napoleon  felt  he  must  do  something  to  gild  the  darkening 
hour  of  his  second  attempt  to  clutch  the  sceptre  of  France. 
How  did  the  slave  system  go  down?  When,  in  1848,  the 
provisional  government  found  itself  in  the  hotel  de  ville, 
obliged  to  do  something  to  draw  to  itself  the  sympathy  and 
liberal  feeling  of  the  French  nation,  they  signed  an  edict  — 
it  was  the  first  from  the  rising  republic  —  abolishing  the 
death-penalty  and  slavery.  The  storm  which  rocked  the 
vessel  of  state  almost  to  foundering  snapped  forever  the  chain 
of  the  French  slave.  Look,  too,  at  the  history  of  Mexican 
and  South  American  emancipation;  you  will  find  that  it  was 
in  every  instance,  I  think,  the  child  of  convulsion. 

That  hour  has  come  to  us.  So  stand  we  today.  The 
Abolitionist  who  will  not  now  cry,  when  the  moment  serves, 
"  Up,  boys,  and  at  them !  "  is  false  to  liberty.  [Great  cheer- 
ing. A  voice,  "  So  is  every  other  man."  ]  Yes,  today  Aboli- 
tionist is  merged  in  citizen, —  in  American.  Say  not  it  is  a 
hard  lesson.  Let  him  who  fully  knows  his  own  heart  and 
strength,  and  feels,  as  he  looks  down  into  his  child's  cradle, 
that  he  could  stand  and  see  that  little  nestling  borne  to 
slavery,  and  submit, —  let  him  cast  the  first  stone.  But  all 
you,  whose  blood  is  wont  to  stir  over  Naseby  and  Bunker 
Hill,  will  hold  your  peace,  unless  you  are  ready  to  cry  with 
me, —  Sic  semper  tyrannis !  "  So  may  it  ever  be  with 
tyrants !  "  [Loud  applause.] 

Why,  Americans,  I  believe  in  the  might  of  nineteen  mil- 
lions of  people.  Yes,  I  know  that  what  sewing  machines  and 
reaping  machines  and  ideas  and  types  and  schoolhouses  can- 
not do,  the  muskets  of  Illinois  and  Massachusetts  can  finish 
up.  [Cheers.]  Blame  me  not  that  I  make  everything  turn 
on  liberty  and  the  slave.  I  believe  in  Massachusetts.  I 
know  that  free  speech,  free  toil,  schoolhouses,  and  ballot- 
boxes  are  a  pyramid  on  its  broadest  base.  Nothing  that  does 


246  The  Making  of  an  Oration 

not  sunder  the  solid  globe  can  disturb  it.  We  defy  the  world 
to  disturb  us.  [Cheers.]  The  little  errors  that  dwell  upon 
our  surface,  we  have  medicine  in  our  institutions  to  cure 
them  all.  [Applause.] 

Therefore  there  is  nothing  left  for  a  New  England  man, 
nothing  but  that  he  shall  wipe  away  the  stain  which  hangs 
about  the  toleration  of  human  bondage.  As  Webster  said 
at  Rochester,  years  and  years  ago :  "  If  I  thought  that  there 
was  a  stain  upon  the  remotest  hem  of  the  garment  of  my 
country,  I  would  devote  my  utmost  labor  to  wipe  it  off." 
[Cheers.]  Today  that  call  is  made  upon  Massachusetts. 
That  is  the  reason  why  I  dwell  so  much  on  the  slavery  ques- 
tion. I  said  I  believed  in  the  power  of  the  North  to  conquer ; 
but  where  does  she  get  it?  I  do  not  believe  in  the  power  of 
the  North  to  subdue  two  millions  and  a  half  of  Southern 
men,  unless  she  summons  justice,  the  negro,  and  God  to  her 
side  [cheers] ;  and  in  that  battle  we  are  sure  of  this, —  we 
are  sure  to  rebuild  the  Union  down  to  the  Gulf.  [Renewed 
cheering.]  In  that  battle,  with  that  watchword,  with  those 
allies,  the  thirteen  States  and  their  children  will  survive, — 
in  the  light  of  the  world,  a  nation  which  has  vindicated  the 
sincerity  of  the  Fathers  of  '87,  that  they  bore  children,  and 
not 12  peddlers,  to  represent  them  in  the  nineteenth  century. 
[Repeated  cheers.]  But  without  that, —  without  that,  I  know 
also  we  shall  conquer.  Sumter  annihilated  compromise. 
Nothing  but  victory  will  blot  from  history  that  sight  of  the 
Stars  and  Stripes  giving  place  to  the  palmetto.13  But  with- 
out justice  for  inspiration,  without  God  for  our  Ally,  we 
shall  break  the  Union  asunder;  we  shall  be  a  confederacy, 
and  so  will  they.  This  war  means  one  of  two  things, — 
Emancipation  or  Disunion.  [Cheers.]  Out  of  the  smoke 
of  the  conflict  there  comes  that, —  nothing  else.  It  is  impos- 
sible there  should  come  anything  else.  Now,  I  believe  in  the 
future  and  permanent  union  of  the  races  that  cover  this  con- 


Speeches  for  Careful  Study          247 

tinent  from  the  Pole  down  to  the  Gulf,  one  in  race,  one  in 
history,  one  in  religion,  one  in  industry,  one  in  thought,  we 
never  can  be  permanently  separated.  Your  path,  if  you 
forget  the  black  race,  will  be  over  the  gulf  of  Disunion, — 
years  of  unsettled,  turbulent,  Mexican  and  South  American 
civilization,  back  through  that  desert  of  forty  years  to  the 
Union  which  is  sure  to  come. 

But  I  believe  in  a  deeper  conscience,  I  believe  in  a  North 
more  educated  than  that.  I  divide  you  into  four  sections. 
The  first  is  the  ordinary  mass,  rushing  from  mere  enthusiasm 
to 

A  battle  whose  great  aim  and  scope 

They  little  care  to  know, 
Content,  like  men-at-arms,  to  cope 

Each  with  his  fronting  foe. 

Behind  that  class  stands  another,  whose  only  idea  in  this 
controversy  is  sovereignty  and  the  flag.  The  seaboard,  the 
wealth,  the  just-converted  Hunkerism  14  of  the  country,  fill 
that  class.  Next  to  it  stands  the  third  element,  the  people ;  the 
cordwainers  of  Lynn,  the  farmers  of  Worcester,  the  dwellers 
on  the  prairie, —  Iowa  and  Wisconsin,  Ohio  and  Maine, — 
the  broad  surface  of  the  people  who  have  no  leisure  for 
technicalities,  who  never  studied  law,  who  never  had  time 
to  read  any  further  into  the  Constitution  than  the  first  two 
lines, —  "  Establish  Justice  and  secure  Liberty"  They  have 
waited  long  enough ;  they  have  eaten  dirt  long  enough ;  they 
have  apologized  for  bankrupt  statesmen  enough;  they  have 
quieted  their  consciences  enough ;  they  have  split  logic  with 
their  Abolition  neighbors  long  enough;  they  have  tired  of 
trying  to  find  a  place  between  the  forty-ninth  and  forty-eighth 
corner  of  a  constitutional  hair  [laughter] ;  and  now  that  they 
have  got  their  hand  on  the  neck  of  a  rebellious  aristocracy, 
in  the  name  of  the  people,  they  mean  to  strangle  it.  That  I 
believe  is  the  body  of  the  people  itself.  Side  by  side  with 


248          The  Making  of  an  Oration 

them  stands  a  fourth  class, —  small,  but  active, —  the  Aboli- 
tionists, who  thank  God  that  he  has  let  them  see  his15 
salvation  before  they  die.  [Cheers.] 

The  noise  and  dust  of  the  conflict  may  hide  the  real  ques- 
tion at  issue.  Europe  may  think,  some  of  us  may,  that  we 
are  fighting  for  forms  and  parchments,  for  sovereignty  and 
a  flag.  But  really  the  war  is  one  of  opinions;  it  is  Civiliza- 
tion against  Barbarism;  it  is  Freedom  against  Slavery.  The 
cannonshot  against  Fort  Sumter  was  the  yell  of  pirates 
against  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  the  warcry  of  the 
North  is  the  echo  of  that  sublime  pledge.  The  South,  defy- 
ing Christianity,  clutches  its  victim.  The  North  offers  its 
wealth  and  blood  in  glad  atonement  for  the  selfishness  of 
seventy  years.  The  result  is  as  sure  as  the  throne  of  God. 
I  believe  in  the  possibility  of  justice,  in  the  certainty  of 
union.  Years  hence,  when  the  smoke  of  this  conflict  clears 
away,  the  world  will  see  under  our  banner  all  tongues,  all 
creeds,  all  races, —  one  brotherhood, —  and  on  the  banks  of 
the  Potomac,  the  Genius  of  Liberty,  robed  in  light,  four  and 
thirty  stars  for  her  diadem,  broken  chains  under  feet,  and  an 
olive  branch  in  her  right  hand.  [Great  applause.] 

NOTES   ON    THE  SPEECH,   "  UNDER  THE   FLAG," 

BY 
WENDELL   PHILLIPS 

1.  "  Since  '85,"  the  date  of  the  close  of  the  Revolutionary  War. 

2.  "  Osiris,"  a  god  of  the  Egyptians. 

3.  The    frequent   use   of   antithesis    and   its    effect   should  be 
considered. 

4.  "Jack  Cade  and  Wat  Tyler,"  English  rebels. 

5.  "Thierry,"  French  historian. 

6.  "  Doctors  of  the  Sorbonne,"  teachers  of  theology  in  France 
under  the  "  old  regime." 

7.  The  quotation  is  from  "  Liberty  Bell "  that  rang  from  the 
tower  of  Liberty  Hall  in  Philadelphia,  when  the  Declaration  of 
Independence  was  adopted  in  1776.     Note  the  peculiar  appropri- 
ateness of  the  words  as  used  here. 


Speeches  for  Careful  Study          249 

8.  "  The  igth  of  April,"  the  date  of  the  battle  of  Lexington  and 
Concord  in  the  Revolutionary  War. 

9.  Washington   was    threatened   and   the   sixth   Massachusetts 
regiment,  on  its  way  to  the  relief  of  the  capital,  had  to  fight  its 
way  through  the  streets  of  Baltimore  against  a  mob  that  opposed 
its  passage. 

10.  Under  the  Constitution  as  originally  adopted,  five  slaves 
counted  in  estimating  representation  in  Congress  as  equivalent  to 
three  white  men. 

11.  "'89  meant  justice."    The  Constitution  went  into  operation 
in  1789. 

12.  Some    secessionists    are    said    to    have    spoken    of    New 
England  as  a  people  of  traders. 

13.  The  flag  of  South  Carolina. 

14.  What  is  the  origin  and  meaning  of  "  Hunkerism  "  ? 

15.  Luke  11:30. 


SPEECH  AT  LIVERPOOL  IN  1863 

BY 

HENRY  WARD  BEECHER 

(When  Henry  Ward  Beecher  went  to  England  in  the  summer 
of  1863,  he  did  not  intend  to  make  any  speeches  during  his  visit. 
He  went  solely  for  his  health.  On  reaching  England,  however, 
he  discovered  the  attitude  of  the  government  and  the  drift  of 
popular  sentiment,  and  realized  the  great  danger  that  the  English 
government  would  formally  recognize  the  independence  of  the 
Southern  Confederacy.  That  would  mean  war  between  the 
United  States  and  England ;  and  the  United  States  had  all  the  war 
it  wanted  just  then.  To  avert  such  a  calamity,  Mr.  Beecher 
consented  to  do  what  he  could  to  counteract  the  influence  of  the 
Confederate  emissaries,  who  were  conducting  a  very  active  prop- 
aganda in  the  interests  of  the  Confederacy.  He  made  five 
speeches  —  at  Manchester,  at  Glasgow,  at  Edinburgh,  at  Liverpool, 
and  at  London.  It  is  not  too  much  to  say  that  these  speeches  did 
more  to  change  the  tide  of  public  opinion  in  England  with  refer- 
ence to  the  real  meaning  of  the  Civil  War  than  did  any  other  one 
influence.  They  saved  England  from  declaring  for  the  independ- 
ence of  the  South  and  from  war  with  the  North.  They  were 
almost,  if  not  altogether,  the  greatest  triumphs  of  oratory  in  the 
history  of  eloquence.  Every  student  should  study  them  all  in 
the  order  in  which  they  were  pronounced.) 

For  more  than  twenty-five  years  I  have  been  made  per- 
fectly familiar  with  popular  assemblies  in  all  parts  of  my 
country  except  the  extreme  South.  There  has  not  for  the 
whole  of  that  time  been  a  single  day  of  my  life  when  it 
would  have  been  safe  for  me  to  go  south  of  Mason  x  and 
Dixon's  line  in  my  own  country,  and  all  for  one  reason;  my 
solemn,  earnest,  persistent  testimony  against  that  which  I 
consider  to  be  the  most  atrocious  thing  under  the  sun  —  the 

250 


Speeches  for  Careful  Study          251 

system  of  American  slavery  in  a  great  free  republic. 
[Cheers.]  I  have  passed  through  that  early  period,  when 
right  of  speech  was  denied  to  me.  Again  and  again  I  have 
attempted  to  address  audiences  that,  for  no  other  crime  than 
that  of  free  speech,  visited  me  with  all  manner  of  contumeli- 
ous epithets ;  and  now  since  I  have  been  in  England,  although 
I  have  met  with  greater  kindness  and  courtesy  on  the  part  of 
most  than  I  deserved,  yet,  on  the  other  hand,  I  perceive  that 
the  Southern  influence  prevails  to  some  extent  in  England. 
It  is  my  old  acquaintance;  I  understand  it  perfectly  — 
[laughter] — and  I  have  always  held  it  to  be  an  unfailing 
truth  that  where  a  man  had  a  cause  that  would  bear  exami- 
nation he  was  perfectly  willing  to  have  it  spoken  about. 
[Applause.]  And  when  in  Manchester  I  saw  those  huge  2 
placards,  "Who  is  Henry  Ward  Beecher?" — [laughter, 
cries  of  "  Quite  right,"  and  applause]  —  and  when  in  Liver- 
pool I  was  told  that  there  were  those  blood-red  placards,  pur- 
porting to  say  what  Henry  Ward  Beecher  had  said,  and 
calling  on  Englishmen  to  suppress  free  speech  —  I  tell  you 
what  I  thought.  I  thought  simply  this  —  "I  am  glad  of  it." 
[Laughter.]  Why?  Because  if  they  had  felt  perfectly 
secure,  that  you  are  the  minions  of  the  South  and  the  slaves 
of  slavery,  they  would  have  been  perfectly  still.  And,  there- 
fore, when  I  saw  so  much  nervous  apprehension  that,  if  I 
were  permitted  to  speak  —  when  I  found  they  were  afraid 
to  have  me  speak  —  [hisses,  laughter,  and  "  No,  no  "  ]  — • 
when  I  found  that  they  considered  my  speaking  damaging  to 
their  cause  —  [applause]  —  when  I  found  that  they  appealed 
from  facts  and  reasonings  to  mob  law,  I  said:  no  man  need 
tell  me  what  the  heart  and  secret  counsel  of  these  men  are. 
They  tremble  and  are  afraid.  [Applause,  laughter,  hisses, 
"  No,  no,"  and  a  voice :  "  New  York  mob."  ]  Now,  person- 
ally, it  is  a  matter  of  very  little  consequence  to  me  whether 
I  speak  here  tonight  or  not.  [Laughter  and  cheers.]  But, 


252  The  Making  of  an  Oration 

one  thing  is  very  certain  —  if  you  do  permit  me  to  speak  here 
tonight  you  will  hear  very  plain  talk.  [Applause  and  hisses.] 
You  will  not  find  a  man —  [interruption]  — you  will  not  find 
me  to  be  a  man  that  dared  to  speak  about  Great  Britain  three 
thousand  miles  off,  and  then  is  afraid  to  speak  to  Great 
Britain  when  he  stands  on  her  shores.  [Immense  applause 
and  hisses.]  And  if  I  do  not  mistake  the  tone  and  the  temper 
of  Englishmen,  they  had  rather  have  a  man  who  opposes 
them  in  a  manly  way —  [applause  from  all  parts  of  the  hall] 
— -than  a  sneak  that  agrees  with  them  in  an  unmanly  way. 
[Applause  and  "  Bravo."  ]  Now,  if  I  can  carry  you  with  me 
by  sound  convictions,  I  shall  be  immensely  glad;  but  if  I 
cannot  carry  you  with  me  by  facts  and  sound  arguments,  I 
do  not  wish  you  to  go  with  me  at  all;  and  all  that  I  ask  is 
simply 3  fair  play.  [Applause,  and  a  voice :  "  You  shall 
have  it,  too."  ]  Those  of  you  who  are  kind  enough  to  wish 
to  favor  my  speaking  —  and  you  will  observe  that  my  voice 
is  slightly  husky,  from  having  spoken  almost  every  night  in 
succession  for  some  time  past  —  those  who  wish  to  hear  me 
will  do  me  the  kindness  simply  to  sit  still,  and  to  keep  still ; 
and  I  and  my  friends  the  Secessionists  will  make  all  the 
noise.  [Laughter.] 

There  are  two  dominant  races  in  modern  history  —  the 
Germanic  and  the  Romanic  races.  The  Germanic  races4 
tend  to  personal  liberty,  to  a  sturdy  individualism,  to  civil 
and  political  liberty.  The  Romanic  race  tends  to  absolutism 
in  government;  it  is  clannish,  it  loves  chieftains,  it  develops 
a  people  that  crave  strong  and  showy  governments  to  sup- 
port and  plan  for  them.  The  Anglo-Saxon  race  belongs  to 
the  great  German  family,  and  is  a  fair  exponent  of  its  pecu- 
liarities. The  Anglo-Saxon  carries  self-government  and 
self -development  with  him  wherever  he  goes.  He  has  popu- 
lar government  and  popular  industry;  for  the  effects  of  a 
generous  civil  liberty  are  not  seen  a  whit  more  plain  in  the 


Speeches  for  Careful  Study          253 

good  order,  in  the  intelligence,  and  in  the  virtue  of  a  self- 
governing  people,  than  in  their  amazing  enterprise  and  the 
scope  and  power  of  their  creative  industry.  The  power  to 
create  riches  is  just  as  much  a  part  of  the  Anglo-Saxon 
virtues  as  the  power  to  create  good  order  and  social  safety. 
The  things  required  for  prosperous  labor,  prosperous  manu- 
factures, and  prosperous  commerce  are  three :  First,  liberty ; 
second,  liberty;  third,  liberty.  Though  these  are  not  merely 
the  same  liberty  as  I  shall  show  you.  First,  there  must  be 
liberty  to  follow  those  laws  of  business,  which  experience 
has  developed,  without  imposts  or  restrictions,  or  govern- 
mental intrusions.  Business  simply  wants  to  be  let  alone. 
Then,  secondly,  there  must  be  liberty  to  distribute  and  ex- 
change products  of  industry  in  any  market  without  burden- 
some tariffs,  without  imposts,  and  without  vexatious  regula- 
tions. There  must  be  these  two  liberties  —  liberty  to  create 
wealth,  as  the  makers  of  it  think  best  according  to  the  light 
and  experience  which  business  has  given  them;  and  then 
liberty  to  distribute  what  they  have  created  without  unneces- 
sary vexatious  burdens.  The  comprehensive  law  of  the  ideal 
industrial  condition  of  the  world  is  free  manufacture  and 
free  trade.  [A  voice :  "  The  Morrill  tariff."  Another  voice : 
"  Monroe."  ]  I  have  said  there  were  three  elements  of 
liberty.  The  third  is  the  necessity  of  an  intelligent  and  free 
race  of  customers.  There  must  be  freedom  among  produ- 
cers; there  must  be  freedom  among  the  distributors;  there 
must  be  freedom  among  the  customers. 

It  may  not  have  occurred  to  you  that  it  makes  any  differ- 
ence what  one's  customers  are,  but  it  does  in  all  regular  and 
prolonged  business.  The  condition  of  the  customer  deter- 
mines how  much  he  will  buy,  determines  of  what  sort  he  will 
buy.  Poor  and  ignorant  people  buy  little  and  that  of  the 
poorest  kind.  The  richest  and  the  intelligent,  having  the 
more  means  to  buy,  buy  the  most,  and  always  buy  the  best. 


254          The  Making  of  an  Oration 

Here,  then,  are  the  three  liberties  —  liberty  of  the  producer; 
liberty  of  the  distributor ;  and  liberty  of  the  consumer.  The 
first  two  need  no  discussion,  they  have  been  long  thoroughly 
and  brilliantly  illustrated  by  the  political  economists  of  Great 
Britain,  and  by  her  eminent  statesmen;  but  it  seems  to  me 
that  enough  attention  has  not  been  directed  to  the  third ;  and, 
with  your  patience,  I  will  dwell  on  that  for  a  moment,  before 
proceeding  to  other  topics.  It  is  a  necessity  of  every  manu- 
facturing and  commercial  people  that  their  customers  should 
be  very  wealthy  and  intelligent.  Let  us  put  the  subject 
before  you  in  the  familiar  light  of  your  own  local  experience. 
To  whom  do  the  tradesmen  of  Liverpool  sell  the  most  goods 
at  the  highest  profit?  To  the  ignorant  and  poor,  or  to  the 
educated  and  prosperous?  [A  voice:  "To  the  Southerners." 
Laughter.]  The  poor  man  buys  simply  for  his  body;  he  buys 
food,  he  buys  clothing,  he  buys  fuel,  he  buys  lodging.  His 
rule  is  to  buy  the  least  and  the  cheapest  that  he  can.  He  goes 
to  the  store  as  seldom  as  he  can, —  he  brings  away  as  little 
as  he  can, —  and  he  buys  for  the  least  he  can.  [Much  laugh- 
ter.] Poverty  is  not  a  misfortune  to  the  poor  only,  who 
suffer  it,  but  it  is  more  or  less  a  misfortune  to  all  with  whom 
he  deals.  On  the  other  hand,  a  man  well  off, —  how  is  it  with 
him?  He  buys  in  far  greater  quantity.  He  can  afford  to  do 
it;  he  has  the  money  to  pay  for  it.  He  buys  in  far  greater 
variety,  because  he  seeks  to  gratify  not  merely  physical 
wants,  but  also  mental  wants.  He  buys  for  the  satisfaction 
of  sentiment  and  taste,  as  well  as  of  sense.  He  buys  silk, 
wool,  flax,  cotton ;  he  buys  all  metals  —  iron,  silver,  gold, 
platinum;  in  short  he  buys  for  all  necessities  and  of  all  sub- 
stances. But  that  is  not  all.  He  buys  a  better  quality  of 
goods.  He  buys  richer  silks,  finer  cottons,  higher  grained 
wools.  Now,  a  rich  silk  means  so  much  skill  and  care  of 
somebody's  that  has  been  expended  upon  it  to  make  it  finer 
and  richer;  and  so  of  cotton,  and  so  of  wool.  That  is,  the 


Speeches  for  Careful  Study          255 

price  of  the  finer  goods  runs  back  to  the  very  beginning,  and 
remunerates  the  workman  as  well  as  the  merchant.     Now, 
the  whole  laboring   community   is   as   much   interested  and 
profited  as  the  mere  merchant,  in  this  buying  and  selling  of 
the  higher  grades,  in  the   greater  varieties  and  quantities. 
The  law  of  price  is  the  skill;  and  the  amount  of  skill  ex- 
pended in  the  work  is  as  much  for  the  market  as  are  the 
goods.     A  man  comes  5  to  market  and  says,  "  I  have  a  pair  of 
hands,"   and  he   obtains   the  lowest  wages.     Another   man 
comes  and  says,  "I  have  something  more  than  a  pair  of 
hands;  I  have  truth  and  fidelity;"  he  gets  a  higher  price. 
Another  man  comes  and  says,  "  I  have  something  more ;  I 
have  hands,  and  strength,  and  fidelity,  and  skill."     He  gets 
more  than  either  of  the  others.     The  next  man  comes  and 
says,  "  I  have  got  hands,  and  strength,  and  skill,  and  fidelity ; 
but  my  hands  work  more  than  that.     They  know  how  to 
create  things  for  the  fancy,  for  the  affections,  for  the  moral 
sentiments";  and  he  gets  more  than  either  of  the  others. 
The  last  man  comes  and  says,  "  I  have  all  these  qualities,  and 
have  them  so  highly  that  it  is  a  peculiar  genius  " ;  and  genius 
carries  the  whole  market  and  gets  the  highest  price.    So  that 
both  the  workman  and  the  merchant  are  profited  by  having 
purchasers  that  demand  quality,  variety,  and  quantity.    Now, 
if  this  be  so  in  the  town  or  the  city,  it  can  only  be  so  because 
it  is  a  law.    This  is  the  specific  development  of  a  general  or 
universal  law,  and  therefore  we  should  expect  to  find  it  as 
true  of  a  nation  as  of  a  city  like  Liverpool.    I  know  it  is  so, 
and  you  know  that  it  is  true  of  all  the  world;  and  it  is  just 
as  important  to  have  customers  educated,  intelligent,  moral, 
and  rich  out  of  Liverpool  as  it  is  in  Liverpool.     They  are 
able  to  buy ;  they  want  variety,  they  want  the  very  best ;  and 
those  are  the  customers  you  want.     The  nation  is  the  best 
customer  that  is  freest,  because  freedom  works  prosperity, 
industry,  and  wealth. 


256  The  Making  of  an  Oration 

Great  Britain,6  then,  aside  from  moral  considerations,  has 
a  direct  commercial  and  pecuniary  interest  in  the  liberty, 
civilization,  and  wealth  of  every  people  and  every  nation  on 
the  globe.  You  have  also  an  interest  in  this,  because  you  are 
a  moral  and  religious  people.  You  desire  it  from  the  highest 
motives;  and  godliness  is  profitable  in  all  things,  having  the 
promise  of  the  life  that  is,  as  well  as  of  that  which  is  to 
come;  but  if  there  were  no  hereafter,  and  if  a  man  had  no 
progress  in  this  life,  and  if  there  were  no  question  of  civi- 
lization at  all,  it  would  be  worth  your  while  to  protect 
civilization  and  liberty,  merely  as  a  commercial  speculation. 
To  evangelize  has  more  than  a  moral  and  religious  import  — 
it  comes  back  to  temporal  relations.  Whenever  a  nation  that 
is  crushed,  cramped,  degraded  under  despotism  is  struggling 
to  be  free,  you,  Leeds,  Sheffield,  Manchester,  Paisley,  all 
have  an  interest  that  that  nation  should  be  free.  When  de- 
pressed and  backward  people  demand  that  they  may  have  a 
chance  to  rise  —  Hungary,  Italy,  Poland  —  it  is  a  duty  for 
humanity's  sake,  it  is  a  duty  for  the  highest  moral  motives, 
to  sympathize  with  them;  but  beside  all  these  there  is  a 
material  and  an  interested  reason  why  you  should  sympathize 
with  them.  Pounds  and  pence  join  with  conscience  and  with 
honor  in  this  design.  Now,  Great  Britain's  chief  want  is  — 
what?  They  have  said  that  your  chief  want  is  cotton.  I 
deny  it.  Your  chief  want  is  consumers.  [Applause  and 
laughter.]  You  have  got  skill,  you  have  got  capital,  and  you 
have  got  machinery  enough  to  manufacture  goods  for  the 
whole  population  of  the  globe.  You  could  turn  out  fourfold 
as  much  as  you  do,  if  you  only  had  the  market  to  sell  in.  It 
is  not  so  much  the  want,  therefore,  of  fabric,  though  there 
may  be  a  temporary  obstruction  of  it;  but  the  principal  and 
increasing  want  —  increasing  from  year  to  year  —  is,  where 
shall  we  find  men  to  buy  what  we  can  manufacture  so  fast? 
[Interruption,  and  a  voice,  "  The  Morrill  tariff,"  and  ap- 


Speeches  for  Careful  Study          257 

plause.]     Before  the  American  war  broke  out,  your  ware- 
houses were  loaded  with  goods  that  you  could  not  sell.    You 
had    over-manufactured;    what    is    the    meaning    of    over- 
manufacturing  but  this,  that  you  had  skill,  capital,  machinery, 
to  create  faster  than  you  had  customers  to  take  goods  off 
your  hands?    And  you  know,  that,  rich  as  Great  Britain  is, 
vast  as  are  her  manufactures,  if  she  could  have  fourfold  the 
present  demand,  she  could  make  fourfold  riches  tomorrow ; 
and  every  political  economist  will  tell  you  that  your  want  is 
not  cotton  primarily,  but  customers.    Therefore,  the  doctrine, 
how  to  make  customers,  is  a  great  deal  more  important  to 
Great  Britain  than  the  doctrine  how  to  raise  cotton.    It  is  to 
that  doctrine  I  ask  from  you,  business  men,  practical  men, 
men  of  fact,  sagacious  Englishmen  —  to  that  point  I  ask  a 
moment's  attention.     [Shouts  of  "Oh,  oh,"  hisses,  and  ap- 
plause.]    There  are  no  more  continents  to  be  discovered. 
The  market  of  the  future  must  be  found  —  how?    There  is 
very  little  hope  of  any  more  demand  being  created  by  new 
fields.    If  you  are  to  have  a  better  market  there  must  be  some 
kind  of  process  invented  to  make  the  old  fields  better.     [A 
voice,  "Tell  us  something  new,"  shouts  of  "Order,"  and 
interruption.]    Let  us  look  at  it,  then.    You  must  civilize  the 
world  in  order  to  make  a  better  class  of  purchasers.    If  you 
were  to  press  Italy  down  again  under  the  feet  of  despotism, 
Italy,  discouraged,  could  draw  but  very  few  supplies  from 
you.     But  give  her  liberty,  kindle  schools  throughout  her 
valleys,  spur  her  industry,  make  treaties  with  her  by  which 
she  can  exchange  her  wine,  and  her  oil,  and  her  silk  for  your 
manufactured  goods ;  and  for  every  effort  that  you  make  in 
that  direction  there  will  come  back  profit  to  you  in  increased 
traffic  with  her.    If  Hungary  asks  to  be  an  unshackled  nation 
—  if  by  freedom  she  will  rise  in  virtue  and  intelligence,  then 
by  freedom  she  will  acquire  a  more  multifarious  industry, 
which  she  will  be  willing  to  exchange  for  your  manufactures. 


258  The  Making  of  an  Oration 

Her  liberty  is  to  be  found  —  where?  You  will  find  it  in  the 
Word  of  God,  you  will  find  it  in  the  code  of  history;  but  you 
will  also  find  it  in  the  Price  Current;  and  every  free  nation, 
every  civilized  people  —  every  people  that  rises  from  barbar- 
ism to  industry  and  intelligence,  becomes  a  better  customer. 
A  savage  is  a  man  of  one  story,  and  that  one  story  a  cellar. 
When  a  man  begins  to  be  civilized,  he  raises  another  story. 
When  you  Christianize  and  civilize  the  man,  you  put  story 
upon  story,  for  you  develop  faculty  after  faculty;  and  you 
have  to  supply  every  story  with  your  productions.  The 
savage  is  a  man  one  story  deep;  the  civilized  man  is  thirty 
stories  deep.  Now,  if  you  go  to  a  lodging  house,  where  there 
are  three  or  four  men,  your  sales  to  them  may,  no  doubt,  be 
worth  something;  but  if  you  go  to  a  lodging  house  like  some 
of  those  which  I  saw  in  Edinburgh,  which  seemed  to  contain 
about  twenty  stories  —  [  "  Oh,  oh,"  and  interruption]  —  every 
story  of  which  is  full,  and  all  who  occupy  buy  of  you  — 
which  is  the  best  customer, —  the  man  who  is  drawn  out,  or 
the  man  who  is  pinched  up?  [Laughter.]  Now,  there  is  in 
this  a  great  and  sound  principle  of  political  economy. 
[  "  Yah !  yah ! "  from  the  passage  outside  the  hall,  and  loud 
laughter.]  If  the  South  should  be  rendered  independent  — 
[at  this  juncture  mingled  cheering  and  hisses  became  im- 
mense ;  half  the  audience  rose  to  their  feet,  waving  hats  and 
handkerchiefs,  and  in  every  part  of  the  hall  there  was  the 
greatest  commotion  and  uproar.]  You  have  had  your  turn 
now;  now  let  me  have  mine  again.  [Loud  applause  and 
laughter.]  It  is  a  little  inconvenient  to  talk  against  the  wind ; 
but,  after  all,  if  you  will  just  keep  good-natured  —  I  am  not 
going  to  lose  my  temper ;  will  you  watch  yours  ?  Besides  all 
that, —  it  rests  me,  and  gives  me  a  chance,  you  know,  to  get 
my  breath.  [Applause  and  hisses.]  And  I  think  that  the 
bark  of  those  men  is  worse  than  their  bite.  They  do  not 
mean  any  harm  —  they  don't  know  any  better.  [Loud 
laughter,  applause,  hisses,  and  continued  uproar.] 


Speeches  for  Careful  Study          259 

I  was  saying,  when  these  responses  broke  in,  that  it  was 
worth  our  while  to  consider  both  alternatives.  What  will  be 
the  result  if  this  present  struggle  shall  eventuate  in  the  sep- 
aration of  America,  and  making  the  South  —  [loud  applause, 
hisses,  hooting,  and  cries  of  "  Bravo !  "  ]  —  a  slave  territory 
exclusively, —  [cries  of  "  No,  no,"  and  laughter]  —  and  the 
North  a  free  territory,  what  will  be  the  first  result?  You  will 
lay  the  foundation  for  carrying  the  slave  population  clear 
through  to  the  Pacific  Ocean.  That  is  the  first  step.  There 
is  not  a  man  that  has  been  a  leader  of  the  South  any  time 
within  these  twenty  years,  that  has  not  had  this  for  a  plan. 
It  was  for  this  that  they  engaged  in  the  Mexican  War  itself, 
by  which  the  vast  territory  reaching  to  the  Pacific  was  added 
to  the  Union.  Never  have  they  for  a  moment  given  up  the 
plan  of  spreading  the  American  institutions,  as  they  call 
them,  straight  through  towards  the  West,  until  the  slaver, 
who  has  washed  his  feet  in  the  Atlantic,  shall  be  carried  to 
wash  them  in  the  Pacific.  [Cries  of  "  Question/'  and  up- 
roar.] There !  I  have  got  that  statement  out,  and  you 
cannot  put  it  back.  [Laughter  and  applause.]  Now  let  us 
consider  the  prospect.  If  the  South  becomes  a  slave  empire, 
what  relation  will  it  have  to  you  as  a  customer?  [A  voice: 
"  Or  any  other  man."  Laughter.]  It  would  be  an  empire  of 
12,000,000  of  people.  Now,  of  these,  8,000,000  are  white  and 
4,000,000  are  black.  [A  voice :  "  How  many  have  you  got  ?  " 
—  applause  and  laughter.  Another  voice :  "  Free  your  own 
slaves."  ]  Consider  that  one-third  of  the  whole  are  the 
miserably  poor,  unbuying  blacks.  [Cries  of  "  No,  no,"  "  Yes, 
yes,"  and  interruption.]  You  do  not  manufacture  much  for 
them.  [Hisses,  "  Oh  !  "  "  No."  ]  You  have  not  got  machin- 
ery coarse  enough.  [Laughter  and  "  No."  ]  Your  labor  is 
too  skilled  by  far  to  manufacture  bagging  and  linsey-woolsey. 
[Southerner:  "We  are  going  to  free  them  every  one/'] 
Then  you  and  I  agree  exactly.  [Laughter.]  One  other  third 


260  The  Making  of  an  Oration 

consists  of  a  poor,  unskilled,  degraded  white  population ;  and 
the  remaining  one-third,  which  is  a  large  allowance,  we  will 
say,  intelligent  and  rich.  Now  here  are  twelve  million  of 
people,  and  only  one-third  of  them  are  customers  that  can 
afford  to  buy  the  kind  of  goods  that  you  bring  to  market. 
[Interruption  and  uproar.]  My  friends,  I  saw  a  man  once, 
who  was  a  little  late  at  the  railway  station,  chase  an  express 
train.  He  did  not  catch  it.  [Laughter.]  If  you  are  going  to 
stop  this  meeting,  you  have  got  to  stop  it  before  I  speak ;  for 
after  I  have  got  the  things  out,  you  may  chase  as  long  as 
you  please  —  you  would  not  catch  them.  [Laughter  and  in- 
terruption.] But  there  is  luck  in  leisure ;  I  'm  going  to  take 
it  easy.  [Laughter.]  Two-thirds  of  the  population  of  the 
Southern  States  today  are  non-purchasers  of  English  goods. 
[A  voice :  "  No,  they  are  not,"  "  No,  no,"  and  uproar.] 
Now  you  must  recollect  another  fact  —  namely,  that  this  is 
going  on  clear  through  to  the  Pacific  Ocean ;  and  if  by  sym- 
pathy or  help  you  establish  a  slave  empire,  you  sagacious 
Britons  —  [  "  Oh,  oh,"  and  hooting]  —  if  you  like  it  better, 
then,  I  will  leave  the  adjective  out —  [laughter,  "  Hear,"  and 
applause]  —  are  busy  in  favoring  the  establishment  of  an 
empire  from  ocean  to  ocean  that  should  have  fewest  custom- 
ers and  the  largest  non-buying  population.  [Applause,  "  No, 
no."  A  voice :  "  I  think  it  was  the  happy  people  that  popu- 
lated fastest."  ]  Now,  for  instance,  just  look  at  this,  the 
difference  between  free  labor  and  slave  labor  to  produce 
cultivated  land.  The  State  of  Virginia  has  15,000  more 
square  miles  of  land  than  the  State  of  New  York;  but  Vir- 
ginia has  only  15,000  square  miles  improved,  while  New  York 
has  20,000  square  miles  improved.  Of  unimproved  land 
Virginia  has  about  23,000  square  miles,  and  New  York  only 
about  10,000  square  miles.  Now,  these  facts  speak  volumes 
as  to  the  capacity  of  the  territory  to  bear  population.  The 
smaller  is  the  quantity  of  soil  uncultivated,  the  greater  is  the 


Speeches  for  Careful  Study          261 

density  of  the  population  —  and  upon  that,  their  value  as 
customers  depends.  Let  us  take  the  States  of  Maryland  and 
Massachusetts.  Maryland  has  2,000  more  square  miles  of 
land  than  Massachusetts;  but  Maryland  has  about  4,000 
square  miles  of  land  improved,  Massachusetts  has  3,200 
square  miles.  Maryland  has  2,800  unimproved  square  miles 
of  land,  while  Massachusetts  has  but  1,800  square  miles  un- 
improved. But  these  two  are  little  states, —  let  us  take 
greater  states.  Pennsylvania  and  Georgia.  The  State  of 
Georgia  has  12,000  more  square  miles  of  land  than  Pennsyl- 
vania. Georgia  has  only  about  9,800  square  miles  of  im- 
proved land,  Pennsylvania  has  13,400  square  miles  of 
improved  land,  or  about  2,300,000  acres  more  than  Georgia. 
Georgia  has  about  25,600  square  miles  of  unimproved  land, 
and  Pennsylvania  has  only  10,400  square  miles,  or  about 
10,000*000  acres  less  of  unimproved  land  than  Georgia.  The 
one  is  a  Slave  State  and  the  other  is  a  Free  State.  I  do  not 
want  you  to  forget  such  statistics  as  those,  having  once  heard 
them.  [Laughter.]  Now,  what  can  England  make  for  the 
poor  white  population  of  such  a  future  empire,  and  for  her 
slave  population?  What  carpets,  what  linens,  what  cottons 
can  you  sell  to  them?  What  machines,  what  looking- 
glasses,  what  combs,  what  leather,  what  books,  what  pic- 
tures, what  engravings  ?  [A  voice :  "  We  '11  sell  them 
ships."  ]  You  may  sell  ships  to  a  few,  but  what  ships  can 
you  sell  to  two-thirds  of  the  population  of  poor  whites  and 
blacks?  A  little  bagging  and  a  little  linsey-woolsey,  a  few 
whips  and  manacles,  are  all  that  you  can  sell  for  the  slave. 
[Great  applause,  and  uproar.]  This  very  day,  in  the  Slave 
States  of  America  there  are  eight  millions  out  of  twelve 
millions  that  are  not,  and  cannot  be  your  customers  from  the 
very  laws  of  trade.  [A  voice :  "  Then  how  are  they 
clothed?"  and  interruption.] 

THE  CHAIRMAN:     If  gentlemen  will  only  sit  down,  those 
who  are  making  the  disturbance  will  be  tired  out. 


262  The  Making  of  an  Oration 

MR.  BEECHER  resumed:  There  are  some  apparent  draw- 
backs that  may  suggest  themselves.  The  first  is  that  the  in- 
terests of  England  consist  in  drawing  from  any  country  its 
raw  material.  [A  voice :  "  We  have  got  over  that."  ]  There 
is  an  interest,  but  it  is  not  the  interest  of  England.  The  in- 
terest of  England  is  not  merely  where  to  buy  her  cotton,  her 
ores,  her  wool,  her  linens,  and  her  flax.  When  she  has  put 
her  brains  into  the  cotton,  and  into  the  linen  and  flax,  and  it 
becomes  the  product  of  her  looms,  a  far  more  important 
question  is,  "  What  can  be  done  with  it  ?  "  England  does  not 
want  merely  to  pay  prices  for  that  which  brain  labor  pro- 
duces. Your  interest  lies  beyond  all  peradventure ;  therefore, 
if  you  should  bring  ever  so  much  cotton  from  the  slave  em- 
pire, you  cannot  sell  back  again  to  the  slave  empire.  [A 
voice:  "Go  on  with  your  subject;  we  know  all  about 
England."  ]  Excuse  me,  sir,  I  am  the  speaker,  not  you ;  and 
it  is  for  me  to  determine  what  to  say.  Do  you  suppose  I  am 
going  to  speak  about  America  except  to  convince  English- 
men? I  am  here  to  talk  to  you  for  the  sake  of  ultimately 
carrying  you  with  me  in  judgment  and  in  thinking  —  and,  as 
to  this  logic  of  cat-calls,  it  is  slavery  logic, —  I  am  used  to  it. 
[Applause,  hisses,  and  cheers.]  Now,  it  is  said  that  if  the 
South  should  be  allowed  to  be  separate  there  will  be  no  tariff, 
and  England  can  trade  with  her;  but  if  the  South  remain  in 
the  United  States,  it  will  be  bound  by  a  tariff,  and  English 
goods  will  be  excluded  from  it.  Now,  I  am  not  going  to 
shirk  any  question  of  that  kind.  In  the  first  place,  let  me  tell 
you  that  the  first  tariff  ever  proposed  in  America  was  not 
only  supported  by  Southern  interests  and  votes,  but  was 
originated  by  the  peculiar  structure  of  Southern  society. 
The  first  and  chief  difficulty  —  after  the  Union  was  formed 
under  our  present  Constitution  —  the  first  difficulty  that  met 
our  fathers  was,  how  to  raise  taxes  to  support  the  govern- 
ment; and  the  question  of  representation  and  taxes  went  to- 


Speeches  for  Careful  Study          263 

gether;  and  the  difficulty  was,  whether  we  should  tax  the 
North  and  South  alike,  man  for  man  per  caput,  counting  the 
slaves  with  whites.  The  North  having  fewer  slaves  in  com- 
parison with  the  number  of  its  whites ;  the  South,  which  had 
a  larger  number  of  blacks,  said,  "  We  shall  be  over-taxed  if 
this  system  be  adopted."  They  therefore  proposed  that 
taxes  and  representation  should  be  on  the  basis  of  five  black 
men  counting  as  three  white  men.  In  a  short  time  it  was 
found  impossible  to  raise  these  taxes  in  the  South,  and  then 
they  cast  about  for  a  better  way,  and  the  tariff  scheme  was 
submitted.  The  object  was  to  raise  the  revenue  from  the 
ports  instead  of  from  the  people.  The  tariff  therefore  had 
its  origin  in  Southern  weaknesses  and  necessities,  and  not  in 
the  Northern  cities.  Daniel  Webster's  first  speech  was 
against  it;  but  after  that  was  carried  by  Southern  votes 
[which  for  more  than  fifty  years  determined  the  law  of  the 
country] ,  New  England  accepted  it,  and  saying,  "  It  is  the 
law  of  the  land,"  conformed  her  industry  to  it;  and  when  she 
had  got  her  capital  embarked  in  mills  and  machinery,  she 
became  in  favor  of  it.  But  the  South,  beginning  to  feel,  as 
she  grew  stronger,  that  it  was  against  her  interest  to  con- 
tinue the  system,  sought  to  have  the  tariff  modified,  and 
brought  it  down;  though  Henry  Clay,  a  Southern  man  him- 
self, was  the  immortal  champion  of  the  tariff.  All  his  life- 
time he  was  for  a  high  tariff,  till  such  a  tariff  could  no  longer 
stand;  and  then  he  was  for  moderating  the  tariffs.  And 
there  has  not  been  for  the  whole  of  the  fifty  years  a  single 
hour  when  any  tariff  could  be  passed  without  them.  The 
opinion  of  the  whole  of  America  was,  tariff,  high  tariff.  I 
do  not  mean  that  there  were  none  that  dissented  from  that 
opinion,  but  it  was  the  popular  and  prevalent  cry.  I  have 
lived  to  see  the  time  when,  just  before  the  war  broke  out,  it 
might  be  said  that  the  thinking  men  of  America  were  ready 
for  freetrade.  There  has  been  a  steady  progress  throughout 


264          The  Making  of  an  Oration 

America  for  freetrade  ideas.  How  came  this  Morrill  tariff? 
The  Democratic  administration  inspired  by  Southern  coun- 
sels, left  millions  of  unpaid  debts  to  cramp  the  incoming 
of  Lincoln;  and  the  government,  betrayed  to  the  Southern 
States,  found  itself  unable  to  pay  those  debts,  unable  to 
build  a  single  ship,  unable  to  raise  an  army;  and  it  was 
the  exigency,  the  necessity,  that  forced  them  to  adopt  the 
Morrill  tariff,  in  order  to  raise  the  money  which  they  re- 
quired. It  was  the  South  that  obliged  the  North  to  put  the 
tariff  on.  Just  as  soon  as  we  begin  to  have  peace  again,  and 
can  get  our  national  debt  into  a  proper  shape  as  you  have  got 
yours  —  [laughter]  the  same  cause  that  worked  before  will 
begin  to  work  again ;  and  there  is  nothing  more  certain  in  the 
future  than  that  the  American  is  bound  to  join  with  Great 
Britain  in  the  worldwide  doctrine  of  freetrade.  [Applause 
and  interruption.]  Here  then,  so  far  as  this  argument  is 
concerned,  I  rest  my  case,  saying  that  it  seems  to  me  that  in 
an  argument  addressed  to  a  commercial  people  it  was  per- 
fectly fair  to  represent  that  their  commercial  and  manufac- 
turing interests  tallied  with  their  moral  sentiments;  and  as 
by  birth,  by  blood,  by  history,  by  moral  feeling,  and  by  every- 
thing, Great  Britain  is  connected  with  the  liberty  of  the 
world,  God  has  joined  interest  and  conscience,  head  and 
heart;  so  that  you  ought  to  be  in  favor  of  liberty  everywhere. 
There !  I  have  got  quite  a  speech  out  already,  if  I  do  not 
get  any  more.  [Hisses  and  applause.] 

Now  then,  leaving  this  for  a  time,  let  me  turn  to  some 
other  nearly  connected  topics.  It  is  said  that  the  South  is 
fighting  for  just  that  independence  of  which  I  have  been 
speaking.  The  South  is  divided  on  that  subject.  ["  No, 
no."  ]  There  are  twelve  millions  in  the  South.  Four  mil- 
lions of  them  are  asking  for  their  liberty.  [  "  No,  no,"  hisses, 
"Yes,"  applause,  and  interruption.]  Four  millions  are  ask- 
ing for  their  liberty.  [Continued  interruption,  and  renewed 


Speeches  for  Careful  Study          265 

applause.]  Eight  millions  are  banded  together  to  prevent  it. 
[  "  No,  no,"  hisses,  and  applause.]  That  is  what  they  asked 
the  world  to  recognize  as  a  strike  for  independence.  [  "  Hear, 
hear "  and  laughter.]  Eight  million  white  men  fighting  to 
prevent  the  liberty  of  four  million  black  men,  challenging  the 
world.  [Uproar,  hisses,  applause,  and  continued  interrup- 
tion.] You  cannot  get  over  the  fact.  There  it  is;  like  iron, 
you  cannot  stir  it.  [Uproar.]  They  went  out  of  the  Union 
because  slave  property  was  not  recognized  in  it.  There  were 
two  ways  of  reaching  slave  property  in  the  Union;  the  one 
by  exerting  the  direct  Federal  authority;  but  they  could  not 
do  that,  for  they  conceived  it  to  be  forbidden.  The  second 
was  by  indirect  influence.  If  you  put  a  candle  under  a  bowl 
it  will  burn  so  long  as  the  fresh  air  lasts,  but  it  will  go  out  as 
soon  as  the  oxygen  is  exhausted;  and  so,  if  you  put  slavery 
into  a  state  where  it  cannot  get  more  states,  it  is  only  a  ques- 
tion of  time  how  long  it  will  live.  By  limiting  slave  terri- 
tory you  lay  the  foundation  for  the  final  extinction  of  slav- 
ery. Gardeners  say  that  the  reason  why  crops  will  not  grow 
in  the  same  ground  for  a  long  time  together,  is  that  the  roots 
excrete  poisoned  matter  which  the  plants  cannot  use,  and 
thus  poison  the  grain.  Whether  this  is  true  of  crops  or  not, 
it  is  certainly  true  of  slavery,-  for  slavery  poisons  the  land 
on  which  it  grows.  Look  at  the  old  slave  states,  Delaware, 
Maryland,  Virginia,  Kentucky,  Tennessee,  and  even  at  the 
newer  State  of  Missouri.  What  is  the  condition  of  slavery 
in  those  states?  It  is  not  worth  one  cent  except  to  breed. 
It  is  not  worth  one  cent  so  far  as  productive  energy  goes. 
They  cannot  make  money  by  their  slaves  in  those  states.  The 
first  reason  with  them  for  maintaining  slavery  is,  because  it 
gives  political  power ;  and  the  second,  because  they  breed  for 
the  Southern  market.  I  do  not  stand  on  my  own  testimony 
alone.  The  editor  of  the  Virginia  Times,  in  the  year  1836, 
made  a  calculation  that  120,000  slaves  were  sent  out  of  the 


266          The  Making  of  an  Oration 

state  during  that  year;  80,000  of  which  went  with  their  own- 
ers, and  40,000  were  sold  at  the  average  price  of  six  hundred 
dollars,  amounting  to  24,000,000  dollars  in  one  year  out  of 
the  $tate  of  Virginia.  Now,  what  does  Henry  Clay,  himself 
a  slave  owner,  say  about  Kentucky?  In  a  speech  before  the 
Colonization  Society,  he  said :  "  It  is  believed  that  nowhere 
in  the  farming  portion  of  the  United  States  would  slave 
labor  be  generally  employed,  if  the  proprietary  were  not  com- 
pelled to  raise  slaves  by  the  high  price  of  the  Southern 
market,"  and  the  only  profit  of  slave  property  in  Northern 
farming  slave  states  is  the  value  they  bring.  [A  voice: 
"  Then  if  the  Northerners  breed  to  supply  the  South,  what 's 
the  difference?  "  ]  So  that  if  you  were  to  limit  slavery,  and 
to  say,  it  shall  go  so  far  and  no  further,  it  would  be  only  a 
question  of  time  when  it  should  die  of  its  own  intrinsic  weak- 
ness and  disease. 

Now,  this  was  the  Northern  feeling.  The  North  was  true 
to  the  doctrine  of  constitutional  rights.  The  North  refused, 
by  any  Federal  action  within  the  states,  to  violate  the  com- 
pacts of  the  Constitution,  and  left  local  compacts  unimpaired; 
but  the  North,  feeling  herself  unbound  with  regard  to  what 
we  call  the  territories, —  free  land  which  has  not  yet  state 
rights, —  said  there  should  be  no  more  territory  cursed  with 
slavery.  With  unerring  instinct  the  South  said,  "The  gov- 
ernment administered  by  Northern  men  on  the  principle  that 
there  shall  be  no  more  slave  territory,  is  a  government  fatal 
to  slavery,"  and  it  was  on  that  account  that  they  seceded  — 
[  "  No,  no,"  "  Yes,  yes,"  applause,  hisses  and  uproar]  —  and 
the  first  step  which  they  took  when  they  assembled  at  Mont- 
gomery, was,  to  adopt  a  constitution.  What  constitution  did 
they  adopt?  The  same  form  of  constitution  which  they  had 
just  abandoned.  What  changes  did  they  introduce?  A 
trifling  change  about  the  Presidential  term,  making  it  two 
years  longer;  a  slight  change  about  some  doctrine  of  legis- 


Speeches  for  Careful  Study          267 

lation,  involving  no  principle  whatever,  but  merely  a  ques- 
tion of  policy.  But  by  the  constitution  of  Montgomery  they 
legalized  slavery;  and  made  it  the  organic  law  of  the  land. 
The  very  constitution  which  they  said  they  could  not  live 
under  when  they  left  the  Union  they  took  again  immediately 
afterwards,  only  altering  it  in  one  point,  and  that  was,  mak- 
ing the  fundamental  law  of  the  land  to  be  slavery.  Let  no 
man  undertake  to  say  in  the  face  of  intelligence  —  let  no 
man  undertake  to  delude  an  honest  community,  by  saying 
that  slavery  had  nothing  to  do  with  the  Secession.  Slavery 
is  the  framework  of  the  South;  it  is  the  root  and  the  branch 
of  the  conflict  with  the  South.  Take  away  slavery  from  the 
South,  and  she  would  not  differ  from  us  in  any  respect. 
There  is  not  a  single  antagonistic  interest.  There  is  no  dif- 
ference of  race,  no  difference  of  language,  no  difference  of 
law,  no  difference  of  constitution;  the  only  difference  be- 
tween us  is,  that  free  labor  is  in  the  North  and  slave  labor 
is  in  the  South.  [Loud  applause.] 

But  I  know  that  you  say,  you  cannot  help  sympathizing 
with  a  gallant  people.  They  are  the  weaker  people,  the 
minority;  and  you  cannot  help  going  with  the  minority  who 
are  struggling  for  their  rights  against  the  majority.  Nothing 
could  be  more  generous,  when  a  weak  party  stands  for  its  own 
legitimate  rights  against  imperious  pride  and  power,  than  to 
sympathize  with  the  weak.  But  who  ever  yet  sympathized 
with  a  weak  thief,  because  three  constables  got  hold  of 
him?  And  yet  the  one  thief  in  three  policemen's  hands  is 
the  weaker  party.  I  suppose  you  would  sympathize  with 
him.  [Laughter,  and  applause.]  Why,  when  that  infamous 
king  of  Naples,  Bomba,  was  driven  into  Gaeta  by  Garibaldi 
with  his  immortal  band  of  patriots,  and  Cavour  sent  against 
him  the  army  of  Northern  Italy,  who  was  the  weaker  party 
then?  The  tyrant  and  his  minions;  and  the  majority  was 
with  the  noble  Italian  patriots,  struggling  for  liberty.  I  never 


268          The  Making  of  an  Oration 

heard  that  Old  England  sent  deputations  to  King  Bomba,  and 
yet  his  troops  resisted  bravely  there.  [Laughter  and  inter- 
ruption.] Today  the  majority  of  the  people  of  Rome  is  with 
Italy.  Nothing  but  French  bayonets  keeps  her  from  going 
back  to  the  kingdom  of  Italy,  to  which  she  belongs.  Do  you 
sympathize  with  the  minority  in  Rome  or  the  majority  in 
Italy?  [A  voice:  "With  Italy."]  Today  the  South  is  the 
minority  in  America,  and  they  are  fighting  for  independence! 
For  what  ?  [Uproar.  A  voice :  "  Three  cheers  for  inde- 
pendence," and  hisses.]  I  could  wish  so  much  bravery  had 
had  a  better  cause,  and  that  so  much  self-denial  had  been  less 
deluded;  that  that  poisonous  and  venomous  doctrine  of  State 
rights  might  have  been  kept  aloof;  that  so  many  gallant 
spirits,  such  as  Jackson,  might  still  have  lived.  [Great  ap- 
plause and  loud  cheers,  again  and  again  renewed.]  The  force 
of  these  facts,  historical  and  incontrovertible,  cannot  be 
broken,  except  by  diverting  attention  by  an  attack  upon  the 
North.  It  is  said  that  the  North  is  fighting  for  union,  and 
not  for  emancipation.  A  great  many  men  say  to  ministers 
of  the  Gospel  —  "  You  pretend  to  be  preaching  and  working 
for  the  love  of  people.  Why,  you  are  all  the  time  preaching 
for  the  sake  of  the  church."  What  does  the  minister  say? 
"  It  is  by  means  of  the  church  that  we  help  the  people,"  and 
when  men  say  that  we  are  fighting  for  the  Union,  I  too  say 
we  are  fighting  for  the  Union.  But  the  motive  determines 
the  value ;  and  why  are  we  fighting  for  the  Union  ?  Because 
we  never  shall  forget  the  testimony  of  our  enemies.  They 
have  gone  off  declaring  that  the  Union  in  the  hands  of  the 
North  was  fatal  to  slavery.  There  is  testimony  in  court  for 
you.  [A  voice :  "  See  that/'  and  laughter.]  We  are  fighting 
for  the  Union,  because  we  believe  that  preamble  which  ex- 
plains the  very  reason  for  which  the  Union  was  constituted. 
I  will  read  it.  "  We  "  —  not  the  States  —  "  We,  the  people 
of  the  United  States,  in  order  to  form  a  more  perfect  nation  " 


Speeches  for  Careful  Study          269 

—  [uproar]  —  I  do  n't  wonder  you  do  n't  want  to  hear  it  — 
[laughter]  "  in  order  to  form  a  more  perfect  nation,  establish 
justice,  assure  domestic  tranquility —  [uproar]  — provide  for 
the  common  defence,  promote  the  general  welfare,  and  secure 
the  blessings  of  liberty  —  [  "  oh,  oh  "  ]  —  to  ourselves  and 
our  posterity,  ordain  and  establish  this  Constitution  of  the 
United    States    of    America."      [A    voice :      "  How    many 
States?"]     It  is  for  the  sake  of  that  justice,  that  common 
welfare,  and  that  liberty  for  which  the  National  Union  was 
established,   that   we   fight   for   the   Union.      [Interruption.] 
Because  the  South  believed  that  the  Union  was  against  slav- 
ery, they  left  it.     [Renewed  interruption.]     Yes.     [Applause, 
and  "  No,  no."]     Today,  however,  if  the  North  believed  that 
the  Union  was  against  liberty,  they  would  leave  it.     ["  Oh, 
oh,"  and  great  disturbance.]     Gentlemen,  I  have  traveled  in 
the  West  ten  or  twelve  hours  at  a  time  in  the  mud  knee-deep. 
It  was  hard  toiling  my  way,  but  I  always  got  through  my 
journey.     I   feel,  tonight,  as  though  I  were  traveling  over 
a  very  muddy  road ;  but  I  think  I  shall  get  through.    [Cheers.] 

Well,  next  it  is  said,  that  the  North  treats  the  negro  race 
worse  than  the  South.  [Applause,  cries  of  "  Bravo !  "  and 
uproar.]  Now,  you  see  I  do  n't  fear  any  of  these  disagreeable 
arguments.  I  am  going  to  face  every  one  of  them.  In  the 
first  place  I  am  ashamed  to  confess  that  such  was  the  thought- 
lessness—  [interruption]  — such  was  the  stupor  of  the  North 

—  [renewed  interruption]  —  you  will  get  a  word  at  a  time ; 
tomorrow  will  let  folks  see  what  it  is  you  do  n't  want  to  hear  — 
that  for  a  period  of  twenty-five  years  she  went  to  sleep,  and 
permitted  herself  to  be  drugged  and  poisoned  with  the  South- 
ern prejudice  against  black  men.    The  evil  was  made  worse, 
because,  when  any  object  whatever  has  caused  anger  between 
political  parties,  a  political  animosity  arises  against  that  object, 
no  matter  how  innocent  in  itself;  no  matter  what  were  the 
original  influences  which  excited  the  quarrel.    Thus  the  col- 


270  The  Making  of  an  Oration 

ored  man  has  been  the  football  between  the  two  parties  in 
the  North  and  has  suffered  accordingly.  I  confess  it  to  my 
shame.  But  I  am  speaking  now  on  my  own  ground,  for  I 
began  twenty-five  years  ago,  with  a  small  party,  to  combat  the 
unjust  dislike  of  the  colored  man.  [Loud  applause,  dissen- 
sion, and  uproar.  The  interruption  at  this  point  became  so 
violent  that  the  friends  of  Mr.  Beecher  throughout  the  hall 
rose  to  their  feet,  waving  hats  and  handkerchiefs,  and  renew- 
ing their  shouts  of  applause.  The  interruption  lasted  some 
minutes.]  Well,  I  have  lived  to  see  a  total  revolution  in  the 
Northern  feeling  —  I  stand  here  to  bear  solemn  witness  of 
that.  It  is  not  my  opinion;  it  is  my  knowledge.  [Great  up- 
roar.] Those  men  who  undertook  to  stand  up  for  the  rights 
of  all  men  —  black  as  well  as  white  —  have  increased  in  num- 
ber; and  now  what  party  in  the  North  represents  those  men 
that  resist  the  evil  prejudices  of  past  years?  The  Republi- 
cans are  that  party.  [Loud  applause.]  And  who  are  those 
men  in  the  North  that  have  oppressed  the  negro?  They  are 
the  Peace  Democrats;  and  the  prejudice  for  which  in  Eng- 
land you  are  attempting  to  punish  me,  is  a  prejudice  raised 
by  the  men  who  have  opposed  me  all  my  life.  These  pro- 
slavery  Democrats  abused  the  negro.  I  defended  him,  and 
they  mobbed  me  for  doing  it.  Oh,  justice !  [Loud  laughter, 
applause,  and  hisses.]  This  is  as  if  a  man  should  commit  an 
assault,  maim  and  wound  a  neighbor,  and  a  surgeon  being 
called  in,  should  begin  to  dress  his  wounds,  and  by-and-by 
a  policeman  should  come  and  collar  the  surgeon  and  haul 
him  off  to  prison  on  account  of  the  wounds  which  he  was 
healing. 

Now,  I  told  you  I  would  not  flinch  from  anything.  I  am 
going  to  read  you  some  questions  that  were  sent  after  me 
from  Glasgow,  purporting  to  be  from  a  working  man.  [Great 
interruption.]  If  those  pro-slavery  interrupters  think  they 
will  tire  me  out,  they  will  do  more  than  eight  millions  in 


Speeches  for  Careful  Study          271 

America  could.  [Applause  and  renewed  interruption.]  I  was 
reading  a  question  on  your  side,  too :  "  Is  it  not  a  fact  that 
in  most  of  the  Northern  States  laws  exist  precluding  negroes 
from  equal  civil  and  political  rights  with  the  whites?  That 
in  the  State  of  New  York  the  negro  has  to  be  the  possessor 
of  at  least  two  hundred  and  fifty  dollars'  worth  of  property 
to  entitle  him  to  the  privileges  of  a  white  citizen?  That  in 
some  of  the  Northern  States  the  colored  man,  whether  bond 
or  free,  is  by  law 'excluded  altogether,  and  not  suffered  to  enter 
the  State  limits,  under  severe  penalties;  and  is  not  Mr.  Lin- 
coln's own  State  one  of  them ;  and  in  view  of  the  fact  that  the 
$20,000,000  compensation  which  was  promised  to  Missouri 
in  aid  of  emancipation  was  defeated  in  the  last  Congress  [the 
strongest  Republican  Congress  that  ever  assembled],  what 
has  the  North  done  towards  emancipation  ? "  Now  then, 
there  's  a  dose  for  you.  [A  voice :  "  Answer  it."  ]  And  I  will 
address  myself  to  the  answering  of  it.  And  first,  the  bill  for 
emancipation  in  Missouri,  to  which  this  money  was  denied, 
was  a  bill  which  was  drawn  by  what  we  call  "log  rollers," 
who  inserted  in  it  an  enormously  disproportioned  price  for 
the  slave.  The  Republicans  offered  to  give  them  $10,000,000 
for  the  slaves  in  Missouri,  and  they  outvoted  it  because  they 
could  not  get  $12,000,000  for  what  was  not  worth  ten  millions, 
nor  even  ei^ht  millions. 

Now  as  to  those  States  that  had  passed  "  black  "  laws,  as 
we  call  them;  they  are  filled  with  Southern  emigrants.  The 
southern  parts  of  Ohio,  the  southern  part  of  Indiana,  where 
I  myself  lived  for  years,  and  which  I  knew  like  a  book,  the 
southern  part  of  Illinois  where  Mr.  Lincoln  lives  —  [great 
uproar]  —  these  parts  are  largely  settled  by  emigrants  from 
Kentucky,  Tennessee,  Georgia,  Virginia,  and  North  Carolina, 
and  it  was  their  vote,  or  the  Northern  votes  pandering  for 
political  reasons  to  theirs,  that  passed  in  those  states  the  in- 
famous "black"  laws;  and  the  Republicans  in  these  states 


272  The  Making  of  an  Oration 

have  a  record,  clean  and  white,  as  having  opposed  these  laws 
in  every  instance  as  "  infamous."  Now  as  to  the  State  of  New 
York,  it  is  asked  whether  a  negro  is  not  obliged  to  have  a  cer- 
tain freehold  property,  or  a  certain  amount  of  property,  before 
he  can  vote.  It  is  so  still  in  North  Carolina  and  Rhode  Island 
for  white  folks  —  it  is  so  in  New  York  State.  [Mr.  Beecher's 
voice  slightly  failed  him  here,  and  he  was  interrupted  by  a 
person  who  tried  to  imitate  him ;  cries  of  "  Shame "  and 
"  Turn  him  out."  ]  I  am  not  undertaking  to  say  that  these 
faults  of  the  North,  which  were  brought  upon  them  by  the  bad 
example  and  influence  of  the  South  are  all  cured;  but  I  do 
say  that  they  are  in  a  process  of  cure  which  promises,  if  un- 
impeded by  foreign  influence,  to  make  all  such  odious  distinc- 
tions vanish.  "  Is  it  not  a  fact  that  in  most  of  the  Northern 
States  laws  exist  precluding  negroes  from  equal  civil  and 
political  rights  with  the  whites?"  I  will  tell  you.  Let  me 
compare  the  condition  of  the  negro  in  the  North  and  the 
South,  and  that  will  tell  the  story.  By  express  law  the  South 
takes  away  from  the  slave  all  attributes  of  manhood,  and  calls 
him  "  chattel,"  which  is  another  word  for  "  cattle."  [Hear, 
hear,  and  hisses.]  No  law  in  any  Northern  State  calls  him 
anything  else  but  a  person.  The  South  denies  the  right  of 
legal  permanent  marriage  to  the  slave.  There  is  not  a  State 
of  the  North  where  the  marriage  of  the  slave  is  not  as  sacred 
as  that  of  any  free  white  man.  [Immense  cheering.] 
Throughout  the  South,  since  the  slave  is  not  permitted  to  live 
in  anything  but  in  concubinage,  his  wife,  so-called,  is  taken 
from  him  at  the  will  of  his  master,  and  there  is  neither  public 
sentiment  nor  law  that  can  hinder  most  dreadful  and  cruel 
separations  every  year  in  every  county  and  town.  There  is 
not  a  state,  county,  or  town,  or  school  district  in  the  North, 
where,  if  any  man  dare  to  violate  the  family  of  the  poorest 
black  man,  there  would  not  be  an  indignation  that  would 
overwhelm  him.  [Loud  applause.  A  voice :  "  How  about 


Speeches  for  Careful  Study          273 

the  riots?  "  ]     Irishmen  made  that  entirely.    In  the  South  by 
statutory  law  it  is  a  penitentiary  offence  to  teach  a  black  to 
read  and  write.     In  the  North  not  only  are  hundreds  and 
thousands  of  dollars  expended  of  state  money  in  teaching 
colored  people,  but  they  have  their  own  schools,  their  own 
academies,  their  own  churches,  their  own  ministers,  their  own 
lawyers.    In  the  South,  black  men  are  bred,  exactly  as  cattle 
are  bred  in  the  North,  for  the  market  and  for  sale.     Such 
dealing  is  considered  horrible  beyond  expression  in  the  North. 
In  the  South  the  slave  can  own  nothing  by  law,  but  in  the 
single  City  of  New  York  there  are  ten  million  dollars  of 
money  belonging  to  freed  colored  people.     [Loud  applause.] 
In  the  South  no  colored  man  can  determine  —  [uproar]  —  no 
colored  man  can  determine  in  the  South  where  he  will  work, 
nor  at  what  he  will  work ;  but  in  the  North,—  except  in  the 
great  cities,  where  we  are  crowded  by  foreigners,— in  any 
country  part  the  black  man  may  choose  his  trade  and  work 
at  it,  and  is  just  as  much  protected  by  the  laws  as  any  white 
man'in  the  land.    I  speak  with  authority  on  this  point.   [Cries 
of  "  No."  ]     When  I  was  twelve  years  old,  my  father  hired 
Charles  Smith,  a  man  as  black  as  lampblack,  to  work  on  his 
farm.    I  slept  with  him  in  the  same  room.    [  "  Oh,  oh."  ]    Ah, 
that  don't  suit  you.     [Uproar.]     Now,  you  see,  the  South 
comes  out.     [Loud  laughter.]     I  ate  with  him  at  the  same 
table,    I    sang    with    him    out    of    the    same    hymn-book - 
[  "  Good."  ] ;  I  cried,  when  he  prayed  over  me  at  night;  and 
if  I  had  serious  impressions  of  religion  early  in  life,  they 
were  due  to  the  fidelity  and  example  of  that  poor  humble 
farm  laborer,  black  as  Charles  Smith.     [Tremendous  uproar 
and  cheers.]    In  the  South,  no  matter  what  injury  a  colored 
man  may  receive,  he  is  not  allowed  to  appear  in  court  nor  to 
testify  against  a  white  man.   [A  voice:  "  That 's  a  fact."  ]   In 
every  single  court  of  the  North  a  respectable  colored  man  is 
as  good  a  witness  as  if  his  face  were  white  as  an  angel's  robe. 


274          The  Making  of  an  Oration 

[Applause  and  laughter.]  I  ask  any  truthful  and  considerate 
man  whether,  in  this  contrast,  it  does  not  appear  that,  though 
faults  may  yet  linger  in  the  North  uneradicated,  the  state  of 
the  negro  in  the  North  is  not  immeasurably  better  than  any- 
where in  the  South?  And  now,  for  the  first  time  in  the  his- 
tory of  America — [great  interruption], —  for  the  first  time 
in  the  history  of  the  United  States  a  colored  man  has  received 
a  commission  under  the  broad  seal  and  signature  of  the 
President  of  the  United  States.  This  day —  [renewed  inter- 
ruption] —  this  day,  Frederick  Douglas,  of  whom  you  all 
have  heard  here,  is  an  officer  of  the  United  States  —  [loud 
applause]  —  a  commissioner  sent  down  to  organize  colored 
regiments  on  Jefferson  Davis's  farm  in  Mississippi.  [Uproar 
and  applause,  and  a  voice.  "  You  put  them  in  the  front  of 
the  battle,  too."  ]  There  is  another  fact  that  I  wish  to  allude 
to  —  not  for  the  sake  of  reproach  or  blame,  but  by  way  of 
claiming  your  more  lenient  consideration  —  and  that  is,  that 
slavery  was  entailed  upon  us  by  your  action.  Against  the 
earnest  protests  of  the  colonists  the  then  Government  of  Great 
Britain  —  I  will  concede  not  knowing  what  were  the  mischiefs 
—  ignorantly,  but  in  point  of  fact,  forced  slave  traffic  on  the 
unwilling  colonists.  [Great  uproar,  in  the  midst  of  which  one 
individual  was  lifted  up  and  carried  out  of  the  room  amidst 
cheers  and  hisses.] 

THE  CHAIRMAN  :  If  you  would  only  sit  down  no  disturb- 
ance would  take  place. 

The  disturbance  having  subsided, — 

MR.  BEECHER  said:  I  was  going  to  ask  you,  suppose 
a  child  is  born  with  hereditary  disease;  suppose  this  disease 
was  entailed  upon  him  by  parents  who  had  contracted  it  by 
their  own  misconduct,  would  it  be  fair  that  those  parents,  that 
had  brought  into  the  world  the  diseased  child,  should  rail  at 
that  child  because  it  was  diseased?  ["No.  no."]  Would 
not  the  child  have  a  right  to  turn  round  and  say,  "Father, 


Speeches  for  Careful  Study          275 

it  was  your  fault  that  I  had  it,  and  you  ought  to  be  pleased 
to  be  patient  with  my  deficiencies."  [Applause  and  hisses, 
and  cries  of  "  order  '' ;  great  interruption  and  great  disturb- 
ance here  took  place  on  the  right  of  the  platform;  and  the 
chairman  said  that  if  the  persons  around  the  unfortunate 
individual  who  had  caused  the  disturbance  would  allow  him 
to  speak  alone,  but  not  assist  him  in  making  the  disturbance, 
it  might  soon  be  put  an  end  to.  The  interruption  was  con- 
tinued until  another  person  was  carried  out  of  the  hall.] 
MR.  BEECHER  continued:  I  do  not  ask  that  you  should  justify 
slavery  in  us,  because  it  was  wrong  in  you  two  hundred  years 
ago;  but  having  ignorantly  been  the  means  of  fixing  it  upon 
us,  now  that  we  are  struggling  with  mortal  struggles  to  free 
ourselves  from  it,  we  have  a  right  to  your  tolerance,  your 
patience,  and  charitable  construction.  I  am  every  day  asked 
when  this  war  will  end.  I  wish  I  could  tell  you ;  but  remem- 
ber slavery  is  the  cause  of  the  war.  Slavery  has  been  working 
for  more  than  one  hundred  years,  and  a  chronic  evil  cannot 
be  suddenly  cured;  and  war  is  the  remedy.  You  must  be 
patient  to  have  the  conflict  long  enough  to  cure  the  inveterate 
hereditary  sore.  [Hisses,  loud  applause,  and  a  voice :  "  We  '11 
stop  it."  ]  But  of  one  thing  I  think  I  may  give  you  assurance 
—  this  war  won't  end  until  the  cancer  of  slavery  is  cut  out 
by  the  roots.  [Loud  applause,  hisses,  and  tremendous  up- 
roar.] I  will  read  you  a  word  from  President  Lincoln. 
[Renewed  uproar.]  It  will  be  printed  whether  you  hear  it 
or  hear  it  not.  [Hear,  and  cries  of  "  Read,  read."  ]  Yes,  I 
will  read.  "  A  talk  with  President  Lincoln  revealed  to  me  a 
great  growth  of  wisdom.  For  instance,  he  said  he  was  not 
going  to  press  the  colonization  idea  any  longer,  nor  the  grad- 
ual scheme  of  emancipation,  expressing  himself  sorry  that 
the  Missourians  had  postponed  emancipation  for  seven  years. 
He  said,  '  Tell  your  anti-slavery  friends  that  I  am  coming 
out  all  right/  He  is  desirous  that  the  border  states  shall 


276          The  Making  of  an  Oration 

form  free  constitutions,  recognizing  the  proclamation,  and 
thinks  this  will  be  made  feasible  by  calling  on  loyal  men." 
[A  voice:  "What  date  is  that  letter?"  and  interruption.] 
Ladies  and  gentlemen,  I  have  finished  the  exposition  of  this 
troubled  subject.  [Renewed  and  continued  interruption.]  No 
man  can  unveil  the  future ;  no  man  can  tell  what  revolutions 
are  about  to  break  upon  the  world ;  no  man  can  tell  what  des- 
tiny belongs  to  France,  nor  to  any  of  the  European  powers; 
but  one  thing  is  certain,  that  in  the  exigencies  of  the  future 
there  will  be  combinations  and  re-combinations,  and  that 
those  nations  that  are  of  the  same  faith,  the  same  blood,  and 
the  same  substantial  interests,  ought  not  to  be  alienated  from 
each  other,  but  ought  to  stand  together.  I  do  not  say  that 
you  ought  not  to  be  in  the  most  friendly  alliance  with  France 
or  with  Germany;  but  I  do  say  that  your  own  children,  the 
offspring  of  England,  ought  to  be  nearer  to  you  than  any 
people  of  strange  tongue.  [A  voice :  "  Degenerate  sons," 
applause  and  hisses;  another  voice:  "What  about  the 
Trent?"  ]  If  there  had  been  any  feelings  of  bitterness  in 
America,  let  me  tell  you  they  had  been  excited,  rightly  or 
wrongly,  under  the  impression  that  Great  Britain  was  going 
to  intervene  between  us  and  our  own  lawful  struggle.  [A 
voice :  "  No,"  and  applause.]  With  the  evidence  that  there 
is  no  such  intention  all  bitter  feelings  will  pass  away.  We 
do  not  agree  with  the  recent  doctrine  of  neutrality  as  a 
question  of  law.  But  it  is  past,  and  we  are  not  disposed  to 
raise  that  question.  We  accept  it  now  as  a  fact,  and  we  say 
that  the  utterance  of  Lord  Russell  at  Blairgowrie  —  [Applause, 
hisses,  and  a  voice :  "  What  about  Lord  Brougham  ?  "  ]  — 
together  with  the  declaration  of  the  government  in  stopping 7 
war-steamers  here — [great  uproar,  and  applause] — has 
gone  far  toward  quieting  every  fear  and  removing  every  ap- 
prehension from  our  minds.  [Uproar  and  shouts  of  applause.] 
And  now  in  the  future  it  is  the  work  of  every  good  man  and 


Speeches  for  Careful  Study          277 

patriot  not  to  create  divisions,  but  to  do  the  things  that  will 
make  for  peace.  On  our  part  it  shall  be  done.  [Applause 
and  hisses,  and  "  No,  no."  ]  On  your  part  it  ought  to  be 
done;  and  when  in  any  of  the  convulsions  that  come  upon 
the  world,  Great  Britain  finds  herself  struggling  single-handed 
against  the  gigantic  powers  that  spread  oppression  and  dark- 
ness —  [applause,  hisses,  and  uproar]  —  there  ought  to  be  such 
cordiality  that  she  can  turn  and  say  to  her  first-born  and  most 
illustrious  child,  "  Come  !  "  [  "  Hear,  hear,"  applause,  tremen- 
dous cheers,  and  uproar.]  I  will  not  say  that  England  cannot 
again,  as  hitherto,  single-handed  manage  any  power  —  [ap- 
plause and  uproar]  —  but  I  will  say  that  England  and  America 
together  for  religion  and  liberty  —  [A  voice :  "  Soap,  soap," 
uproar,  and  great  applause]  —  are  a  match  for  the  world. 
[Applause;  a  voice:  "They  don't  want  any  more  soft 
soap."  ] 

Now,  gentlemen  and  ladies, —  [A  voice:  "Sam  Slick"; 
and  another  voice :  "  Ladies  and  gentlemen,  if  you  please."  ] 
—  when  I  came  I  was  asked  whether  I  would  answer  ques- 
tions, and  I  very  readily  consented  to  do  so,  as  I  had  in  other 
places;  but  I  will  tell  you  it  was  because  I  expected  to  have 
the  opportunity  of  speaking  with  some  sort  of  ease  and  quiet. 
[A  voice :  "  So  you  have."  ]  I  have  for  an  hour  and  a  half 
spoken  against  a  storm,  and  you  yourselves  are  witnesses 
that,  by  the  interruption  I  have  been  obliged  to  strive  with  my 
voice,  so  that  I  no  longer  have  the  power  to  control  this  as- 
sembly. [Applause.]  And  although  I  am  in  spirit  perfectly 
willing  to  answer  any  question,  and  more  than  glad  of  the 
chance,  yet  I  am  by  this  very  unnecessary  opposition  tonight 
incapacitated  physically  from  doing  it.  [A  voice :  "  Why 
did  Lincoln  delay  the  proclamation  of  slavery  so  long?"  — 
Another  voice :  "  Habeas  Corpus."  A  piece  of  paper  was  here 
handed  up  to  Mr.  Beecher.]  I  am  asked  a  question.  I  will 
answer  this  one.  "  At  the  auction  of  sittings  in  your  church, 


278  The  Making  of  an  Oration 

can  the  negroes  bid  on  equal  terms  with  the  whites  ? " 
[Cries  of  "  No,  no."  ]  Perhaps  you  know  better  than  I  do. 
But  I  declare  that  they  can.  [  "  Hear,  hear,"  and  applause.  ] 
I  declare  that,  at  no  time  for  ten  years  past  —  without  any 
rule  passed  by  the  trustees,  and  without  even  a  request  from 
me  —  no  decent  man  or  woman  has  ever  found  molestation 
or  trouble  in  walking  into  my  church  and  sitting  where  he  or 
she  pleased.  [  "  Are  any  of  the  office-bearers  in  your  church 
negroes  ?  "  ]  No,  not  to  my  knowledge.  Such  has  been  the 
practical  doctrine  of  amalgamation  in  the  South  that  it  is 
very  difficult  now-a-days  to  tell  who  is  a  negro.  Whenever  a 
majority  of  my  people  want  a  negro  to  be  an  officer,  he  will 
be  one ;  and  I  am  free  to  say  that  there  are  a  great  many  men 
that  I  know  who  are  abundantly  capable  of  honoring  any  office 
of  trust  in  the  gift  of  our  church.  But  while  there  are  none 
in  my  church  there  is  in  Columbia  county  a  little  church  where 
a  negro  man,  being  the  ablest  business  man,  and  the  wealthi- 
est man  in  that  town,  is  not  only  a  ruler  and  elder  of  the 
church,  but  also  contributes  about  two-thirds  of  all  the  ex- 
penses of  it.  [  Voice :  "  That  is  the  exception,  not  the  rule."  ] 
I  am  answering  these  questions,  you  see,  out  of  gratuitous 
mercy ;  I  am  not  bound  to  do  so.  It  is  asked  whether  Pennsyl- 
vania was  not  carried  for  Mr.  Lincoln  on  account  of  his 
advocacy  of  the  Morrill  tariff,  and  whether  the  tariff  was  not 
one  of  the  planks  of  the  Chicago  platform,  on  which  Mr. 
Lincoln  was  elected.  I  had  a  great  deal  to  do  with  that  elec- 
tion ;  but  I  tell  you  that  whatever  local  —  [Here  the  interrup- 
tions became  so  noisy,  that  it  was  found  impossible  to  proceed. 
The  Chairman  asked  how  they  could  expect  Mr.  Beecher  to 
answer  questions  amid  such  a  disturbance.  When  order  had 
been  restored,  the  lecturer  proceeded.]  —  I  am  not  afraid  to 
leave  the  treatment  I  have  received  at  this  meeting  to  the 
impartial  judgment  of  every  fair-playing  Englishman.  When 
I  am  asked  questions,  gentlemanly  courtesy  requires  that  I 


Speeches  for  Careful  Study          279 

should  be  permitted  to  answer  them  —  [A  voice  from  the 
farther  end  of  the  room  shouted  something  about  the  inhabi- 
tants of  Liverpool.]  I  know  that  it  was  in  the  placards  re- 
quested to  give  Mr.  Beecher  a  reception  that  should  make  him 
understand  what  the  opinion  of  Liverpool  was  about  him. 
[  "  No,  no,"  and  "  Yes,  yes."  ]  There  are  two  sides  to  every 
question,  and  Mr.  Beecher's  opinion  about  the  treatment  of 
Liverpool's  citizens  is  just  as  much  as  your  opinion  about  the 
treatment  of  Mr.  Beecher.  Let  me  say,  that  if  you  wish  me  to 
answer  questions  you  must  be  still;  for  if  I  am  interrupted, 
that  is  the  end  of  the  matter.  [  "  Hear,  hear,"  and  "  Bravo."  ] 
I  have  this  to  say,  that  I  have  no  doubt  the  Morrill  tariff,  or 
that  which  is  now  called  so,  did  exercise  a  great  deal  of  influ- 
ence, not  alone  in  Pennsylvania,  but  in  many  other  parts  of 
the  country,  because  there  are  many  sections  of  our  country  — 
those  especially  where  the  manufacture  of  iron  or  wool  are 
the  predominating  industries  —  that  are  very  much  in  favor 
of  protective  tariffs ;  but  the  thinking  men  and  the  influential 
men  of  both  parties  are  becoming  more  and  more  in  favor 
of  f  reetrade.  "  Can  a  negro  ride  in  a  public  vehicle  in  New 
York  with  a  white  man  ?  "  I  reply  that  there  are  times  when 
politicians  stir  up  the  passions  of  the  lower  classes  of  men 
and  the  foreigners,  and  there  are  times  just  on  the  eve  of  an 
election  when  the  prejudice  against  the  colored  man  is  stirred 
up  and  excited,  in  which  they  will  be  disturbed  in  any  part  of 
the  city;  but  taking  the  period  of  the  year  throughout,  one 
year  after  another,  there  are  but  one  or  two  of  the  city  horse- 
railroads  in  which  a  respectable  colored  man  will  be  molested 
in  riding  through  the  city.  It  is  only  on  one  railroad  that 
this  happened,  and  it  is  one  which  I  have  in  the  pulpit  and 
press  always  held  up  to  severe  reproof.  At  the  Fulton  Ferry 
there  are  two  lines  of  omnibuses,  one  white  and  the  other 
blue.  I  had  been  accustomed  to  go  in  them  indifferently ;  but 
one  day  I  saw  a  little  paper  stuck  upon  one  of  them,  saying 


280          The  Making  of  an  Oration 

"  Colored  people  not  allowed  to  ride  in  this  omnibus."  I 
instantly  got  out.  There  are  men  who  stand  at  the  door  of 
these  two  omnibus  lines,  urging  passengers  into  one  or  the 
other.  I  am  very  well  known  to  all  of  them,  and  the  next 
day,  when  I  came  to  the  place,  the  gentleman  serving  asked 
"  Won't  you  ride,  sir  ?  "  "  No,"  I  said,  "  I  am  too  much  of 
a  negro  to  ride  in  that  omnibus."  [Laughter.]  I  do  not  know 
whether  this  had  any  influence,  but  I  do  know,  that  after  a 
fortnight's  time  I  had  occasion  to  look  in,  and  the  placard  was 
gone.  I  called  the  attention  of  every  one  I  met  to  that  fact, 
and  said  to  them,  "  Do  n't  ride  in  that  omnibus,  which  violates 
your  principles,  and  my  principles,  and  common  decency  at 
the  same  time."  I  say  still  further,  that  in  all  New  England 
there  is  not  a  railway  where  a  colored  man  cannot  ride  as 
freely  as  a  white  man.  In  the  whole  city  of  New  York,  a 
colored  man  taking  a  stage  or  railway  will  never  be  incon- 
venienced or  suffer  any  discourtesy.  Ladies  and  gentlemen, 
I  bid  you  good  evening. 

NOTES  ON  BEECHER'S  SPEECH  AT  LIVERPOOL 

1.  The    boundary    line    between    Pennsylvania    and    Virginia. 
Taken  as  standing  for  the  boundary  between  slave  and  free  states. 

2.  In  the  towns  where  Mr.  Beecher  spoke  such  placards  were 
scattered  broadcast  by  the  friends  of  secession  for  the  purpose  of 
hindering  the  speaker  from  having  a  hearing. 

3.  The  skill  with  which  the  speaker  wrestled  with  the  mob, 
packed  with   rowdies   determined  to  break  up  the  meeting,  has 
rarely  been  equalled.    Without  compromising,  with  perfect  cour- 
tesy, with  unfaltering  patience,  he  struggled  for  a  hearing,  appeal- 
ing to  the  traditional  admiration  of  Englishmen   for  fair  play. 
And  at  last  he  conquered. 

4.  Notice  how  the  speaker  prepares  for  his  specific  application 
bv  laying  down  certain  general  principles. 

5.  How   are   these   concrete  illustrations   more   effective   than 
would  be  merely  the  general  statement  of  the  principle? 

6.  It   will   be   suggestive   to   study   the   skill   with   which   the 
speaker  in  much  of  his  argument  appeals  at  once  to  both  the 
interests  and  the  spirit  of  liberty  of  his  hearers. 

7.  Steamers  that  were  building  for  the  use  of  the  Confederacy, 
thus  violating  the  laws  of  neutrality. 

8.  This  oration  should  be  studied  and  a  plan  made  of  it. 


THE  PUBLIC  DUTY  OF  EDUCATED  MEN 

BY 

GEORGE  WILLIAM  CURTIS 

(The  following  speech  was  an  oration  pronounced  at  the  com- 
mencement exercises  of  Union  College,  Schenectady,  New  York, 
June  27  1877.  Mr.  Curtis  was  one  of  the  most  popular  speak- 
ers of  his  day,  and  in  the  theme  of  this  speech  he  found  a  subject 
congenial  to  his  own  mind  and  one  upon  which  he  often  spoke. 
This  address  should  be  carefully  studied  in  both  its  plan  and  its 
style,  as  an  example  of  the  type  that  appeals  to  the  practi 
American  mind  of  today.) 

It  is  with  diffidence  that  I  rise  to  add  any  words  of  mine 
to  the  music  of  these  younger  voices.     This  day,  gentlemen 
of  the  graduating  class,  is  especially  yours.    It  is  a  day  of  high 
hope  and  expectation,  and  the  counsels  that  fall  from  older 
lips  should  be  carefully  weighed,  lest  they  chill  the  ardor  of 
a  generous  enthusiasm  or  stay  the  all-conquering  faith  of 
youth  that  moves  the  world.    To  those  who,  constantly  and 
actively  engaged  in  a  thousand  pursuits,  are  still  persuaded 
that  educated  *  intelligence  moulds  states  and  leads  mankind, 
no  day  in  the  year  is  more  significant,  more  inspiring,  than 
this  of  the  college  commencement.     It  matters  not  at  what 
college  it  may  be  celebrated.    It  is  the  same  at  all    We  stand 
here,  indeed,  beneath  these  college  walls,  beautiful  for  situa- 
tion  girt  at  this  moment  with  the  perfumed  splendor  of  mid- 
summer, and  full  of  tender  memories  and  joyous  associa- 
tions to  those  who  hear  me.    But  on  this  day,  and  on  other 
days    at  a  hundred  other  colleges,  this  summer  sun  beholds 
the  same  spectacle  of  eager  and  earnest  throngs. 

281 


282  The  Making  of  an  Oration 

that  we  hold,  they  also  cherish.  It  is  the  same  God  that  is 
worshipped  at  different  altars.  It  is  the  same  benediction 
that  descends  upon  every  reverent  head  and  believing  heart. 
In  this  annual  celebration  of  faith  in  the  power  and  the  re- 
sponsibility of  educated  men,  all  the  colleges  in  the  country, 
in  whatever  state,  of  whatever  age,  of  whatever  religious 
sympathy  or  direction,  form  but  one  great  Union  University. 

But  the  interest  of  the  day  is  not  that  of  mere  study,  of 
sound  scholarship  as  an  end,  of  good  books  for  their  own 
sake,  but  of  education  as  a  power  in  human  affairs,  of  edu- 
cated men  as  an  influence  in  the  commonwealth.  "  Tell  me," 
said  an  American  scholar  of  Goethe,  the  many-sided,  "  what 
did  he  ever  do  for  the  cause  of  man?"  The  scholar,  the 
poet,  the  philosopher,  are  men  among  other  men.  From 
these  unavoidable  social  relations  spring  opportunities  and 
duties.  How  do  they  use  them?  How  do  they  discharge 
them?  Does  the  scholar  show  in  his  daily  walk  that  he  has 
studied  the  wisdom  of  ages  in  vain?  Does  the  poet  sing  of 
angelic  purity  and  lead  an  unclean  life  ?  Does  the  philosopher 
peer  into  other  worlds  and  fail  to  help  this  world  upon  its 
way?  Four  years  before  our  Civil  War  the  same  scholar  — 
it  was  Theodore  Parker  —  said  sadly,  "If  our  educated  men 
had  done  their  duty,  we  should  not  now  be  in  the  ghastly 
condition  we  bewail.  "  The  theme  of  today  seems  to  me  to 
be  prescribed  by  the  occasion.  It  is  the  festival  of  the  depart- 
ure of  a  body  of  educated  young  men  into  the  world.  This 
company  of  picked  recruits  marches  out  with  beating  drums 
and  flying  colors  to  join  the  army.  We  who  feel  that  our  fate 
is  gracious  which  allowed  a  liberal  training,  are  here  to 
welcome  and  to  advise.  On  your  behalf,  Mr.  President  and 
gentlemen,  with  your  authority,  and  with  all  my  heart,  I  shall 
say  a  word  to  them  and  to  you  of  the  public  duty  of  educated 
men  in  America. 

I  shall  not  assume,  gentlemen  graduates,  for  I  know  that 


Speeches  for  Careful  Study          283 

it  is  not  so,  that  what  Dr.  Johnson  says  of  the  teachers  of 
Rasselas  and  the  princes  of  Abyssinia  can  be  truly  said  of 
you  in  your  happy  valley  —  "  The  sages  who  instructed  them 
told  them  of  nothing  but  the  miseries  of  public  life,  and 
described  all  beyond  the  mountains  as  regions  of  calamity 
where  discord  was  always  raging,  and  where  man  preyed 
upon  man."  The  sages  who  have  instructed  you  are  Ameri- 
can citizens.  They  know  that  patriotism  has  its  glorious 
opportunities  and  its  sacred  duties.  They  have  not  shunned 
the  one,  and  they  have  well  performed  the  other.  In  the 
sharpest  stress  of  our  awful  conflict,  a  clear  voice  of  patriotic 
warning  was  heard  from  these  peaceful  academic  shades,  the 
voice  of  the  2  venerated  teacher  whom  this  University  still 
freshly  deplores,  drawing  from  the  wisdom  of  experience 
stored  in  his  ample  learning  a  lesson  of  startling  cogency  and 
power  from  the  history  of  Greece  for  the  welfare  of  America. 
This  was  the  discharge  of  a  public  duty  by  an  educated 
man.  It  illustrated  an  indispensable  condition  of  a  progress- 
ive republic,  the  active,  practical  interest  in  politics  of  the 
most  intelligent  citizens.  Civil  and  religious  liberty  in  this 
country  can  be  preserved  only  through  the  agency  of  our 
political  institutions.  But  those  institutions  alone  will  not 
suffice.3  It  is  not  the  ship  so  much  as  the  skilful  sailing  that 
assures  the  prosperous  voyage.  American  institutions  pre- 
suppose not  only  general  honesty  and  intelligence  in  the  peo- 
ple, but  their  constant  and  direct  application  to  public  affairs. 
Our  system  rests  upon  all  the  people,  not  upon  a  part  of  them, 
and  the  citizen  who  evades  his  share  of  the  burden  betrays  his 
fellows.  Our  safety  lies  not  in  our  institutions,  but  in  our- 
selves. It  was  under  the  forms  of  the  republic  that  Julius 
Caesar4  made  himself  emperor  of  Rome.  It  was  while  pro- 
fessing reverence  for  the  national  traditions  that  James  II. 
was  destroying  religious  liberty  in  England.  To  labor,  said 
the  old  monks,  is  to  pray.  What  we  earnestly  desire  we 


284          The  Making  of  an  Oration 

earnestly  toil  for.  That  she  may  be  prized  more  truly, 
heaven-eyed5  Justice  flies  from  us,  like  the  Tartar  maid 
from  her  lovers,  and  she  yields  her  embrace  at  last  only  to 
the  swiftest  and  most  daring  of  her  pursuers. 

By  the  words  public  duty  I  do  not  necessarily  mean  official 
duty,  although  it  may  include  that.  I  mean  simply  that  con- 
stant and  active  practical  participation  in  the  details  of 
politics  without  which,  upon  the  part  of  the  most  intelligent 
citizens,  the  conduct  of  public  affairs  falls  under  the  control 
of  selfish  and  ignorant,  or  crafty  and  venal  men.  I  mean 
that  personal  attention  —  which,  as  it  must  be  incessant,  is 
often  wearisome  and  even  repulsive  —  to  the  details  of  politics, 
attendance  at  meetings,  service  upon  committees,  care  and 
trouble  and  expense  of  many  kinds,  patient  endurance  of  re- 
buffs, chagrins,  ridicules,  disappointments,  defeats  —  in  a 
word,  all  those  duties  and  services  which,  when  selfishly  and 
meanly  performed,  stigmatize  a  man  as  a  mere  politician ; 
but  whose  constant,  honorable,  intelligent,  and  vigilant  per- 
formance is  the  gradual  building,  stone  by  stone  and  layer 
by  layer,  of  that  great  temple  of  self-restrained  liberty  which 
all  generous  souls  mean  that  our  government  shall  be. 

Public  duty  in  this  country  is  not  discharged,  as  is  so  often 
supposed,  by  voting.  A  man  may  vote  regularly  and  still 
fail  essentially-  of  his  political  duty,  as  the  Pharisee,  who 
gave  tithes  of  all  that  he  possessed  and  fasted  three  times 
in  the  week,  yet  lacked  the  very  heart  of  religion.  When  an 
American  citizen  is  content  with  voting  merely,  he  consents 
to  accept  what  is  often  a  doubtful  alternative.  This,  which 
was  formerly  less  necessary,  is  now  indispensable.  In  a  rural 
community  such  as  this  country  was  a  hundred  years  ago, 
whoever  was  nominated  for  office  was  known  to  his  neigh- 
bors, and  the  consciousness  of  that  knowledge  was  a  con- 
servative influence  in  determining  nominations.  But  in  the 
local  elections  of  the  great  cities  of  today,  elections  that 


Speeches  for  Careful  Study          285 

control  taxation  and  expenditure,  the  mass  of  the  voters 
vote  in  absolute  ignorance  of  the  candidates.  The  citizen 
who  supposes  that  he  does  all  his  duty  when  he  votes  places 
a  premium  upon  political  knavery.  Thieves  welcome  him  to 
the  polls  and  offer  him  a  choice,  which  he  has  done  nothing 
to  prevent,  between  Jeremy  Diddler  6  and  Dick  Turpin.7  The 
party  cries  for  which  he  is  responsible  are,  "  Turpin  and  Hon- 
esty," "  Diddler  and  Reform."  And  within  a  few  years,  as 
a  result  of  this  indifference  to  the  details  of  public  duty,  the 
most  powerful  politician  in  the  Empire  State  of  the  Union 
was  Jonathan  Wild  the  Great,8  the  captain  of  a  band  of 
plunderers.  I  know  that  it  is  said  that  the  knaves  have  taken 
the  honest  men  in  a  net,  and  have  contrived  machinery  which 
will  inevitably  grind  only  the  grist  of  rascals.  The  answer 
is,  that  when  honest  men  did  once  what  they  ought  to  do 
always,  the  machine  was  netted  and  their  machine  was  broken. 
To  say  that  in  this  country  the  rogues  must  rule,  is  to  defy 
history  and  to  despair  of  the  Republic.  It  is  to  repeat  the 
imbecile  executive  cries  of  sixteen  years  ago,  "  Oh,  dear !  the 
States  have  no  right  to  go !  "  and  "  Oh,  dear !  the  nation  has 
no  right  to  help  itself."  Let  the  Union,  stronger  than  ever 
and  unstained  with  national  wrong,  teach  us  the  power  of 
patriotic  virtue  —  and  Ludlow  Street  jail  console  those  who 
suppose  that  American  politics  must  necessarily  be  a  game 
of  thieves  and  bullies. 

If  ignorance  and  corruption  and  intrigue  control  the 
primary  meeting  and  manage  the  convention  and  dictate  the 
nomination,  the  fault  is  in  the  honest  and  intelligent  workshop 
and  office,  in  the  library  and  the  parlor,  in  the  church  and 
the  school.  When  these  are  as  constant  and  faithful  to  their 
political  rights  as  the  slums  and  the  grogshops,  the  poolrooms 
and  the  kennels;  when  the  educated,  industrious,  temperate, 
thrifty  citizens  are  as  zealous  and  prompt  and  unfailing  in 
political  duty  as  the  ignorant  and  venal  and  mischievous,  or 


286  The  Making  of  an  Oration 

when  it  is  plain  that  they  cannot  be  roused  to  their  duty,  then, 
but  not  until  then  —  if  ignorance  and  corruption  always  carry 
the  day  —  there  can  be  no  honest  question  that  the  Republic 
has  failed.  But  let  us  not  be  deceived.  While  good  men  sit 
at  home,  not  knowing  that  there  is  anything  to  be  done,  nor 
caring  to  know;  cultivating  a  feeling  that  politics  are  tire- 
some and  dirty,  and  politicians  vulgar  bullies  and  bravoes; 
half  persuaded  that  a  republic  is  the  contemptible  rule  of  a 
mob,  and  secretly  longing  for  a  splendid  and  vigorous  despot- 
ism—  then  remember  it  is  not  a  government  mastered  by 
ignorance,  it  is  government  betrayed  by  intelligence;  it  is 
not  a  victory  of  the  slums,  it  is  the  surrender  of  the  schools ; 
it  is  not  that  bad  men  are  brave,  but  that  good  men  are  in- 
fidels and  cowards. 

But,  gentlemen,  when  you  come  to  address  yourselves  to 
these  primary  public  duties,  your  first  surprise  and  dismay 
will  be  the  discovery  that,  in  a  country  where  education  is 
declared  to  be  the  hope  of  its  institutions,  the  higher  educa- 
tion is  often  practically  held  to  be  almost  a  disadvantage. 
You  will  go  from  these  halls  to  hear  a  very  common  sneer  at 
college-bred  men;  to  encounter  a  jealousy  of  education,  as 
making  men  visionary  and  pedantic  and  impracticable;  to 
confront  a  belief  that  there  is  something  enfeebling  in  the 
higher  education,  and  that  self-made  men,  as  they  are  called, 
are  the  sure  stay  of  the  state.  But  what  is  really  meant  by  a 
self-made  man?  It  is  a  man  of  native  sagacity  and  strong 
character,  who  was  taught,  it  is  proudly  said,  only  at  the 
plough  or  the  anvil  or  the  bench.  He  was  schooled  by  adver- 
sity, and  was  polished  by  hard  attrition  with  men.  He  is 
Benjamin  Franklin,  the  printer's  boy,  or  Abraham  Lincoln, 
the  rail  splitter.  They  never  went  to  college,  but  nevertheless, 
like  Agamemnon,  they  were  kings  of  men,  and  the  world 
blesses  their  memory. 

So  it  does ;  but  the  sophistry  here  is  plain  enough,  although 


Speeches  for  Careful  Study  287 

it  is  not  always  detected.  Great  genius  and  great  character 
always  make  their  own  career.  But  because  Walter  Scott 9 
was  dull  at  school,  is  a  parent  to  see  with  joy  that  his  son 
is  a  dunce?  Because  Lord  Chatham  was  of  a  towering  con- 
ceit, must  we  infer  that  pompous  vanity  portends  a  compre- 
hensive statesmanship  that  will  fill  the  world  with  the  splendor 
of  its  triumphs?  Because  Sir  Robert  Walpole  gambled  and 
swore  and  boozed  at  Houghton,  are  we  to  suppose  that  gross 
sensuality  and  coarse  contempt  of  human  nature  are  the  es- 
sential secret  of  a  power  that  defended  liberty  against  Tory 
intrigue  and  priestly  politics?  Was  it  because  Benjamin 
Franklin  was  not  college-bred  that  he  drew  the  lightning 
from  the  heaven  and  tore  the  scepter  from  the  tyrant?  Was 
it  because  Abraham  Lincoln  had  little  schooling  that  his  great 
heart  beat  true  to  God  and  man,  lifting  him  to  free  a  race  and 
die  for  his  country?  Because  men  naturally  great  have  done 
great  service  in  the  world  without  advantages,  does  it  fol- 
low that  lack  of  advantage  is  the  secret  of  success?  Was 
Pericles  a  less  sagacious  leader  of  the  state,  during  forty 
years  of  Athenian  glory,  because  he  was  thoroughly  accom- 
plished in  every  grace  of  learning?  Or,  swiftly  passing  from 
the  Athenian  agora  to  the  Boston  town-meeting,  behold  Sam- 
uel Adams,  tribune  of  New  England  against  Old  England, 
of  America  against  Europe,  of  liberty  against  despotism. 
Was  his  power  enfeebled,  his  fervor  chilled,  his  patriotism 
relaxed,  by  his  college  education  ?  No,  no ;  they  were  strength- 
ened, kindled,  confirmed.  Taking  his  Master's  degree  one 
hundred  and  thirty-four  years  ago,  thirty-three  years  before 
the  Declaration  of  Independence,  Samuel  Adams,  then  twenty- 
one  years  old,  declared  in  a  Latin  discourse  —  the  first  flashes 
of  the  fire  that  afterwards  blazed  in  Faneuil  Hall  and  kindled 
America  —  that  it  is  lawful  to  resist  the  supreme  magistrate 
if  the  commonwealth  cannot  otherwise  be  preserved.  In 
the  very  year  that  Jefferson  was  born,  the  college  boy,  Samuel 


288  The  Making  of  an  Oration 

Adams,  on  a  commencement  day  like  this,  struck  the  key- 
note of  American  independence,  which  still  stirs  the  heart  of 
man  with  its  music. 

Or  within  our  own  century,  look  at  the  great  modern  states- 
men who  have  shaped  the  politics  of  the  world.  They  were 
educated  men;  were  they  therefore,  visionary,  pedantic,  im- 
practicable? Cavour,  whose  monument  is  United  Italy  — 
one  from  the  Alps  to  Tarentum,  from  the  lagoons  of  Venice 
to  the  gulf  of  Salerno;  Bismarck,  who  has  raised  the  German 
Empire  from  a  name  to  a  fact ;  Gladstone,  today  the  incarnate 
heart  and  conscience  of  England  —  they  are  the  perpetual 
refutation  of  the  sneer  that  higher  education  weakens  men  for 
practical  affairs.  Trained  themselves,  such  men  know  the 
value  of  training.  All  countries,  all  ages,  all  men  are  their 
teachers.  The  broader  their  education,  the  wider  the  horizon 
of  their  thought  and  observation;  the  more  affluent  their 
resources,  the  more  humane  their  policy.  Would  Samuel 
Adams  have  been  a  truer  popular  leader  had  he  been  less  an 
educated  man?  Would  Walpole  less  truly  have  served  his 
country  had  he  been,  with  all  his  capacities,  a  man  whom 
England  could  have  revered  and  loved?  Could  Gladstone  so 
sway  England  with  his  fervent  eloquence,  as  the  moon  the 
tides,  were  he  a  gambling,  swearing,  boozing  squire  like 
Walpole  ?  There  is  no  sophistry  more  poisonous  to  the  state, 
no  folly  more  stupendous  and  demoralizing,  than  the  notion 
that  the  purest  character  and  the  highest  education  are  incom- 
patible with  the  most  commanding  mastery  of  men  and  the 
most  efficient  administration  of  affairs. 

Undoubtedly  a  practical  and  active  interest  in  politics  will 
lend  you  to  party  association  and  cooperation.  Great  public 
results  —  the  repeal  of  the  corn  laws  in  England,  the  aboli- 
tion of  slavery  in  America  —  are  due  to  that  organization  of 
effort  and  concentration  of  aim  which  arouse,  instruct,  and 
inspire  the  popular  heart  and  will.  This  is  the  spring  of 


Speeches  for  Careful  Study          289 

party,  and  those  who  earnestly  seek  practical  results  instinct- 
ively turn  to  this  agency  of  united  action.  But  in  this  tend- 
ency, useful  in  the  state  as  the  fire  upon  the  household,  lurks, 
as  in  that  fire,  the  deadliest  peril.  Here  is  our  Republic — it 
is  a  ship  with  towering  canvas  spread,  sweeping  before  the 
prosperous  gale  over  a  foaming  and  sparkling  sea;  it  is  a 
lightning  train  darting  with  awful  speed  along  the  edge  of 
dizzy  abysses  and  across  bridges  that  quiver  over  unsounded 
gulfs.  Because  we  are  Americans,  we  have  no  peculiar  charm, 
no  magic  spell,  to  stay  the  eternal  laws.  Our  safety  lies  alone 
in  cool  self-possession,  directing  the  forces  of  wind  and  wave 
and  fire.  If  once  the  madness  to  which  the  excitement  tends 
usurps  control,  the  catastrophe  is  inevitable.  And  so  deep  is 
the  conviction  that  sooner  or  later  this  madness  must  seize 
every  republic  that  the  most  plausible  conviction  of  the  per- 
manence of  the  American  government  is  the  belief  that  party 
spirit  cannot  be  restrained.  It  is  indeed  a  master  passion, 
but  its  control  is  the  true  conservatism  of  the  Republic  and 
of  happy  human  progress ;  and  its  men  are  made  familiar  by 
education  with  the  history  of  its  ghastly  catastrophe,  men 
with  the  proud  courage  of  independence,  who  are  to  temper  by 
lofty  action,  born  of  that  knowledge,  the  ferocity  of  party 
spirit. 

The  first  object  of  concerted  political  action  is  the  highest 
welfare  of  the  country.  But  the  conditions  of  party  associa- 
tions are  such  that  the  means  are  constantly  and  easily  sub- 
stituted for  the  end.  The  sophistry  is  subtle  and  seductive. 
Holding  the  ascendency  of  his  party  essential  to  the  national 
welfare,  the  zealous  partisan  merges  patriotism  in  party.  He 
insists  that  not  to  sustain  the  party  is  to  betray  the  country, 
and  against  all  honest  doubt  and  reasonable  hesitation  and 
reluctance  he  vehemently  urges  that  quibbles  of  conscience 
must  be  sacrificed  to  the  public  good ;  that  wise  and  practical 
men  will  not  be  squeamish;  that  every  soldier  in  the  army 


290  The  Making  of  an  Oration 

cannot  indulge  his  own  whims;  and  that  if  the  majority  may 
justly  prevail  in  determining  the  government,  it  must  not  be 
questioned  in  the  control  of  a  party. 

This  spirit  adds  moral  coercion  to  sophistry.  It  denounces 
as  a  traitor  him  who  protests  against  party  tyranny,  and  it 
makes  unflinching  adherence  to  what  is  called  regular  party 
action  the  condition  of  the  gratification  of  honorable  political 
ambition.  Because  a  man  who  sympathizes  with  the  party 
aims  refuses  to  vote  for  a  thief,  this  spirit  scorns  him  as  a  rat 
and  a  renegade.  Because  he  holds  to  principles  and  law 
against  party  expediency  and  dictation,  he  is  proclaimed  as 
the  betrayer  of  his  country,  justice,  and  humanity.  Because 
he  tranquilly  insists  upon  deciding  for  himself  when  he  must 
dissent  from  his  party,  he  is  reviled  as  a  popinjay  and  a  vis- 
ionary fool.  Seeking  with  honest  purpose  only  the  welfare 
of  his  country,  the  hot  air  around  him  hums  with  the  cry  of 
"the  grand  old  party,"  "the  traditions  of  the  party,"  "loy- 
alty to  the  party,"  "  the  future  of  the  party,"  "  servant  of  the 
party  " ;  and  he  sees  and  hears  the  gorged  and  portly  money- 
changers 10  in  the  temple  usurping  the  very  divinity  of  the 
God.  Young  hearts,  be  not  dismayed !  If  ever  any  one  of 
you  shall  be  the  man  so  denounced,  do  not  forget  that  your 
own  individual  convictions  are  the  whip 10  of  small  cords 
which  God  has  put  into  your  hands  to  expel  the  blasphemers. 

The  same  party  spirit  naturally  denies  the  patriotism  of 
its  opponents.  Identifying  itself  with  the  country,  it  regards 
all  others  as  public  enemies.  This  is  substantially  revolution- 
ary politics.  It  is  the  condition  of  France,  where  in  its  own 
words  the  revolution  is  permanent.  Instead  of  regarding  the 
other  party  as  legitimate  opponents  —  in  the  English  phrase, 
His  Majesty's  opposition  —  lawfully  seeking  a  different  policy 
under  the  government,  it  decries  that  party  as  a  conspiracy 
plotting  the  overthrow  of  the  government  itself.  History  is 
lurid  with  the  wasting  fires  of  this  madness.  We  need  not 


Speeches  for  Careful  Study          291 

look  for  that  of  other  lands.     Our  own  is  full  of  it.     It  is 
painful  to  turn  to  the  opening  years  of  the  Union,  and  see 
how  the  great  men  whom  we  are  taught  to  revere,  and 
whose  fostering  care  the  beginning  of  the  Republic  was  in- 
trusted, fanned  their  hatred  and  suspicion  of  each  other.   D< 
not  trust  the  flattering  voices  that  whisper  of  a  Golden  Age 
behind  us  and  bemoan  our  own  as  a  degenerate  day. 
castles  of  hope  always  shine  along  the  horizon.    Our  fathers 
saw  theirs  where  we  are  standing.    We  behold  ours  where 
our  fathers  stood.     But  pensive  regret  for  the  heroic  past, 
like  eager  anticipation  of  the  future,  shows  only  that  t 
vision  of  a  loftier  life  forever  allures  the  human  soul.    We 
think  our  fathers  too  have  been  wiser  than  we,  and  their  day 
more  enviable.    But  eighty  years  ago  the  Federalists  abhorred 
their  opponents  as  Jacobins,  and  thought  Robespierre  and 
Marat  no  worse  than  Washington's  secretary  of  state, 
opponents  retorted  that  the  Federalists  were  plotting  to  es- 
tablish a  monarchy  by  force  of  arms.     The  New  England 
pulpit   anathematized   Tom  Jefferson   as   an   atheist  and   a 
satyr      Jefferson  denounced  John  Jay  as  a  rogue,  and 
chief   newspaper    of   the   opposition,    on   the   morning   that 
Washington  retired  from  the  presidency,  thanked  God 
the  country  was  now  rid  of  the  man  who  was  the  source 
of  all  its  misfortunes.    There  is  no  mire  in  which  party  spirit 
wallows  today  with  which  our  fathers  were  not  1 
and  how  little  sincere  the  vituperation  was,  how  shallow  a 
fury   appears  when  Jefferson  and  Adams  had  retired  from 
public  life.    Then  they  corresponded  placidly  and  familiarly 
each  at  last  conscious  of  the  other's  fervent  patriotism;  and 
when  they  died,  they  were  lamented  in  common  by  those  who 
in  their  names  had  flown  at  each  other's  throats,  as  the  patr 
archal  Castor  and  Pollux  "  of  the  pure  age  of  our  poht  cs, 
now  fixed  as  a  constellation  of  hope  in  our  heaven. 

The  same  brutal  spirit  showed  itself  at  the  time  of  Andrew 


292  The  Making  of  an  Oration 

Johnson's  12  impeachment.  Impeachment  is  a  proceeding  to 
be  instituted  only  for  great  public  reasons,  which  should, 
presumptively,  command  universal  support.  To  prostitute 
the  power  of  impeachment  to  a  mere  party  purpose  would 
readily  lead  to  the  reversal  of  the  result  of  an  election.  But 
it  was  made  a  party  measure.  The  party  was  to  be  whipped 
into  its  support ;  and  when  certain  broke  the  party  yoke  upon 
their  necks,  and  voted  according  to  their  convictions,  as  hon- 
orable men  always  will  whether  the  party  whips  like  it  or  not, 
one  of  the  whippersin  exclaimed  of  the  patriotism,  the  strug- 
gle of  obedience  to  which  cost  one  senator,  at  least,  his  life, 
"  If  there  is  anything  worse  than  the  treachery,  it  is  the 
cant  which  pretends  that  it  is  the  result  of  conscientious 
conviction ;  the  pretense  of  a  conscience  is  quite  unbearable." 
This  was  the  very  acridity  of  bigotry,  which  in  other  times 
and  countries  raised  the  cruel  tribunal  of  the  Inquisition  and 
burned  opponents  for  the  glory  of  God.  The  party  madness 
that  dictated  these  words,  and  the  sympathy  that  approved 
them,  were  treason  not  only  to  the  country,  but  to  well  ordered 
human  society.  Murder  may  destroy  great  statesmen,  but 
corruption  makes  great  states  impossible,  and  this  was  an 
attempt  at  the  most  insidious  corruption.  The  man  who  at- 
tempts to  terrify  a  senator  of  the  United  States  into  casting 
a  dishonest  vote,  by  stigmatizing  him  as  a  hypocrite  and 
devoting  him  to  party  hatred,  is  only  a  more  plausible  rascal 
than  his  opponent  who  gives  Pat  O'Flanigan  a  fraudulent 
naturalization  paper  or  buys  his  vote  with  a  dollar  or  a  glass 
of  whiskey.  Whatever  the  offenses  of  the  President  may  have 
been,  they  were  as  nothing  when  compared  with  the  party 
spirit  which  declared  that  it  was  tired  of  the  intolerable  cant 
of  honesty.  So  the  sneering  Cavalier  was  tired  of  the  cant 
of  the  Puritan  conscience ;  but  the  cant  of  which  proved  in- 
justice and  coroneted  privilege  were  tired,  has  been  for  three 
centuries  the  invincible  bodyguard  of  civil  and  religious 
liberty. 


Speeches  for  Careful  Study          293 

Gentlemen,  how  dire  a  calamity  the  same  party  spirit  was 
preparing  for  the  country  within  a  few  months  we  can  now 
perceive  with  amazement  and  with  hearty  thanksgiving  for 
our  great  deliverance.    The  ordeal 13  of  last  winter  was  the 
severest  strain  yet  applied  to  republican  institutions.     It  was 
a  mortal  strain  along  the  very  fiber  of  our  system.    It  was  not 
a  collision  of  sections,  nor  a  conflict  of  principles  of  civiliza- 
tion.    It  was  a  supreme  and  triumphant  test  of  American 
patriotism.     Greater  than  the   declaration  of  independence 
by  colonies  hopelessly  alienated  from  the  crown  and  already 
in  arms,  greater  than  emancipation,  as  a  military  expedient, 
amid  the  throes  of  civil  war,  was  the  peaceful  and  reason- 
able consent  of  two  vast  parties  — in  a  crisis  plainly  fore- 
seen and  criminally  neglected,  a  crisis  in  which  each  party 
asserted  its  solution  to  be  indisputable  —  to  devise  a  lawful 
settlement  of  the  tremendous  contest,  a  settlement  which, 
through  furious  storms  of  disappointment  and  rage  has  been 
religiously   respected.     We   are   told  that  our  politics   are 
mean  — that  already,  in  its  hundredth  year,  the  decadence 
of  the  American  Republic  appears  and  the  hope  of  the  world 
is  clouded.    But  tell  me,  scholars,  in  what  high  hour  of  Greece, 
when,   as   DeWitt   Clinton   declared,   "the  herb-woman   of 
Athens  could  criticise  the  phraseology  of  Demosthenes,  and 
the  meanest  artisan  could  pronounce  judgment  upon  the  works 
of  Appelles  and  Phidias,"  or  at  what  proud  epoch  of  imperial 
Rome,  or  millennial  moment  of  the  fierce  Italian  republics, 
was  ever  so  momentous  a  party  difference  so  wisely,  so  peace- 
fully, so  humanely  composed?     Had  the  sophistry  of  party 
prevailed;  had  each  side  resolved  that  not  to  insist  upon  its 
own  claim  at  every  hazard  was  what  the  mad  party  spirit 
of  each  side  declared  it  to  be  — a  pusilanimous  surrender; 
had  the  spirit  of  Marius  mastered  one  party  and  that  of 
Sylla  the  other,  this  waving  valley  of  the  Mohawk  would 
not  today  murmur  with  the  music  of  industry,  these  tranquil 


294  The  Making  of  an  Oration 

voices  of  scholars  blending  with  its  happy  harvest  song;  it 
would  have  smoked  with  fraternal  war,  and  this  shuddering 
river  would  have  run  red  through  desolated  meadows  and 
by  burning  homes. 

It  is  because  these  consequences  are  familiar  to  the  knowl- 
edge of  educated  and  thoughtful  men  that  such  men  are  con- 
stantly to  assuage  this  party  fire  and  to  take  care  that  party 
is  always  subordinated  to  patriotism.  Perfect  party  disci- 
pline is  the  most  dangerous  weapon  of  party  spirit,  for  it 
is  the  abdication  of  the  individual  judgment:  it  is  the  appli- 
cation to  political  parties  of  the  Jesuit  principle  of  implicit 
obedience. 

It  is  for  you  to  help  break  this  withering  spell.  It  is  for 
you  to  assert  the  independence  and  the  dignity  of  the  indi- 
vidual citizen,  and  to  prove  that  party  was  made  for  the 
voter,  not  the  voter  for  party.  When  you  are  angrily  told 
that  if  you  erect  your  personal  whim  against  the  regular  party 
behest,  you  make  representative  government  impossible  by 
refusing  to  accept  its  conditions,  hold  fast  by  your  own  con- 
science and  let  the  party  go.  There  is  not  an  American  mer- 
chant who  would  send  a  ship  to  sea  under  the  command  of 
Captain  Kidd,14  however  skillful  a  sailor  he  might  be.  Why 
should  he  vote  to  send  Captain  Kidd  to  the  legislature  or  to 
put  him  in  command  of  the  ship  of  state  because  his  party 
directs  ?  The  party  which  today  nominates  Captain  Kidd  will 
tomorrow  nominate  Judas  Iscariot,  and  tomorrow,  as  today, 
party  spirit  will  spurn  you  as  a  traitor  for  refusing  to  sell 
your  master.  "  I  tell  you,"  said  an  ardent  and  well  meaning 
partisan,  speaking  of  a  closely  contested  election  in  another 
state  —  "I  tell  you  it  is  a  nasty  state,  and  I  hope  we  have 
done  nasty  work  enough  to  carry  it."  But  if  your  state  has 
been  carried  by  nasty  means  this  year,  success  will  require 
nastier  next  year,  and  the  nastiest  means  will  always  carry. 
The  party  may  win,  but  the  state  will  have  been  lost,  for  there 


Speeches  for  Careful  Study          295 

are  successes  which  are  failures.  When  a  man  is  sitting  upon 
the  bough  of  a  tree  and  diligently  sawing  it  off  between  him- 
self and  the  trunk,  he  may  succeed,  but  his  success  will  break 

his  neck. 

The  remedy  for  the  constant  excess  of  party  spirit 
and  lies  alone,  in  the  courageous  independent  citizen.  The 
only  way,  for  instance,  to  procure  the  party  nomination  of 
good  men,  is  for  every  self-respecting  voter  to  refuse  to 
vote  for  bad  men.  In  the  mediaeval  theology  the  devils  feared 
nothing  so  much  as  the  drop  of  holy  water  and  the  sign  of 
the  cross,  by  which  they  were  exorcised.  The  evil  spirits  of 
party  fear  nothing  so  much  as  bolting  and  scratching.  In  hoc 
signo  vinces.  If  a  farmer  would  reap  a  good  crop,  he  scratches 
the  weeds  out  of  his  field.  If  we  would  have  good  men  upon 
the  ticket,  we  must  scratch  bad  men  off.  If  the  scratching 
breaks  down  the  party,  let  it  break;  for  the  success  of  the 
party  by  such  means  would  break  down  the  country, 
evil  spirits  must  be  taught  by  means  that  they  can  understand. 
"  Them  fellers,"  said  the  captain  of  a  canal  boat  of  his  men 
—  "Them  fellers  never  think  you  mean  a  thing  until  you 
kick  'em.  They  feel  that,  and  understand." 

It  is  especially  necessary  for  us  to  perceive  the  vital  rela- 
tion of  individual  courage  and  character  to  the  common  wel- 
fare, because  ours  is  a  government  of  public  opinion,  and 
public  opinion  is  but  the  aggregate  of  individual  thought. 
We  have  the  awful  responsibility  as  a  community  of  doing 
what  we  choose,  and  it  is  of  the  last  importance  that  we 
choose  to  do  what  is  wise  and  right.  In  the  early  days  of 
the  antislavery  agitation  a  meeting  was  called  at  Faneuil 
Hall,  in  Boston,  which  a  good-natured  mob  of  sailors  was 
hired  to  suppress.  They  took  possession  of  the  floor  and 
danced  breakdowns  and  shouted  choruses  and  refused  to  hear 
any  of  the  orators  upon  the  platform.  The  most  eloquent 
pleaded  with  them  in  vain.  They  were  urged  by  the  memo- 


296          The  Making  of  an  Oration 

ries  of  the  Cradle  of  Liberty,  for  the  honor  of  Massachusetts, 
for  their  honor  as  our  Boston  boys,  to  respect  liberty  of  speech. 
But  they  still  laughed  and  sang  and  danced,  and  were  proof 
against  every  appeal.  At  last  a  man  suddenly  arose  from 
among  themselves  and  began  to  speak.  Struck  by  his  tone  and 
quaint  appearance,  and  with  the  thought  that  he  might  be  one 
of  themselves,  the  mob  became  suddenly  still.  "  Well,  fel- 
low citizens,"  he  said,  "  I  would  n't  be  quiet  if  I  did  n't  want 
to."  The  words  were  greeted  with  a  roar  of  delight  from  the 
mob,  which  supposed  it  had  found  its  champion,  and  the  ap- 
plause was  unceasing  for  five  minutes,  during  which  the 
orator  tranquilly  awaited  his  chance  to  continue.  The  wish 
to  hear  more  hushed  the  tumult,  and  when  the  hall  was  still 
he  resumed,  "  No,  I  certainly  would  n't  stop  if  I  had  n't  a 
mind  to ;  but  then,  if  I  were  you  I  would  have  a  mind  to !  " 
The  oddity  of  the  remark  and  the  earnestness  of  the  tone 
held  the  crowd  silent,  and  the  speaker  continued :  "  Not  be- 
cause this  is  Faneuil  Hall,  nor  for  the  honor  of  Massa- 
chusetts, nor  because  you  are  Boston  boys,  but  because  you 
are  men,  and  because  honorable  and  generous  men  always 
love  fair  play."  The  mob  was  conquered.  Free  speech  and 
fair  play  were  secured.  Public  opinion  can  do  what  it  has  a 
mind  to  in  this  country.  If  it  be  debased  and  demoralized, 
it  is  the  most  odious  of  tyrants.  It  is  Nero  and  Caligula 
multiplied  by  millions.  Can  there  be  a  more  stringent  public 
duty  for  every  man  —  and  the  greater  the  intelligence  the 
greater  the  duty  —  than  to  care,  by  all  the  influence  he  can 
command,  that  the  country,  the  majority,  public  opinion,  shall 
have  a  mind  to  do  only  what  is  just  and  pure  and  humane?" 
Gentlemen,  leaving  this  college  to  take  your  part  in  the 
discharge  of  the  duties  of  American  citizenship,  every  sign 
encourages  and  inspires.  The  year  that  is  now  ending,  the 
year  that  opens  the  second  century  of  our  history,  has  fur- 
nished the  supreme  proof  that  in  a  country  of  rigorous  party 


Speeches  for  Careful  Study          297 

division  the  purest  patriotism  exists.  That  and  that  only  is 
the  pledge  of  a  prosperous  future.  No  mere  party  fervor 
or  party  fidelity  or  party  discipline  could  fully  restore  a 
country  torn  and  distracted  by  the  fierce  debate  of  a  century 
and  the  convulsion  of  civil  war;  nothing  less  than  a  patriotism 
all-embracing  as  the  summer  air  could  heal  a  wound  so  wide. 
I  know  —  no  man  better  —  how  hard  it  is  for  earnest  men 
to  separate  their  country  from  their  party,  or  their  religion 
from  their  sect.  But  nevertheless  the  welfare  of  country  is 
more  precious  than  mere  victory  of  party,  as  truth  is  more 
precious  than  the  interest  of  any  sect.  You  will  hear  this 
patriotism  scorned  as  an  impracticable  theory,  as  the  dream 
of  a  cloister,  as  the  whim  of  a  fool.  But  such  was  the  folly 
of  the  Spartan  Leonidas,  staying  with  his  three  hundred  the 
Persian  horde  and  teaching  Greece  the  self-reliance  that  saved 
her.  Such  was  the  folly  of  the  Swiss  Arnold  von  Winkelried, 
gathering  into  his  own  breast  the  host  of  Austrian  spears, 
making  his  dead  body  the  bridge  of  victory  for  his  country- 
men. Such  was  the  folly  of  the  American  Nathan  Hale, 
gladly  risking  the  seeming  disgrace  of  his  name,  and  griev- 
ing that  he  had  but  one  life  to  give  for  his  country.  Such 
are  the  beaconlights  of  a  pure  patriotism  that  burn  forever  in 
men's  memories  and  answer  each  other  through  the  illum- 
inated ages.  And  of  the  same  grandeur,  in  less  heroic  and 
poetic  form,  was  the  patriotism  in  recent  history.  He  was  the 
leader  of  a  great  party  and  the  prime  minister  of  England. 
The  character  and  necessity  of  party  were  as  plain  to  him  as 
to  any  man.  But  when  he  saw  that  the  national  welfare  de- 
manded the  repeal  of  the  corn-laws  which  he  had  always  sup- 
ported, he  did  not  quail.  Amply  avowing  the  error  of  a  life 
and  the  duty  of  avowing  it  —  foreseeing  the  probable  over- 
throw of  his  party  and  the  bitter  execration  that  must  fall 
upon  him,  he  tranquilly  did  his  duty.  With  the  eyes  of  Eng- 
land fixed  upon  him  in  mingled  amazement,  admiration,  and 


298  The  Making  of  an  Oration 

indignation,  he  arose  in  the  House  of  Commons  to  perform 
as  great  a  service  as  any  Englishman  ever  performed  for 
his  country,  and  in  closing  his  last  speech  in  favor  of  the 
repeal,  describing  the  consequences  that  its  mere  prospect 
had  produced,  he  loftily  exclaimed :  "  Where  there  was  dis- 
satisfaction, I  see  contentment;  where  there  was  turbulence, 
I  see  there  is  peace;  where  there  was  disloyalty,  I  see  there 
is  loyalty.  I  see  a  disposition  to  confide  in  you  and  not  to 
agitate  questions  that  are  the  foundations  of  your  institu- 
tions." When  all  was  over,  when  he  had  left  office,  when 
his  party  was  out  of  power  and  the  fury  of  party  execration 
against  him  was  spent,  his  position  was  greater  and  nobler 
than  it  had  ever  been.  Cobden  said  of  him,  "  Sir  Robert  Peel 
has  lost  office,  but  he  has  gained  a  country";  and  Lord 
Bailing  said  of  him,  what  may  truly  be  said  of  Washington, 
"  Above  all  parties,  himself  a  party,  he  had  trained  his  own 
mind  into  a  disinterested  sympathy  with  the  intelligence  of 
his  country." 

A  public  spirit  so  lofty  is  not  confined  to  other  ages  and 
lands.  You  are  conscious  of  its  stirrings  in  your  souls.  It 
calls  you  to  courageous  service,  and  I  am  here  to  bid  you 
obey  the  call.  Such  patriotism  may  be  ours.  Let  it  be  your 
parting  vow  that  it  shall  be  yours.  Bolingbroke  described 
a  patriot  king  in  England;  I  can  imagine  a  patriot  president 
in  America.  I  can  see  him  indeed  the  choice  of  a  party,  and 
called  to  administer  the  government  when  sectional  jealousy 
is  fiercest  and  party  passion  most  inflamed.  I  can  imagine 
him  seeing  clearly  what  justice  and  humanity,  the  national 
law  and  the  national  welfare  require  him  to  do,  and  resolved 
to  do  it.  I  can  imagine  him  patiently  enduring  not  only  the 
mad  cry  of  party  hate,  the  taunt  of  "  recreant "  and 
"  traitor,"  of  "  renegade  "  and  "  coward,"  but  what  is  harder 
to  bear,  the  amazement,  the  doubt,  the  grief,  the  denuncia- 
tion, of  those  as  sincerely  devoted  as  he  to  the  common  wel- 


Speeches  for  Careful  Study  299 

fare.  I  can  imagine  him  pushing  firmly  on,  trusting  the  heart, 
the  intelligence,  the  conscience  of  his  countrymen,  healing 
angry  wounds,  correcting  misunderstandings,  planting  jus- 
tice on  surer  foundations,  and,  whether  his  party  rise  or  fall, 
lifting  his  country  heavenward  to  a  more  perfect  union, 
prosperity,  and  peace.  This  is  the  spirit  of  a  patriotism  that 
girds  the  commonwealth  with  the  resistless  splendor  of  the 
moral  law  —  the  invulnerable  panoply  of  states,  the  celestial 
secret  of  a  great  nation  and  a  happy  people. 

NOTES  ON  THE  SPEECH  OF  GEORGE  WILLIAM  CURTIS 

1.  Note  the  grace  and  appropriateness  with  which  the  speaker 
approaches  his  theme,  which  is  clearly  stated  at  the  end  of  the 
second  paragraph. 

2.  Note  how  the  meaning  of  the  theme  is  exemplified  by  the 
reference  to  the  "  Venerated  teacher."    Taylor  Lewis,  the  teacher 
alluded  to,  was  a  great  scholar  and  professor  at  Union  College, 
who  had  died  but  a  few  weeks  before  this  oration  was  pro- 
nounced. 

3.  Observe   how   the  epigrammatic  figure  of  the   ship   gives 
meaning  and  force  to  the  thought. 

4.  What  quality  of  style  is  promoted  by  the  historical  illustra- 
tions? 

5.  What    thought    is    emphasized    by    the    personification    of 
justice?    Read  the  text  on  the  use  of  figures. 

6.  Jeremy  Diddler,  the  name  in  English  literature  of  a  notori- 
ous swindler. 

7.  Dick  Turpin,  a  famous  highwayman. 

8  Jonathan  Wild,  a  noted  English  thief  and  villain.  He  is 
likened  here  to  William  M.  Tweed,  an  infamous  "boss"  of  New 
York  City,  who  was  arrested  for  his  crimes  and  died  in  Ludlow 
Street  jail  of  that  city. 

9.  Walter  Scott,  etc.     Note  how  the  historical  examples  are 
used  to  show  the  common  prejudice  against  the  scholar  in  poli- 
tics, and  also  to  reveal  the  fallacy  against  such  prejudice.     How 
does  the  employment  of  interrogation  add  to  the  effectiveness  of 
these  examples?  , 

10.  See  John  II :  14-16.    Note  the  force  and  suggestiveness  of 
the  allusion. 

11.  Castor  and  Pollux.    What  is  the  allusion,  and  how  is  it 
applied?  , 

12.  Andrew  Johnson's  impeachment.    Read  an  account  of  that 
trial  and  note  the  use  of  the  reference  to  the  orator's  thought. 


300          The  Making  of  an  Oration 

13.  "  The  ordeal  of  last  winter  —  this  is  a  reference  to  the  con- 
troversy over  the  Tilden-Hayes  election.  Observe  how  the 
orator  takes  advantage  of  current  questions  to  illumine  and  give 
point  to  his  thought.  Observe,  also,  how  he  amplifies  his  idea  in 
the  paragraph,  and  by  an  appeal  to  the  imagination  shows  what 
might  have  been  the  condition  had  the  partisan  spirit  prevailed. 
14.  Captain  Kidd,  a  notorious  pirate. 

PLAN  OF  THE  SPEECH  OF  GEORGE  WILLIAM   CURTIS 

/.  Introduction: 

I.  Exposition  of  the  term  "public  duty." 

(I.)  What    it    is,  —  illustrated   by    reference    to    Taylor 

Lewis. 
(2.)  What  it  is  not,— 

a.  Not  necessarily  holding  office; 

b.  Not  merely  voting. 

//.  "Object":     Let  educated  Americans  take  an  active  part  in 

public  affairs. 
///.  Discussion: 

1.  Educated  Americans  should  participate  in  primary  meetings. 

(i.)   Prejudice  against  educated  men  in  politics; 
(2.)  Refutation  of  this  objection. 

2.  Educated  Americans   should,   for  effectiveness,  act  with  a 

party. 

3.  They  should,  however,  place  country  before  party. 

(l.)  Failure  to  support  party  will  be  denounced  as  treach- 
erous not  only  to  party  but  to  country :  illustrations 
from  history. 

(2.)  Partisanship  denies  patriotism  to  its  opponents:  il- 
lustrations from  the  Tilden-Hayes  contest,  and 
from  the  impeachment  trial  of  Andrew  Johnson. 

4.  Educated  men  should  assuage  this  partisan  spirit : 

(l.)  By  independence  of  thought  and  action; 

(2.)  By  recognition    of   the    relation    between    individual 

character  and  national  character. 

IV.  Conclusion:  Application  and  appeal  to  his  hearers,  with 
illustrations  drawn  from  history  —  ancient  and  modern  —  to 
show  that  such  a  lofty  public  spirit  will  help  to  make  the 
country  what  it  ought  to  be. 


THE  NEW  SOUTH 

BY 

HENRY  W.  GRADY 

(Henry  W.  Grady,  at  that  time  the  brilliant  editor  of  the 
Atlanta  Constitution,  was  the  invited  guest  of  The  NLw  England 
Society,  at  its  annual  dinner,  December  22,  1886.  The  date  was 
near  enough  to  the  Civil  War  to  make  the  stirring  scenes  of  that 
eventful  struggle  still  fresh  in  the  minds  of  the  people,  but  far 
enough  removed  to  mitigate  much  of  the  bitterness  of  the  passions 
that  had  attended  the  conflict.  The  speech  that  follows  was 
recognized  as  at  once  the  voice  of  the  New  South  expressive  of 
loyalty  to  the  nation  and  as  the  utterance  of  a  man  entitled  to 
be  ranked  among  the  very  greatest  of  American  orators.) 

"  There  was  a  South  of  slavery  and  secession  —  that  South 
is  dead.  There  is  a  South  of  union  and  freedom  —  that 
South,  thank  God,  is  living,  breathing,  growing  every  hour." 
These  words,  delivered  from  the  immortal  lips  of  Benjamin 
H.  Hill,  at  Tammany  Hall,  in  1866,  true  then,  and  truer  now, 
I  shall  make  my  text  tonight. 

Mr.  President  and  Gentlemen :  Let  me  express  to  you  my 
appreciation  of  the  kindness  by  which  I  am  permitted  to 
address  you.  I  make  this  abrupt  acknowledgment  advisedly, 
for  I  feel  that  if,  when  I  raised  my  provincial  voice  in  this 
ancient  and  august  presence,  I  could  find  courage  for  no  more 
than  the  opening  sentence,  in  that  sentence,  I  had  met  in  a 
rough  sense  my  obligation  as  a  guest,  and  had  perished,  so 
to  speak,  with  courtesy  on  my  lips  and  grace  in  my  heart. 

Permitted,  through  your  kindness,  to  catch  my  second 
wind,  let  me  say  that  I  appreciate  the  significance  of  being 
the  first  Southerner  to  speak  at  this  board,  which  bears  the 

301 


302  The  Making  of  an  Oration 

substance,  if  it  surpasses  the  semblance  of  original  New 
England  hospitality,  and  honors  a  sentiment  that  in  turn 
honors  you,  but  in  which  my  personality  is  lost  and  the 
compliment  to  my  people  made  plain. 

I  bespeak  the  utmost  stretch  of  your  courtesy  tonight.  I 
am  not  anxious  about  those  from  whom  I  come.  You  re- 
member the  man  whose  wife  sent  him  to  a  neighbor  with  a 
pitcher  of  milk,  and  who,  tripping  on  the  top  step,  fell,  with 
such  casual  interruptions  as  the  landings  afforded,  into  the 
basement ;  and  while  picking  himself  up,  had  the  pleasure  of 
hearing  his  wife  call  out : 

"John,  did  you  break  the  pitcher?" 

"  No,  I  did  n't,"  said  John,  "  but  I  be  dinged  if  I  do  n't." 

So,  while  those  who  call  to  me  from  behind  may  inspire 
me  with  energy,  if  not  with  courage,  I  ask  an  indulgent  hear- 
ing from  you.  I  beg  that  you  will  bring  your  full  faith  in 
American  fairness  and  frankness  to  judgment  upon  what  I 
shall  say.  There  was  an  old  preacher  once  who  told  some 
boys  of  the  Bible  lesson  he  was  going  to  read  in  the  morning. 
The  boys,  finding  the  place,  glued  together  the  connecting 
pages.  The  next  morning  he  read  on  the  bottom  of  one  page : 
"  When  Noah  was  one  hundred  and  twenty  years  old  he  took 
unto  himself  a  wife,  who  was  "  then  turning  the  page,  "  one 
hundred  and  forty  cubits  long,  forty  cubits  wide,  built  of 
gopher  wood,  and  covered  with  pitch  inside  and  out."  He 
was  naturally  puzzled  at  this.  He  read  it  again,  verified  it, 
and  then  said :  "  My  friends,  this  is  the  first  time  I  ever  met 
this  in  the  Bible,  but  I  accept  it  as  an  evidence  of  the  asser- 
tion that  we  are  fearfully  and  wonderfully  made."  If  I 
could  get  you  to  hold  such  faith  tonight,  I  could  proceed 
cheerfully  to  the  task  I  otherwise  approach  with  a  sense  of 
consecration. 

Pardon  me  one  word,  Mr.  President,  spoken  for  the  sole 
purpose  of  getting  into  the  volumes  that  go  out  annually 


Speeches  for  Careful  Study          303 

freighted  with  the  rich  eloquence  of  your  speakers  —  the  fact 
that  the  Cavalier,2  as  well  as  the  Puritan,  was  on  the  conti- 
nent in  its  early  days,  and  that  he  was  "  up  and  able  to  be 
about."  I  have  read  your  books  carefully  and  I  find  no  men- 
tion of  that  fact,  which  seems  to  me  an  important  one  for 
preserving  a  sort  of  historical  equilibrium,  if  for  nothing 
else. 

Let  me  remind  you  that  the  Virginia  Cavalier  first  chal- 
lenged France  on  this  continent,  that  Cavalier  John  Smith 
gave  New  England  its  very  name,  and  was  so  pleased  with 
the  job  that  he  has  been  handing  his  own  name  around  ever 
since,  and  that  while  Miles  Standish  was  cutting 3  off  men's 
ears  for  courting  a  girl  without  her  parents'  consent,  and 
forbade  men  to  kiss  their  wives  on  Sunday,  the  Cavalier  was 
courting  everything  in  sight,  and  that  the  Almighty  had 
vouchsafed  great  increase  to  the  Cavalier  colonies,  the  huts 
in  the  wilderness  being  as  full  as  the  nests  in  the  woods. 

But  having  incorporated  the  Cavalier  as  a  fact  in  your 
charming  little  book,  I  shall  let  him  work  out  his  own  salva- 
tion, as  he  has  always  done  with  engaging  gallantry,  and  we 
will  hold  no  controversy  as  to  his  merits.  Why  should  we? 
Neither  Puritan  nor  Cavalier  survived  as  such.  The  virtues 
and  traditions  of  both  happily  still  live  for  the  inspiration  of 
their  sons  and  the  saving  of  the  old  fashion.  Both  Puritan 
and  Cavalier  were  lost  in  the  storm  of  the  first  Revolution, 
and  the  American  citizen,  supplanting  both,  and  stronger 
than  either,  took  possession  of  the  republic  bought  by  their 
common  blood  and  fashioned  to  wisdom,  and  charged  him- 
self with  teaching  men  government  and  establishing  the  voice 
of  the  people  as  the  voice  of  God. 

My  friend,  Doctor  Talmage,4  has  told  you  that  the  typical 
American  has  yet  to  come.  Let  me  tell  you  that  he  has 
already  come.  Great  types,  like  valuable  plants,  are  slow  to 
flower  and  fruit.  But  from  the  union  of  these  colonist  Puri- 


304  The  Making  of  an  Oration 

tans  and  Cavaliers,  from  the  straightening  of  their  purposes 
and  the  crossing  of  their  blood,  slow  perfecting  through  a 
century,  came  he  who  stands  as  the  first  typical  American, 
the  first  who  comprehended  within  himself  all  the  strength 
and  gentleness,  all  the  majesty  and  grace  of  this  republic, 
Abraham  Lincoln.5  He  was  the  sum  of  Puritan  and  Cav- 
alier; for  in  his  ardent  nature  were  fused  the  virtues  of  both, 
and  in  his  great  soul  the  faults  of  both  were  lost.  He  was 
greater  than  Puritan,  greater  than  Cavalier,  in  that  he  was 
American,  and  that  in  his  homely  form  were  first  gathered 
the  vast  and  thrilling  forces  of  his  ideal  government,  charg- 
ing it  with  such  tremendous  meaning,  and  so  elevating  it 
above  human  suffering,  that  martyrdom,  though  infamously 
aimed,  came  as  a  fitting  crown  to  a  life  consecrated  from 
the  cradle  to  human  liberty.  Let  us,  each  cherishing  the 
traditions  and  honoring  his  fathers,  build  with  reverent  hands 
to  the  type  of  his  simple  but  sublime  life,  in  which  all  types 
are  honored;  and  in  our  common  glory  as  Americans  there 
will  be  plenty  and  some  to  spare  for  your  forefathers  and  for 
mine. 

In  speaking  to  the  toast  with  which  you  have  honored  me, 
I  accept  the  term,  "  The  New  South,"  as  in  no  sense  dispar- 
aging to  the  Old.  Dear  to  me,  sir,  is  the  home  of  my  child- 
hood, and  the  traditions  of  my  people.  I  would  not,  if  I 
could,  dim  the  glory  they  won  in  peace  and  war,  or  by  word 
or  deed  take  aught  from  the  splendor  and  grace  of  their  civili- 
zation, never  equaled,  and  perhaps  never  to  be  equaled  in  its 
chivalric  strength  and  grace.  There  is  a  New  South,  not 
through  protest  against  the  Old,  but  because  of  new  condi- 
tions, new  adjustments,  and,  if  you  please,  new  ideas  and 
aspirations.  It  is  to  this  that  I  address  myself,  and  to  the 
consideration  of  which  I  hasten,  lest  it  become  the  Old  South 
before  I  get  to  it.  Age  does  not  endow  all  things  with 
Strength  and  virtue,  nor  are  all  new  things  to  be  despised. 


Speeches  for  Careful  Study          305 

The  shoemaker  who  put  over  his  door,  "  John  Smith's  shop, 
founded  in  1760,"  was  more  than  matched  by  his  young  rival 
across  the  street  who  hung  out  this  sign :  "  Bill  Jones. 
Established  1886.  No  old  stock  kept  in  this  shop." 

Dr.  Talmage  has  drawn  for  you,  with  a  master  hand,  the 
picture  of  your  returning  armies.  He  has  told  you  how,  in 
the  pomp  and  circumstance  of  war,  they  came  back  to  you, 
marching  with  proud  and  victorious  tread,  reading  their 
glory  in  a  nation's  eye.  Will  you  bear  with  me  while  I  tell 
you  of  another  army  that  sought  its  home  at  the  close  of  the 
late  war?  An  army  that  marched  home  in  defeat  and  not 
in  victory  —  in  pathos  and  not  in  splendor,  but  in  glory  that 
equaled  yours,  and  to  hearts  as  loving  as  ever  welcomed 
heroes  home?  Let  me  picture  to  you  the  footsore  Confeder- 
ate soldier,  as,  buttoning  up  in  his  faded  gray  jacket  the 
parole  which  was  to  bear  testimony  to  his  children  of  his 
fidelity  and  faith,  he  turned  his  face  southward  from  Appo- 
mattox  in  April,  1865.  Think  of  him  as  ragged,  half  starved, 
heavy-hearted,  enfeebled  by  want  and  wounds,  having  fought 
to  exhaustion,  he  surrenders  his  gun,  wrings  the  hands  of  his 
comrades  in  silence,  and,  lifting  his  tear-stained  and  pallid 
face  for  the  last  time  to  the  graves  that  dot  the  old  Virginia 
hills,  pulls  the  old  gray  cap  over  his  brow  and  begins  the  slow 
and  painful  journey.  What  does  he  find?  —  let  me  ask  you 
who  went  to  your  homes  eager  to  find,  in  the  welcome  you  had 
justly  earned,  full  payment  for  four  years'  sacrifice  —  what 
does  he  find  when,  having  followed  the  battle-stained  cross 
against  overwhelming  odds,  dreading  death  not  half  so  much 
as  surrender,  he  reaches  the  home  he  left  so  prosperous  and 
beautiful?  He  finds  his  home  in  ruins,  his  farm  devastated, 
his  slaves  free,  his  stock  killed,  his  barns  empty,  his  trade 
destroyed,  his  money  worthless;  his  social  system,  feudal  in 
its  magnificence,  swept  away ;  his  people  without  law  or  legal 
status;  his  comrades  slain,  and  the  burdens  of  others  heavy 


306  The  Making  of  an  Oration 

on  his  shoulders.  Crushed  by  defeat,  his  very  traditions  gone. 
Without  money,  credit,  employment,  material  training;  and 
besides  all  this,  confronted  with  the  gravest  problems  tjiat 
ever  met  human  intelligence  —  the  establishment  of  a  status 
for  the  vast  body  of  his  liberated  slaves. 

What  does  he  do  6  —  this  hero  in  gray,  with  a  heart  of 
gold?  Does  he  sit  down  in  sullenness  and  despair?  Not  for 
a  day.  Surely  God,  who  had  stripped  him  of  his  prosperity, 
inspired  him  in  his  adversity.  As  ruin  was  never  before  so 
overwhelming,  never  was  restoration  swifter.  The  soldier 
stepped  from  the  trenches  into  the  furrow;  the  horses  that 
had  charged  Federal  guns  marched  before  the  plow,  and  the 
fields  that  ran  red  with  human  blood  in  April  were  green  with 
the  harvest  in  June;  women  reared  in  luxury  cut  up  their 
dresses  and  made  breeches  for  their  husbands,  and,  with  a 
patience  and  heroism  that  fit  women  always  as  a  garment, 
gave  their  hands  to  work.  There  was  little  bitterness  in  all 
this.  Cheerfulness  and  frankness  prevailed.  "  Bill  Arp " 
struck  the  keynote,  when  he  said :  "  Well,  I  killed  as  many 
of  them  as  they  did  of  me,  and  now  I  am  going  to  work."  Or 
the  soldier  going  home  after  defeat  and  roasting  some  corn 
on  the  roadside,  who  made  the  remark  to  his  comrades: 
"  You  may  leave  the  South,  if  you  want  to,  but  I  am  going 
to  Sandersville,  kiss  my  wife  and  raise  a  crop,  and  if  the 
Yankees  fool  with  me  any  more  I  will  whip  'em  again."  I 
want  to  say  to  General  Sherman 7  —  who  is  considered  an 
able  man  in  our  parts,  though  some  folks  think  he  is  kind  of 
careless  about  fire  —  that  from  the  ashes  he  left  us  in  1864 
we  have  raised  a  brave  and  beautiful  city;  that  somehow  or 
other  we  have  caught  the  sunshine  in  the  bricks  and  mortar 
of  our  homes,  and  have  builded  therein  not  one  ignoble 
prejudice  or  memory. 

But  in  all  this  what  have  we  accomplished?  What  is  the 
sum  of  our  work?  We  have  found  out  that  in  the  general 


Speeches  for  Careful  Study          307 

summing  up  the  free  negro  counts  for  more  than  he  did  as  a 
slave.  We  have  planted  the  schoolhouse  on  the  hilltop  and 
made  it  free  to  white  and  black.  We  have  sowed  towns  and 
cities  in  the  place  of  theories,  and  put  business  above  politics. 
We  have  challenged  your  spinners  in  Massachusetts  and  your 
iron-makers  in  Pennsylvania.  We  have  learned  that  the 
$400,000,000  annually  received  from  our  cotton  crop  will 
make  us  rich,  when  the  supplies  that  make  it  are  home- 
raised.  We  have  reduced  the  commercial  rate  of  interest 
from  twenty-four  to  four  percent,  and  are  floating  four 
percent  bonds.  We  have  learned  that  one  Northern  immi- 
grant is  worth  fifty  foreigners,  and  have  smoothed  the  path 
to  the  southward,  wiped  out  the  place  where  Mason  and 
Dixon's  line  used  to  be,  and  hung  out  the  latchstring  to  you 
and  yours. 

We  have  reached  the  point  that  marks  perfect  harmony  in 
every  household,  when  the  husband  confesses  that  the  pies 
that  his  wife  cooks  are  as  good  as  those  his  mother  used  to 
bake;  and  we  admit  that  the  sun  shines  as  brightly  and  the 
moon  as  softly  as  it  did  "before  the  war."  We  have  estab- 
lished thrift  in  the  city  and  country.  We  have  fallen  in 
love  with  work.  We  have  restored  comforts  to  homes  from 
which  culture  and  elegance  never  departed.  We  have  let 
economy  take  root  and  spread  among  us  as  rank  as  the  crab 
grass  which  sprung  from  Sherman's  cavalry  camps,  until 
we  are  ready  to  lay  odds  on  the  Georgia  Yankee,  as  he 
manufactures  relics  of  the  battlefield  in  a  one-story  shanty 
and  squeezes  pure  olive  oil  out  of  his  cotton  seed,  against  any 
down-easter  that  swapped  wooden  nutmegs  for  flannel 
sausages  in  the  valley  of  Vermont. 

Above  all,  we  know  that  we  have  achieved  "  in  these 
piping  times  of  peace,"  a  fuller  independence  for  the  South 
than  that  which  our  forefathers  sought  to  win  in  the  forum 
by  their  eloquence,  or  compel  on  the  field  by  their  swords. 


308          The  Making  of  an  Oration 

It  is  a  rare  privilege,  sir,  to  have  had  a  part,  however 
humble,  in  this  work.  Never  was  nobler  duty  confided  to 
human  hands  than  the  uplifting  and  upbuilding  of  the  pros- 
trate and  bleeding  South,  misguided,  perhaps,  but  beautiful 
in  her  suffering,  and  honest,  brave,  and  generous  always.  In 
the  record  of  her  social,  industrial,  and  political  restoration 
we  await  with  confidence  the  verdict  of  the  world. 

But  what  of  the  negro?  Have  we  solved  the  problem  he 
presents,  or  progressed  in  honor  and  equity  toward  the  .solu- 
tion? Let  the  record  speak  to  the  point.  No  section  shows 
a  more  prosperous  laboring  population  than  the  negroes  of 
the  South;  none  in  fuller  sympathy  with  the  employing  and 
land-owning  class.  He  shares  our  school  fund,  has  the  full- 
est protection  of  our  laws,  and  the  friendship  of  our  people. 
Self-interest,  as  well  as  honor,  demands  that  they  should  have 
this.  Our  future,  our  very  existence,  depends  upon  our 
working  out  this  problem  in  full  and  exact  justice.  We 
understand  that  when  Lincoln  signed  the  Emancipation 
Proclamation,  your  victory  was  assured;  for  he  then  com- 
mitted you  to  the  cause  of  human  liberty,  against  which  the 
laws  of  man  cannot  prevail;  while  those  of  our  statesmen 
who  trusted  to  make  slavery  the  cornerstone  of  the  Confed- 
eracy doomed  us  to  defeat  as  far  as  they  could,  committing 
us  to  a  cause  that  reason  could  not  defend  or  the  sword 
maintain  in  the  sight  of  advancing  civilization. 

Had  Mr.  Toombs  said,  which  he  did  not  say,  that  he  would 
call  the  roll  of  his  slaves  at  the  foot  of  Bunker  Hill,  he  would 
have  been  foolish,  for  he  might  have  known  that  whenever 
slavery  became  entangled  in  war  it  must  perish,  and  that  the 
chattel  in  human  flesh  ended  forever  in  New  England  when 
your  fathers  —  not  to  be  blamed  for  parting  with  what  did 
not  pay  —  sold  their  slaves  to  our  fathers,  not  to  be  praised 
for  knowing  a  paying  thing  when  they  saw  it. 

The  relations  of  the  Southern  people  with  the  negro  are 


Speeches  for  Careful  Study          309 

close  and  cordial.  We  remember  with  what  fidelity  for  four 
years  he  guarded  our  defenseless  women  and  children,  whose 
husbands  and  fathers  were  fighting  against  his  freedom.  To 
his  credit  be  it  said  that  whenever  he  struck  a  blow  for  his 
own  liberty,  he  fought  in  open  battle,  and  when  at  last  he 
raised  his  black  and  humble  hands  that  the  shackles  might 
be  struck  off,  those  hands  were  innocent  of  wrong  against  his 
helpless  charges,  and  worthy  to  be  taken  in  loving  grasp  by 
every  man  who  honors  loyalty  and  devotion. 

Ruffians  have  maltreated  him,  rascals  have  misled  him, 
philanthropists  established  a  bank  for  him,  but  the  South 
with  the  North  protest  against  injustice  to  this  simple  and 
sincere  people.  To  liberty  and  enfranchisement  is  as  far  as 
the  law  can  carry  the  negro.  The  rest  must  be  left  to  con- 
science and  common  sense.  It  should  be  left  to  those  among 
whom  his  lot  is  cast,  with  whom  he  is  indissolubly  connected, 
and  whose  prosperity  depends  upon  their  possessing  his  in- 
telligent sympathy  and  confidence.  Faith  has  been  kept  with 
him  in  spite  of  calumnious  assertions  to  the  contrary  by 
those  who  assume  to  speak  for  us,  or  by  frank  opponents. 
Faith  will  be  kept  with  him  in  the  future,  if  the  South  holds 
her  reason  and  integrity. 

But  have  we  kept  faith  with  you?  In  the  fullest  sense, 
yes.  When  Lee  surrendered  —  I  do  n't  say  when  Johnston 
surrendered,  because  I  understand  he  still  alludes  to  the  time 
when  he  met  General  Sherman  last  as  the  time  when  he 
"  determined  to  abandon  any  further  prosecution  of  the 
struggle"  —  when  Lee  surrendered,  I  say,  and  Johnston 
quit,  the  South  became,  and  has  been  loyal  to  the  Union.  We 
fought  hard  enough  to  know  that  we  were  whipped,  and  in 
perfect  frankness  accepted  as  final  the  arbitrament  of  the 
sword  to  which  we  had  appealed.  The  South  found  her  jewel 
in  the  toad's  head  of  defeat.  The  shackles  8  that  had  held 


310  The  Making  of  an  Oration 

her  in  narrow  limitations  fell  forever  when  the  shackles  of 
the  negro  slave  were  broken. 

Under  the  old  regime  the  negroes  were  slaves  to  the  South, 
the  South  was  a  slave  to  the  system.  The  old  plantation,  with 
its  simple  police  regulations  and  its  feudal  habit,  was  the  only 
type  possible  under  slavery.  Thus  was  gathered  in  the  hands 
of  a  splendid  and  chivalric  oligarchy  the  substance  that  should 
have  been  diffused  among  the  people,  as  the  rich  blood,  under 
certain  artificial  conditions,  is  gathered  at  the  heart,  filling 
that  with  affluent  rapture,  but  leaving  the  body  chill  and 
colorless. 

The  old  South  rested  everything  on  slavery  and  agricul- 
ture, unconscious  that  these  could  neither  give  nor  maintain 
healthy  growth.  The  new  South  presents  a  perfect  Democ- 
racy, the  oligarchs  leading  in  the  popular  movement  —  a 
social  system  compact  and  closely  knitted,  less  splendid  on 
the  surface  but  stronger  at  the  core;  a  hundred  farms  for 
every  plantation,  fifty  homes  for  every  palace,  and  a  diversi- 
fied industry  that  meets  the  complex  needs  of  this  complex 
age. 

The  9  New  South  is  enamored  of  her  new  work.  Her  soul 
is  stirred  with  the  breath  of  a  new  life.  The  light  of  a 
grander  day  is  falling  fair  on  her  face.  She  is  thrilling  with 
the  consciousness  of  a  growing  power  and  prosperity.  As  she 
stands  upright,  full  statured  and  equal  among  the  people  of 
the  earth,  breathing  the  keen  air  and  looking  out  upon  the 
expanding  horizon,  she  understands  that  her  emancipation 
came  because  in  the  inscrutible  wisdom  of  God  her  honest 
purpose  was  crossed  and  her  brave  armies  were  beaten. 

This  is  said  in  no  spirit  of  time-serving  or  apology.  The 
South  has  nothing  for  which  to  apologize.  She  believes  that 
the  late  struggle  between  the  States  was  war  and  not  rebel- 
lion, revolution  and  not  conspiracy,  and  that  her  convictions 
were  as  honest  as  yours.  I  should  be  unjust  to  the  dauntless 


Speeches  for  Careful  Study          311 

spirit  of  the  South  and  to  my  own  convictions  if  I  did  not 
make  this  plain  in  this  presence.  The  South  has  nothing  to 
take  back.  In  my  native  town  of  Athens  is  a  monument 
that  crowns  its  central  hills  —  a  plain  white  shaft.  Deep  cut 
into  its  shining  side  is  a  name  dear  to  me  above  the  names  of 
men,  that  of  a  brave  and  simple  man  who  died  in  a  brave  and 
simple  faith.  Not  for  all  the  glories  of  New  England  — 
from  Plymouth  Rock  all  the  way  —  would  I  exchange  the 
heritage  he  left  me  in  his  soldier's  death.  To  the  feet  of 
that  shaft  I  shall  send  my  children's  children  to  reverence 
him  who  ennobled  their  name  with  his  heroic  blood.  But,  sir, 
speaking  from  the  shadow  of  that  memory,  which  I  honor  as 
I  do  nothing  else  on  earth,  I  say  that  the  cause  in  which  he 
suffered  and  for  which  he  gave  his  life  was  adjudged  by 
higher  and  fuller  wisdom  than  his  or  mine,  and  I  am  glad 
that  the  omniscient  God  held  the  balance  of  battle  in  His 
Almighty  Hand,  and  that  human  slavery  was  swept  forever 
from  American  soil  —  the  American  Union  saved  from  the 
wreck  of  war. 

This  message,  Mr.  President,  comes  to  you  from  conse- 
crated ground,  every  foot  of  soil  about  the  city  in  which  I 
live  is  sacred  as  a  battleground  of  the  republic.  Every  hill 
that  invests  it  is  hallowed  to  you  by  the  blood  of  your  brothers 
who  died  for  your  victory,  and  doubly  hallowed  to  us  by  the 
blood  of  those  who  died  hopeless,  but  undaunted,  in  defeat  — 
sacred  soil  to  all  of  us,  rich  with  memories  that  make  us  purer 
and  stronger  and  better,  silent  but  staunch  witnesses  in  its 
red  desolation  of  the  matchless  vafor  of  American  hearts  and 
the  deathless  glory  of  American  arms  —  speaking  an  elo- 
quent witness,  in  its  white  peace  and  prosperity,  to  the  indis- 
soluble union  of  American  states  and  the  imperishable 
brotherhood  of  the  American  people. 

Now  what  answer  has  New  England  to  this  message? 
Will  she  permit  the  prejudice  of  war  to  remain  in  the  heart 


312          The  Making  of  an  Oration 

of  the  conquerors,  when  it  has  died  in  the  hearts  of  the  con- 
quered? Will  she  transmit  this  prejudice  to  the  next  genera- 
tion, that  in  their  hearts,  which  never  felt  the  generous 
ardor  of  conflict,  it  may  perpetuate  itself?  Will  she  with- 
hold, save  in  strained  courtesy,  the  hand  which,  straight  from 
his  soldier's  heart,  Grant  offered  to  Lee  at  Appomattox? 
Will  she  make  the  vision  of  a  restored  and  happy  people, 
which  gathered  above  the  couch  of  your  dying  captain,  filling 
his  heart  with  grace,  touching  his  lips  with  praise  and  glori- 
fying his  path  to  the  grave;  will  she  make  this  vision,  on 
which  his  expiring  soul  breathed  a  benediction,  a  cheat  and 
a  delusion?  If  she  does,  the  South,  never  abject  in  asking  for 
comradeship,  must  accept  with  dignity  its  refusal;  but  if  she 
does  not  —  if  she  accepts  with  frankness  and  sincerity  this 
message  of  goodwill  and  friendship,  then  will  the  prophecy 
of  Webster,  delivered  in  this  very  Society  forty  years  ago, 
amid  tremendous  applause,  be  verified  in  its  fullest  and  final 
sense,  when  he  said:  "Standing  hand  to  hand  and  clasping 
hands,  we  should  remain  united  as  we  have  for  sixty  years, 
citizens  of  the  same  country,  members  of  the  same  govern- 
ment, united  all,  united  now,  and  united  forever.  There  have 
been  difficulties,  contentions,  and  controversies,  but  I  tell  you 
that  in  my  judgment 

Those  10  opposed  eyes, 

Which,  like  the  meteors  of  a  troubled  heaven, 
All  of  one  nature,  of  one  substance  bred, 
Did  lately  meet  in  th'  intestine  shock, 
Shall  now,  in  mutual,  well-beseeming  ranks 

March  all  one  way. 


Speeches  for  Careful  Study          313 

NOTES  ON  THE  SPEECH  OF  HENRY  W.  GRADY 

Make  a  full  plan  with  all  details  introduced  to  show  the  prog- 
ress of  the  speaker's  thought  and  his  easy  transitions.  Note, 
also,  the  manly  courage  and  grace  of  the  whole  speech. 

1.  Text, —  observe   the  appropriateness  in  place  and   form  of 
the  quotation. 

2.  Cavalier  and  Puritan.    The  South,  especially  Virginia,  was 
settled    largely   by    members    of   the    Cavalier    party    and    New 
England  by   Puritan  immigrants,  when  these  two  parties  were 
struggling  for  the  ascendancy  in  England. 

3.  What,  if  any,  ground  was  there  for  ascribing  such  laws  to 
the  Puritans?    Was  the  charge  serious  or  playful?     How  did  it 
serve  to  put  the  speaker  on  good  terms  with  his  audience? 

4.  An  eloquent  preacher  who  had  spoken. 

5.  How  does  this  characterization  of  Lincoln  harmonize  w'th 
that  of  James  Russell  Lowell  in  the  Commemoration  Ode  and  in 
Lowell's  essay  on  the  same  theme?    Observe  how  this  allusion  to 
Lincoln  exemplifies  the  theme  as  stated  in  what  the  speaker  calls 
his  "text." 

6.  Observe  how  the  speaker  uses  interrogation  to  add  to  both 
the  force  and  the  pathos  of  his  description.    Also  note  the  effect- 
iveness of  antithesis,  here  and  elsewhere  in  the  speech. 

7.  General  Sherman  was  present  at  the  banquet. 

8.  Note  how  the  vividness  and  picturesqueness  of  the  language 
appeal  to  the  imagination. 

Q.  What  is  the  effect  of  the  personification  in  this  paragraph? 
10.  See  Shakespeare's  "  King  Henry  the  Fourth,"  Part  I,  Act  I, 
Scene  i. 


THE  "  CROSS  OF  GOLD  " 

BY 

WILLIAM  J.  BRYAN 

(Concluding  the  debate  on  the  Chicago  platform  of  the  Demo- 
cratic party,  adopted  at  the  Convention  of  1896.  Used  by  special 
permission  of  Mr.  Bryan.) 

Mr.  Chairman  and  Gentlemen  of  the  Convention  l :  —  I 
would  be  presumptuous,  indeed,  to  present  myself  against  the 
distinguished  gentlemen  to  whom  you  have  listened  if  this 
were  a  mere  measuring  of  abilities;  but  this  is  not  a  contest 
between  persons.  The  humblest  citizen  in  all  the  land,  when 
clad  in  the  armor  of  a  righteous  cause,  is  stronger  than  all 
the  hosts  of  error.  I  come  to  speak  to  you  in  defense  of  a 
cause  as  holy  as  the  cause  of  liberty  —  the  cause  of  humanity. 

When  this  debate  is  concluded,  a  motion  will  be  made  to 
lay  upon  the  table  the  resolution  offered  in  commendation  of 
the  administration,  and  also  the  resolution  offered  in  con- 
demnation of  the  administration.  We  object  to  bringing  this 
question  down  to  the  level  of  persons.  The  individual  is  but 
an  atom;  he  is  born,  he  acts,  he  dies;  but  principles  are 
eternal;  and  this  has  been  a  contest  over  a  principle. 

Never  before  in  the  history  of  this  country  has  there  been 
witnessed  such  a  contest  as  that  through  which  we  have  just 
passed.  Never  before  in  the  history  of  American  politics  has 
a  great  issue  been  fought  out,  as  this  issue  has  been,  by  the 
voters  of  a  great  party.  On  the  fourth  of  March,  1895,  a  few 
Democrats,  most  of  them  members  of  Congress,  issued  an 
address  to  the  Democrats  of  the  nation,  asserting  that  the 

314 


Speeches  for  Careful  Study          315 

money  question  was  the  paramount  issue  of  the  hour ;  declar- 
ing1 that  a  majority  of  the  Democratic  party  had  a  right  to 
control  the  party  on  this  paramount  issue;  and  concluding 
with  the  request  that  the  believers  in  the  free  coinage  of 
silver  in  the  Democratic  party  should  organize,  take  charge 
of,  and  control  the  policy  of  the  Democratic  party.  Three 
months  later,  at  Memphis,  an  organization  was  perfected, 
and  the  silver  Democrats  went  forth  openly  and  courageously 
proclaiming  their  belief,  and  declaring  that,  if  successful, 
they  would  crystallize  into  a  platform  the  declaration  which 
they  had  made.  Then  began  the  conflict.  With  a  zeal  ap- 
proaching the  zeal  which  inspired  the  crusaders  who  followed 
Peter  the  Hermit,  our  silver  Democrats  went  forth  from  vic- 
tory unto  victory  until  they  are  now  assembled,  not  to  discuss, 
not  to  debate,  but  to  enter  up  the  judgment  already  rendered 
by  the  plain  people  of  this  country.  In  this  contest  brother 
has  been  arrayed  against  brother,  father  against  son.  The 
warmest  ties  of  love,  acquaintance,  and  association  have  been 
disregarded ;  old  leaders  have  been  cast  aside  when  they  have 
refused  to  give  expression  to  the  sentiments  of  those  whom 
they  would  lead,  and  new  leaders  have  sprung  up  to  give 
direction  to  this  cause  of  truth.  Thus  has  the  contest  been 
waged,  and  we  have  assembled  here  under  as  binding  and 
solemn  instructions  as  were  ever  imposed  upon  representa- 
tives of  the  people. 

We  do  not  come  as  individuals.  As  individuals  we  might 
have  been  glad  to  compliment  the  gentleman  from  New  York 
[Senator  Hill],  but  we  know  that  the  people  for  whom  we 
speak  would  never  be  willing  to  put  him  in  a  position  where 
he  could  thwart  the  will  of  the  Democratic  party.  I  say  it 
was  not  a  question  of  persons ;  it  was  a  question  of  principle, 
and  it  is  not  with  gladness,  my  friends,  that  we  find  ourselves 
brought  into  conflict  with  those  now  arrayed  on  the  other 
side. 


316          The  Making  of  an  Oration 

The  gentleman  who  preceded  me  [ex-Governor  Russell] 
spoke  of  the  State  of  Massachusetts;  let  me  assure  him  that 
not  one  present  in  all  this  convention  entertains  the  least 
hostility  to  the  people  of  the  State  of  Massachusetts,  but  we 
stand  here  representing  people  who  are  the  equals,  before  the 
law,  of  the  greatest  citizens  in  the  State  of  Massachusetts. 
When  you  [turning  to  the  gold'  delegates]  come  before  us 
and  tell  us  that  we  are  about  to  disturb  your  business  inter- 
ests, we  reply  that  you  have  disturbed  our  business  interests 
by  your  course. 

We  say  to  you  that  you  have  made  the  definition  of  a  busi- 
ness man  2  too  limited  in  its  application.  The  man  who  is 
employed  for  wages  is  as  much  a  business  man  as  his  em- 
ployer ;  the  attorney  in  a  country  town  is  as  much  a  business 
man  as  the  corporation  counsel  in  a  great  metropolis;  the 
merchant  at  the  cross-roads  store  is  as  much  a  business  man 
as  the  merchant  of  New  York;  the  farmer  who  goes  forth 
in  the  morning  and  toils  all  day,  who  begins  in  spring  and  toils 
all  summer,  and  who,  by  the  application  of  brains  and  muscle 
to  the  natural  resources  of  the  country  creates  wealth,  is  as 
much  a  business  man  as  the  man  who  goes  upon  the  board 
of  trade  and  bets  upon  the  price  of  grain ;  the  miners  who  go 
down  a  thousand  feet  into  the  earth  or  climb  two  thousand 
feet  upon  the  cliffs,  and  bring  forth  from  their  hiding  places 
the  precious  metals  to  be  poured  into  the  channels  of  trade  are 
as  much  business  men  as  the  few  financial  magnates  who,  in 
a  back  room,  corner  the  money  of  the  world.  We  come  to 
speak  of  this  broader  class  of  business  men. 

Ah,  my  friends,  we  say  not  one  word  against  those  who 
live  upon  the  Atlantic  coast,  but  the  hardy  pioneers  who  have 
braved  all  the  dangers  of  the  wilderness,  who  have  made  the 
desert 3  to  blossom  as  the  rose, —  the  pioneers  away  out  there 
[pointing  to  the  west],  who  rear  their  children  near  to 
Nature's  heart,  where  they  can  mingle  their  voices  with  the 


Speeches  for  Careful  Study          317 

voices  of  the  birds, —  out  there  where  they  have  erected 
schoolhouses  for  the  education  of  their  young,  churches  where 
they  praise  their  Creator,  and  cemeteries  where  rest  the  ashes 
of  their  dead  —  these  people,  we  say,  are  as  deserving  of  the 
consideration  of  our  party  as  any  people  in  this  country.  It  is 
for  these  that  we  speak.  We  do  not  come  as  aggressors. 
Our  war  is  not  a  war  of  conquest;  we  are  fighting  in  defense 
of  our  homes,  our  families,  and  posterity.  We  have  peti- 
tioned,4 and  our  petitions  have  been  scorned;  we  have  en- 
treated, and  our  entreaties  have  been  disregarded;  we  have 
begged,  and  they  have  mocked  when  our  calamity  came.3  We 
beg  no  longer;  we  entreat  no  more;  we  petition  no  more. 
We  defy  them ! 

The  gentleman  from  Wisconsin  has  said  that  he  fears  a 
Robespierre.  My  friends,  in  this  land  of  the  free  you  need 
not  fear  that  a  tyrant  will  spring  up  from  among  the  people. 
What  we  need  is  an  Andrew  Jackson  to  stand,  as  Jackson 
stood,  against  the  encroachments  of  organized  wealth. 

They  tell  us  that  this  platform  was  made  to  catch  votes. 
We  tell  them  that  changing  conditions  make  new  issues ;  that 
the  principles  upon  which  Democracy  rests  are  as  everlasting 
as  the  hills,  but  that  they  must  be  applied  to  new  conditions  as 
they  rise.  Conditions  have  arisen,  and  we  are  here  to  meet 
those  conditions.  They  tell  us  that  the  income  tax  ought  not 
to  be  brought  in  here;  that  it  is  a  new  idea.  They  criticize 
us  for  our  criticism  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United 
States.  My  friends,  we  have  not  criticized;  we  have  simply 
called  attention  to  what  you  already  know.  If  you  want 
criticisms,  read  the  dissenting  opinions  of  the  court.  There 
you  will  find  criticisms.  They  say  that  we  passed  an  uncon- 
stitutional law;  we  deny  it.  The  income  tax  was  not  un- 
constitutional when  it  was  passed ;  it  was  not  unconstitutional 
when  it  went  before  the  Supreme  Court  for  the  first  time ;  it 
did  not  become  unconstitutional  until  one  of  the  judges 


318          The  Making  of  an  Oration 

changed  his  mind,  and  we  cannot  be  expected  to  know  when 
a  judge  will  change  his  mind.  The  income  tax  is  just.  It 
simply  intends  to  put  the  burdens  of  government  justly  upon 
the  backs  of  the  people.  I  am  in  favor  of  an  income  tax. 
When  I  find  a  man  who  is  not  willing  to  bear  his  share  of  the 
burdens  of  the  government  which  protects  him,  I  find  a  man 
who  is  unworthy  to  enjoy  the  blessings  of  a  government  like 
ours. 

They  say  that  we  are  opposing  national  bank  currency; 
it  is  true.  If  you  will  read  what  Thomas  Benton  said,  you 
will  find  he  said  that,  in  searching  history,  he  could  find  but 
one  parallel  to  Andrew  Jackson;  that  was  Cicero,  who 
destroyed  the  conspiracy  of  Cataline  and  saved  Rome. 
Benton  said  that  Cicero  only  did  for  Rome  what  Jackson  did 
for  us  when  he  destroyed  the  bank  conspiracy  and  saved 
America.  We  say  in  our  platform  that  we  believe  that  the 
right  to  coin  and  issue  money  is  a  function  of  government. 
We  believe  it.  We  believe  that  it  is  a  part  of  sovereignty, 
and  can  no  more  with  safety  be  delegated  to  private  individ- 
uals than  we  could  afford  to  delegate  to  private  individuals 
to  make  penal  statutes  or  levy  taxes.  Mr.  Jefferson,  who 
was  once  regarded  as  good  Democratic  authority,  seems  to 
have  differed  in  opinion  from  the  gentleman  who  has  ad- 
dressed us  on  the  part  of  the  minority.  Those  who  are 
opposed  to  this  proposition  tell  us  that  the  issue  of  paper 
money  is  a  function  of  the  bank,  and  that  the  government 
ought  to  go  out  of  the  banking  business.  I  stand  with  Jeffer- 
son rather  than  with  them,  and  tell  them,  as  he  did,  that  the 
issue  of  money  is  a  function  of  government,  and  that  the 
banks  ought  to  go  out  of  the  governing  business. 

They  complain  about  the  plank  which  declares  against  life 
tenure  in  office.  They  have  tried  to  strain  it  to  mean  that 
which  it  does  not  mean.  What  we  oppose  by  that  plank  is  the 
life  tenure  which  is  built  up  in  Washington,  and  which 


Speeches  for  Careful  Study          319 

excludes  from  participation  in  official  benefits  the  humbler 
members  of  society.  Let  me  call  your  attention  to  two 
or  three  important  things.  The  gentleman  from  New  York 
says  that  he  will  propose  an  amendment  to  the  platform  pro- 
viding that  the  proposed  change  in  our  monetary  system 
shall  not  affect  contracts  already  made.  Let  me  remind  you 
that  there  is  no  intention  of  affecting  those  contracts  which, 
according  to  present  laws,  are  made  payable  in  gold;  but  if 
he  means  to  say  that  we  cannot  change  our  monetary  system 
without  protecting  those  who  have  loaned  money  before  the 
change  was  made,  I  desire  to  ask  him  where,  in  law  or  in 
morals,  he  can  find  justification  for  not  protecting  the  debtors 
when  the  act  of  1873  was  passed,  if  he  now  insists  that  we 
must  protect  the  creditors. 

He  says  he  will  also  propose  an  amendment  which  will 
provide  for  the  suspension  of  free  coinage  if  we  fail  to  main- 
tain the  parity  within  a  year.  We  reply  that  when  we 
advocate  a  policy  which  we  believe  will  be  successful,  we  are 
not  compelled  to  raise  a  doubt  as  to  our  own  sincerity  by 
suggesting  what  we  shall  do  if  we  fail.  I  ask  him,  if  he 
would  apply  his  logic  to  us,  why  he  does  not  apply  it  to  him- 
self. He  says  he  wants  this  country  to  try  to  secure  an  interna- 
tional agreement.  Why  does  he  not  tell  us  what  he  is  going  to 
do,  if  he  fails  to  secure  an  international  agreement?  There  is 
more  reason  for  him  to  do  that  than  there  is  for  us  to  provide 
against  the  failure  to  maintain  the  parity.  Our  opponents  5 
have  tried  for  twenty  years  to  secure  an  international  agree- 
ment, and  those  are  waiting  for  it  most  patiently  who  do  not 
want  it  at  all. 

And  now,  my  friends,  let  me  come  to  the  paramount  issue. 
If  they  ask  us  why  it  is  that  we  say  more  on  the  money  ques- 
tion than  we  say  upon  the  tariff  question,  I  reply  that,  if 
protection 3  has  slain  its  thousands,  the  gold  standard  has 
slain  its  tens  of  thousands.  If  they  ask  us  why  we  do  not 


320  The  Making  of  an  Oration 

embody  in  our  platform  all  the  things  that  we  believe  in,  I 
reply  that  when  we  have  restored  the  money  of  the  constitu- 
tion all  other  necessary  reforms  will  be  possible;  but  that  until 
this  is  done  there  is  no  other  reform  that  can  be  accomplished. 

Why  is  it  that  within  three  months  such  a  change  has  come 
over  the  country?  Three  months  ago  when  it  was  confidently 
asserted  that  those  who  believe  in  the  gold  standard  would 
frame  our  platform  and  nominate  our  candidates,  even  the 
advocates  of  the  gold  standard  did  not  think  that  we  could 
elect  a  President.  And  they  had  good  reason  for  their  doubt, 
because  there  is  scarcely  a  state  here  today  asking  for  the 
gold  standard  which  is  not  in  the  absolute  control  of  the 
Republican  party.  But  note  the  change.  Mr.  McKinley 
was  nominated  at  St.  Louis  upon  a  platform  which  declared 
for  the  maintenance  of  the  gold  standard  until  it  can  be 
changed  into  bimetalism  by  international  agreement.  Mr. 
McKinley  was  the  most  popular  man  among  the  Republicans, 
and  three  months  ago  everybody  in  the  Republican  party 
prophesied  his  election.  How  is  it  today?  Why,  the  man 
who  was  once  pleased  to  think  that  he  looked  like  Napoleon  6 
—  that  man  shudders  today  when  he  remembers  that  he  was 
nominated  on  the  anniversary  of  the  battle  of  Waterloo.  Not 
only  that,  but  as  he  listens  he  can  hear  with  ever-increasing 
distinctness  the  sound  of  the  waves  as  they  beat  upon  the 
lonely  shores  of  St.  Helena. 

Why  this  change?  Ah,  my  friends,  is  not  the  reason  for 
the  change  evident  to  any  one  who  will  look  at  the  matter? 
No  private  character,  however  pure,  no  personal  popularity, 
however  great,  can  protect  from  the  avenging  wrath  of  an 
indignant  people  a  man  who  will  declare  that  he  is  in  favor 
of  fastening  the  gold  standard  upon  this  country,  or  who  is 
willing  to  surrender  the  right  of  self-government  and  place 
the  legislative  control  of  our  affairs  in  the  hands  of  foreign 
potentates  and  powers. 


Speeches  for  Careful  Study          321 

We  go  forth  confident  that  we  shall  win.  Why  ?  Because 
upon  the  paramount  issue  of  this  campaign  there  is  not  a  spot 
of  ground  upon  which  the  enemy  will  dare  to  challenge 
battle.  If  they  tell  us  that  the  gold  standard  is  a  good  thing, 
we  shall  point  to  their  platform  and  tell  them  that  their  plat- 
form pledges  the  party  to  get  rid  of  the  gold  standard  and 
substitute  bimetallism.  If  the  gold  standard  is  a  good  thing, 
why  try  to  get  rid  of  it?  I  call  your  attention  to  the  fact  that 
some  of  the  very  people  who  are  in  this  convention  today  and 
who  tell  us  that  we  ought  to  declare  in  favor  of  international 
bimetallism, —  thereby  declaring  that  the  gold  standard  is 
wrong  and  that  the  principle  of  bimetallism  is  better, —  these 
very  people  four  months  ago  were  open  and  avowed  advocates 
of  the  gold  standard,  and  were  then  telling  us  that  we  could 
not  legislate  two  metals  together,  even  with  the  aid  of  all  the 
world.  If  the  gold  standard  is  a  good  thing,  we  ought  to 
declare  in  favor  of  its  retention  and  not  in  favor  of  aban- 
doning it;  and  if  the  gold  standard  is  a  bad  thing,  why  should 
we  wait  until  other  nations  are  willing  to  help  us  to  let  go? 
Here  is  the  line  of  battle,  and  we  care  not  upon  which  issue 
they  force  the  fight;  we  are  prepared  to  meet  them  upon 
either  issue  or  on  both.  If  they  tell  us  that  the  gold  standard 
is  the  standard  of  civilization,  we  reply  to  them  that  this,  the 
most  enlightened  of  all  nations  of  the  earth,  has  never  de- 
clared for  a  gold  standard  and  that  both  the  great  parties  this 
year  are  declaring  against  it.  If  the  gold  standard  is  the 
standard  of  civilization,  why,  my  friends,  should  we  not  have 
it?  If  they  come  to  meet  us  on  that  issue  we  can  present  the 
history  of  our  nation.  More  than  that;  we  can  tell  them 
that  they  can  search  the  pages  of  history  in  vain  to  find 
a  single  instance  where  the  common  people  of  any  land 
have  ever  declared  themselves  in  favor  of  the  gold  standard. 
They  can  find  where  the  holders  of  fixed  investments  have 
declared  for  a  gold  standard,  but  not  where  the  masses  have. 


322  The  Making  of  an  Oration 

Mr.  Carlisle  said  in  1878  that  this  was  a  struggle  between 
"  the  idle  holders  of  idle  capital  "  and  "  the  struggling  masses, 
who  produce  the  wealth  and  pay  the  taxes  of  the  country  " ; 
and,  my  friends,  the  question  we  are  to  decide  is:  Upon 
which  side  will  the  Democratic  party  fight;  upon  the  side 
of  the  "  idle  holders  of  idle  capital "  or  upon  the  side  of 
"  the  struggling  masses  "  ?  That  is  the  question  which  the 
party  must  answer  first,  and  then  it  must  be  answered  by 
each  individual  hereafter.  The  sympathies  of  the  Demo- 
cratic party,  as  shown  by  the  platform,  are  on  the  side  of 
the  struggling  masses  who  have  ever  been  the  foundation  of 
the  Democratic  party.  There  are  two  ideas  of  government. 
There  are  those  who  believe  that,  if  you  will  only  legislate 
to  make  the  well-to-do  prosperous,  their  prosperity  will  leak 
through  on  those  below.  The  Democratic  idea,  however, 
is  that  if  you  legislate  to  make  the  masses  prosperous,  their 
prosperity  will  find  its  way  up  through  every  class  which 
rests  upon  them. 

You  come  to  us  and  tell  us  that  the  great  cities  are  in  favor 
of  the  gold  standard ;  we  reply  that  the  great  cities  rest  upon 
our  broad  and  fertile  prairies.  Burn  down  your  cities  and 
leave  our  farms,  and  your  cities  will  spring  up  again  as  if 
by  magic;  but  destroy  our  farms  and  the  grass  will  grow  in 
every  city  in  the  country. 

My  friends,  we  declare  that  this  nation  is  able  to  legislate 
for  its  own  people  on  every  question,  without  waiting  for 
the  aid  or  consent  of  any  other  nation  on  earth;  and  upon 
that  issue  we  expect  to  carry  every  state  in  the  Union.  I 
shall  not  slander  the  inhabitants  of  the  fair  State  of  Massa- 
chusetts nor  the  inhabitants  of  the  State  of  New  York  by 
saying  that,  when  they  are  confronted  with  the  proposition, 
this  nation  is  not  able  to  attend  to  its  own  business.  It  is 
the  issue  of  1776  over  again.  Our  ancestors,  when  but  three 
millions  in  number,  had  the  courage  to  declare  their  political 


Speeches  for  Careful  Study          323 

independence  of  every  other  nation;  shall  we,  their  descend- 
ants, when  we  have  grown  to  seventy  millions,  declare  that 
we  are  less  independent  than  our  forefathers  ?  No,  my  friends, 
that  will  never  be  the  verdict  of  our  people.  Therefore,  we 
care  not  upon  what  lines  the  battle  is  fought  If  they  say  that 
bimetalism  is  good,  but  that  we  can  not  have  it  until  other  na- 
tions help  us,  we  reply  that  instead  of  having  a  gold  standard 
because  England  has,  we  will  restore  bimetalism,  and  then  let 
England  have  bimetalism  because  the  United  States  has  it. 
If  they  dare  come  out  in  the  open  field  and  defend  the  gold 
standard  as  a  good  thing,  we  will  fight  them  to  the  uttermost. 
Having  behind  us  the  producing  masses  of  this  nation  and 
the  world,  supported  by  the  commercial  interests,  the  labor- 
ing interests,  and  the  toilers  everywhere,  we  will  answer  their 
demand  for  a  gold  standard  by  saying  to  them:  You  shall 
not  press  down  upon  the  brow  of  labor  this  crown  of  thorns,3 
you  shall  not  crucify  mankind  upon  a  cross  of  gold. 

NOTES   ON   MR.  BRYAN'S   "  CROSS   OF  GOLD  "   SPEECH 

1.  It  will  be  well   for  the  student  to  examine  the  sentence- 
structure   of  this   famous   speech  to   discover  the  qualities   that 
helped  give  it  its  effectiveness.    The  sentences  are  usually  short ; 
they  have  variety;   they^  go   directly  to  the  point.    ^The  whole 
speech  also  conveys  the  impression  that  the  speaker  is  in  deadly 
earnest. 

2.  This  definition  of  a  business  man  caused  more  discussion, 
perhaps,  at  the  time  than  any  other  part  of  the  speech. 

3.  Some  of  the  most  telling  passages  in  Mr.  Bryan's  oratory  are 
drawn  from  the  Bible. 

4.  This  passage  suggests  a  passage  in  Patrick  Henry's  "Liberty 
or    Death "    speech  —  the    passage    beginning    "  We    have    done 
everything  that  could  be  done,"  etc.    Compare  the  two. 

5.  Notice  the  hint,  more  effective  than  would  be  a  positive 
assertion,  at  insincerity  on  the  part  of  his  opponents. 

6.  Observe  the  significance  of  the  allusion  to  Napoleon,  Water- 
loo, and  St.  Helena,  its  beauty,  its  force,  its  climax. 


AFFAIRS  IN  CUBA 

BY 

JOHN  M.  THURSTON 

(The  following  speech  was  delivered  in  the  United  States 
Senate,  March  24,  1898.  This  was  soon  after  the  warship, 
Maine,  had  been  destroyed  in  Havana  harbor.  The  Cuban  people 
had  long  been  struggling  against  the  oppression  of  Spain.  This 
fact,  with  the  excitement  growing  out  of  the  loss  of  the  Maine, 
had  stirred  the  American  people  to  a  white  heat  of  indignation. 
Senator  Thurston  had  recently  visited  Cuba  to  ascertain  the  con- 
dition of  affairs.  During  that  visit  his  wife  was  taken  ill  and  soon 
died,  a  fact  which  added  pathos  and  effectiveness  to  his  words.) 

Mr.  President,  I  am  here  by  command  of  *  silent  lips  to 
speak  once  and  for  all  upon  the  Cuban  situation.  I  trust  that 
no  one  has  expected  anything  sensational  from  me.  God 
forbid  that  the  bitterness  of  a  personal  loss  should  induce  me 
to  color  in  the  slightest  degree  the  statement  that  I  feel  it 
my  duty  to  make.  I  shall  endeavor  to  be  honest,  conserva- 
tive, and  just.  I  have  no  purpose  to  stir  the  public  passion 
to  any  action  not  necessary  and  imperative  to  meet  the  duties 
and  necessities  of  American  responsibility,  Christian  human- 
ity, and  national  honor.  I  would  shirk  the  task  if  I  could, 
but  I  dare  not.  I  can  not  satisfy  my  conscience  except  by 
speaking  and  speaking  now. 

Some  three  weeks  since,  three  Senators  and  two  repre- 
sentatives in  Congress  accepted  the  invitation  of  a  great 
metropolitan  newspaper  to  make  a  trip  to  Cuba  and  person- 
ally investigate  and  report  upon  the  situation  there.  Our 
invitation  was  from  a  newspaper  whose  political  teachings 
I  have  never  failed  to  antagonize  and  denounce,  and  whose 

324 


Speeches  for  Careful  Study          325 

journalism  I  have  considered  decidedly  sensational.  But  let 
me  say,  for  the  credit  of  the  proprietor  of  the  paper  in  ques- 
tion, that  I  believe  the  invitation  extended  to  us  was  inspired 
by  his  patriotic  desire  to  have  the  actual  condition  of  affairs 
in  Cuba  brought  to  the  attention  of  the  American  people  in 
such  a  way  that  the  facts  would  no  longer  remain  in  con- 
troversy or  dispute. 

We  were  not  asked  to  become  the  representatives  of  the 
paper;  no  conditions  or  restrictions  were  imposed  upon  us; 
we  were  left  free  to  conduct  the  investigation  in  our  own 
way,  make  our  own  plans,  pursue  our  own  methods,  take  our 
own  time,  and  decide  for  ourselves  upon  the  best  manner  of 
laying  the  result  of  our  labors  before  the  American  people. 
For  myself,  I  went  to  Cuba  firmly  believing  that  the  condi- 
tion of  affairs  there  had  been  greatly  exaggerated  by  the 
press,  and  my  own  efforts  were  directed  in  the  first  instance 
to  the  attempted  exposure  of  these  supposed  exaggerations. 

Mr.  President,  there  has  undoubtedly  been  much  sensa- 
tionalism in  the  journalism  of  the  time,  but  as  to  the  con- 
dition of  affairs  in  Cuba  there  has  been  no  exaggeration, 
because  exaggeration  has  been  impossible.  I  have  read  the 
careful  statement  of  the  Junior  Senator  from  Vermont,  and 
I  find  that  he  has  anticipated  me  in  almost  every  detail.  From 
my  own  personal  knowledge  of  the  situation,  I  adopt  every 
word  of  his  concise,  conservative,  specific  presentation,  as 
my  own ;  nay,  more,  I  am  convinced  that  he  has,  in  a  measure, 
understated  the  facts.  I  absolutely  agree  with  him  in  the  fol- 
lowing conclusions: 

After  three  years  of  warfare  and  the  use  of  225,000  Span- 
ish troops,  Spain  has  lost  control  of  every  foot  of  Cuba  not 
surrounded  by  an  actual  intrenchment  and  protected  by  a 
fortified  picket  line. 

She  holds  possession  with  her  armies  of  the  fortified  sea- 
board towns,  not  because  the  insurgents  could  not  capture 


326  The  Making  of  an  Oration 

many  of  them,  but  because  they  are  under  the  virtual  pro- 
tection of  Spanish  war  ships,  with  which  the  revolutionists 
can  not  cope. 

The  revolutionists  are  in  absolute  and  almost  peaceful 
possession  of  nearly  one-half  of  the  island,  including  the 
eastern  provinces  of  Santiago  de  Cuba  and  Puerto  Principe. 
In  those  provinces  they  have  an  established  form  of  govern- 
ment, levy  and  collect  taxes,  maintain  armies,  and  generally 
levy  a  tax  or  tribute  upon  the  principal  plantations  in  the 
other  provinces,  and,  as  is  commonly  believed,  upon  the  entire 
railway  system  of  the  island. 

In  the  four  so-called  Spanish  provinces  there  is  neither  cul- 
tivation nor  railway  operation  except  under  strong  Spanish 
military  protection  or  by  consent  of  the  revolutionists  in  con- 
sideration of  tribute  paid.  Under  the  inhuman  policy  of 
Weyler 2  not  less  than  400,000  self-supporting,  peaceable, 
defenseless  country  people  were  driven  from  their  homes  in 
the  agricultural  portions  of  the  Spanish  provinces  to  the  cities 
and  imprisoned  upon  the  barren  waste  outside  the  residence 
portions  of  these  cities  and  within  the  line  of  intrenchment 
established  a  little  way  beyond.  Their  humble  homes  were 
burned,  their  fields  laid  waste,  their  implements  of  husbandry 
destroyed,  their  live  stock  and  food  supplies  for  the  most  part 
confiscated.  Most  of  these  people  were  old  men,  women,  and 
children.  They  were  thus  placed  in  hopeless  imprisonment, 
without  shelter  or  food.  There  was  no  work  for  them  in  the 
cities  to  which  they  were  driven.  They  were  left  there  with 
nothing  to  depend  upon  except  the  scanty  charity  of  the 
inhabitants  of  the  cities  and  with  slow  starvation  their 
inevitable  fate. 

It  is  conceded  upon  the  best  ascertainable  authority,  and 
those  who  have  had  access  to  the  public  records  do  not  hesi- 
tate to  state,  that  upward  of  210,000  of  these  people  have 
already  perished,  all  from  starvation  or  from  diseases  incident 
to  starvation. 


Speeches  for  Careful  Study          327 

The  government  of  Spain  has  never  contributed  one  dol- 
lar to  house,  shelter,  feed,  or  provide  medical  attention  for 
these  its  own  citizens.  Such  a  spectacle  exceeds  the  scenes 
of  the  Inferno  as  painted  by  Dante. 

There  has  been  no  amelioration  of  the  situation  except 
through  the  charity  of  the  people  of  the  United  States.  There 
has  been  no  diminution  of  the  death  rate  among  these  recon- 
centrados*  except  as  the  death  supply  is  constantly  dimin- 
ished. There  can  be  no  relief  and  no  hope  except  through 
the  continued  charity  of  the  American  people  until  peace  shall 
be  fully  restored  in  the  island  and  until  a  humane  govern- 
ment shall  return  these  people  to  their  homes  and  provide 
for  them  anew  the  means  with  which  to  begin  again  the  cul- 
tivation of  the  soil. 

Spain  cannot  put  an  end  to  the  existing  condition.  She 
can  not  conquer  the  insurgents.  She  can  not  reestablish  her 
sovereignty  over  any  considerable  portion  of  the  interior  of 
the  island.  The  revolutionists,  while  able  to  maintain  them- 
selves, can  not  drive  the  Spanish  army  from  the  fortified  sea- 
coast  towns. 

The  situation,  then,  is  not  war  as  we  understand  it,  but 
a  chaos  of  devastation  and  depopulation  of  undefined  dura- 
tion, whose  end  no  man  can  see. 

I  will  cite  but  a  few  facts  that  came  under  my  personal 
observation,  all  tending  fully  to  substantiate  the  absolute 
truth  of  the  foregoing  propositions.  I  could  detail  incidents 
by  the  hour  and  by  the  day,  but  the  Senator  from  Vermont  has 
absolutely  covered  the  case.  I  have  no  desire  to  deal  in  hor- 
rors. If  I  had  my  way,  I  would  shield  the  American  public 
even  from  the  photographic  reproductions  of  the  awful  scenes 
that  I  viewed  in  all  their  original  ghastliness. 

Spain  has  sent  to  Cuba  more  than  225,000  soldiers  to  sub- 
due the  island,  whose  entire  male  population  capable  of 
bearing  arms  did  not  exceed  at  the  beginning  that  number. 
These  soldiers  were  mostly  boys,  conscripts  from  the  Spanish 


328  The  Making  of  an  Oration 

hills.  They  are  well  armed,  but  otherwise  seem  absolutely 
unprovided  for.  They  have  been  without  tents  and  practically 
without  any  of  the  necessary  supplies  and  equipment  for 
service  in  the  field.  They  have  been  put  in  barracks,  in 
warehouses,  and  old  buildings  in  the  cities  where  all  sanitary 
surroundings  have  been  of  the  worst  possible  character.  They 
have  seen  but  little  discipline,  and  I  could  not  ascertain  that 
such  a  thing  as  a  drill  had  taken  place  in  the  island. 

There  are  less  than  60,000  now  available  for  duty.  The 
balance  are  dead  or  sick  in  hospitals,  or  have  been  sent  back 
to  Spain  as  incapacitated  for  further  service.  It  is  currently 
stated  that  there  are  37,000  sick  in  hospitals.  I  do  not  be- 
lieve that  the  entire  Spanish  army  in  Cuba  could  stand  an 
engagement  in  the  open  field  against  20,000  well  disciplined 
American  soldiers. 

As  an  instance  of  the  discipline  among  them,  I  cite  the 
fact  that  I  bought  the  machete  of  a  Spanish  soldier  on  duty 
at  the  wharf  in  Matanzas,  on  his  offer,  for  three  dollars  in 
Spanish  silver.  He  also  seemed  desirous  of  selling  me  his 
only  remaining  arm,  a  revolver. 

The  Spanish  soldiers  have  not  been  paid  for  some  months, 
and  in  my  judgment  they,  of  all  the  people  on  earth,  will 
most  gladly  welcome  any  result  which  would  permit  them  to 
return  to  their  homes  in  Spain. 

The  pictures  in  the  American  newspapers  of  the  starving 
reconcentrados  are  true.  They  can  all  be  duplicated  by  the 
thousands.  I  never  saw,  and  please  God  I  may  never  again 
see,  so  deplorable  a  sight  as  the  reconcentrados  in  the  suburbs 
of  Matanzas.  I  can  never  forget  to  my  dying  day  the  hope- 
less anguish  in  their  despairing  eyes.  Huddled  about  their 
little  bark  huts,  they  raised  no  voice  of  appeal  to  us  for  alms 
as  we  went  among  them. 

There  was  almost  no  begging  by  the  reconcentrados  them- 
selves. The  streets  of  the  cities  are  full  of  beggars  of  all 


Speeches  for  Careful  Study          329 

ages  and  all  conditions,  but  they  are  almost  wholly  of  the 
residents  of  the  cities  and  largely  of  the  professional  beggar 
class.  The  rcconcentrados  —  men,  women,  and  children  — 
stand  silent,  famishing  with  hunger.  Their  only  appeal  comes 
from  their  sad  eyes,  through  which  one  looks  as  through  an 
open  window  into  their  agonizing  souls. 

The  present  autonomist  governor  of  Matanzas  was  inaugu- 
rated in  November  last.  His  records  disclose  that  at  the  city 
of  Matanzas  there  were  1,200  deaths  in  November,  1,200  in 
December,  700  in  January,  and  500  in  February  —  3,600  in 
four  months,  and  those  four  months  under  the  administration 
of  a  governor  whom  I  believe  to  be  a  truly  humane  man.  He 
stated  to  me  that  on  the  day  of  his  inauguration,  which  I 
think  was  the  I2th  of  last  November,  to  his  personal  knowl- 
edge fifteen  persons  died  in  the  public  square  in  front  of  the 
executive  mansion.  Think  of  it,  oh,  my  countrymen !  Fif- 
teen human  beings  dying  of  starvation  in  the  public  square, 
in  the  shade  of  the  palm  trees,  and  amid  the  beautiful  flowers, 
in  sight  of  the  open  windows  of  the  executive  mansion ! 
*************** 

We  asked  the  governor  if  he  knew  any  relief  for  these 
people  except  through  the  charity  of  the  United  States.  He 
did  not.  We  then  asked  him  "  Can  you  see  any  end  to  this 
condition  of  affairs  ?  "  He  could  not.  We  asked  him,  "  When 
do  you  think  the  time  will  come  that  these  people  can  be  placed 
in  a  position  of  self-support?"  He  replied  to  us,  with  deep 
feeling,  "Only  the  good  God  or  the  great  government  of 
the  United  States  can  answer  that  question."  I  believe  that 
the  good  God  by  the  great  government  of  the  United  States 
will  answer  that  question. 

I  shall  refer  to  these  horrible  things  no  further.  They  are 
there.  God  pity  me;  I  have  seen  them;  they  will  remain  in 
my  memory  forever  —  and  this  is  almost  the  twentieth  cen- 
tury. Christ  died  nineteen  hundred  years  ago,  and  Spain  is 


330  The  Making  of  an  Oration 

a  Christian  nation.  She  has  set  up  more  crosses  in  more 
lands,  beneath  more  skies,  and  under  them  has  butchered 
more  people  than  all  the  other  nations  of  the  earth  combined. 

Europe  may  tolerate  her  existence  as  long  as  the  people  of 
the  Old  World  wish.  God  grant  that  before  another  Christ- 
mas morning  the  last  vestige  of  Spanish  tyranny  and  oppres- 
sion will  have  vanished  from  the  Western  Hemisphere. 

Mr.  President,  the  distinguished  Senator  from  Vermont 
has  seen  all  these  things;  he  knows  all  these  things;  he  has 
described  all  these  things;  but  after  describing  them  he  says 
he  has  nothing  to  propose,  no  remedy  to  suggest.  I  have. 
I  am  only  an  humble  unit  in  the  great  government  of  the 
United  States,  but  I  should  feel  myself  a  traitor  did  I  remain 
silent  now. 

I  counseled  silence  and  moderation  from  this  floor  when 
the  passion  of  the  nation  seemed  at  white  heat  over  the 
destruction  of  the  Maine;  but  it  seems  to  me  the  time  for 
action  has  now  come.  Not  action  in  the  Maine  case.  When 
the  Maine  report  is  received,  if  it  be  found  that  our  ship  and 
sailors  were  blown  up  by  some  outside  explosive,  we  will 
have  ample  reparation  without  quibble  or  delay;  and  if  the 
explosion  can  be  traced  to  Spanish  official  sources  there  will 
be  such  swift  and  terrible  punishment  adjudged  as  will  re- 
main a  warning  to  the  world  forever. 

What  shall  the  United  States  do,  Mr.  President? 

I  am  not  here  to  criticise  the  present  administration.  I 
yield  to  no  man  living  in  my  respect,  my  admiration  for,  and 
my  confidence  in  the  judgment,  the  wisdom,  the  patriotism, 
the  Americanism  of  William  McKinley.  When  he  entered 
upon  his  administration  he  faced  a  difficult  situation.  It  was 
his  duty  to  proceed  with  care  and  caution.  At  the  first  avail- 
able opportunity  he  addressed  a  note  to  Spain,  in  which  he 
gave  that  government  notice,  as  set  forth  in  his  message  to 
the  Congress  of  the  United  States,  that  the  United  States  — 


Speeches  for  Careful  Study          331 

"  Could  be  required  to  wait  only  a  reasonable  time  for  the 
mother  country  to  establish  its  authority  and  restore  peace 
and  order  within  the  borders  of  the  island ;  that  we  could  not 
contemplate  an  indefinite  period  for  the  accomplishment  of 

this  result." 

*************** 

The  situation  in  Cuba  has  only  changed  for  the  worse. 
Sagasta  is  powerless;  Blanco  is  powerless  to  put  an  end  to 
the  conflict,  to  rehabilitate  the  island,  or  to  relieve  the  suf- 
fering, starvation,  and  distress. 

The  time  for  action  has,  then,  come.  No  greater  reason 
for  it  can  exist  tomorrow  than  exists  today.  Every  hour's 
delay  only  adds  another  chapter  to  the  awful  story  of  misery 
and  death.  Only  one  power  can  intervene  —  the  United 
States  of  America.  Ours  is  the  one  great  nation  of  the  New 
World,  the  mother  of  the  American  republics.  She  holds  a 
position  of  trust  and  responsibility  toward  the  people  and 
the  affairs  of  the  whole  Western  Hemisphere. 

It  was  her  glorious  example  which  inspired  the  patriots 
of  Cuba  to  raise  the  flag  of  liberty  in  her  eternal  hills.  We 
cannot  refuse  to  accept  this  responsibility  which  the  God  of 
the  Universe  has  placed  upon  us  as  the  one  great  power  in  the 
New  World.  We  must  act !  What  shall  our  action  be  ?  Some 
say  the  acknowledgment  of  the  belligerency  of  the  revolu- 
tionists. As  I  have  already  shown,  the  hour  and  the  oppor- 
tunity for  that  have  passed  away. 

Others  say,  Let  us  by  resolution  or  official  proclamation 
recognize  the  independence  of  the  Cubans.  It  is  too  late 
even  for  such  recognition  to  be  of  much  avail.  Others  say, 
Annexation  to  the  United  States.  God  forbid !  I  would  op- 
pose annexation  with  my  latest  breath.  The  people  of  Cuba 
are  not  our  people ;  they  can  not  assimilate  with  us ;  and  be- 
yond all  that,  I  am  utterly  and  unalterably  opposed  to  any 
departure  from  the  declared  policy  of  the  fathers  which  would 


332  The  Making  of  an  Oration 

start  this  republic  for  the  first  time  upon  a  career  of  conquest 
and  dominion  utterly  at  variance  with  the  avowed  purposes 
and  the  manifest  destiny  of  popular  government 

Let  the  world  understand  that  the  United  States  does  not 
propose  to  annex  Cuba,  that  it  is  not  seeking  a  foot  of  Cuban 
soil  or  a  dollar  of  Spanish  treasure.  Others  say,  Let  us  in- 
tervene for  the  pacification  of  the  island,  giving  to  its  people 
the  greatest  measure  consistent  with  the  continued  sovereignty 
of  Spain.  Such  a  result  is  no  longer  possible.  It  is  enough 
to  say  that  it  would  be  resisted  by  all  classes  of  the  Cuban 
population,  and  its  attempt  would  simply  transfer  the  putting 
down  of  the  revolution  and  the  subjugation  of  the  Cuban 
patriots  to  the  armies  of  the  United  States. 

There  is  also  said  to  be  a  syndicate  organization  in  this 
country,  representing  the  holders  of  Spanish  bonds,  who  are 
urging  that  the  intervention  of  the  United  States  shall  be  for 
the  purchase  of  the  island  or  shall  be  for  the  guaranteeing  of 
the  Spanish  debt  incurred  in  the  attempted  subjugation  of 
the  Cuban  revolutionists.  Mr.  President,  it  is  idle  to  think 
for  a  single  moment  of  such  a  plan.  The  American  people 
will  never  consent  to  the  payment  of  a  single  dollar,  to  the 
guaranteeing  of  one  bond,  as  the  price  paid  to  Spain  in  re- 
sistance of  the  liberty  and  the  independence  of  the  Cuban 
people. 

Mr.  President,  there  is  only  one  action  possible,  if  any  is 
taken ;  that  is,  intervention  for  the  independence  of  the  island ; 
intervention  that  means  the  landing  of  an  American  army  on 
Cuban  soil,  the  deploying  of  an  American  fleet  off  Havana; 
intervention  which  says  to  Spain,  Leave  the  island,  with- 
draw your  soldiers,  leave  the  Cubans,  these  brothers  of  ours 
in  the  New  World,  to  form  and  carry  on  government  for 
themselves.  Such  intervention  on  our  part  would  not  in 
itself  be  war.  It  would  undoubtedly  lead  to  war.  But  if  war 


Speeches  for  Careful  Study          333 

came  it  would  come  by  act  of  Spain  in  resistance  of  the  liberty 
and  the  independence  of  the  Cuban  people. 

Some  say  these  Cubans  are  incapable  of  self-government; 
that  they  can  not  be  trusted  to  set  up  a  republic.  Will  they 
ever  become  better  qualified  under  Spanish  rule  than  they 
are  today?  Sometime  or  other  the  dominion  of  kings  must 
cease  on  the  Western  Continent. 

The  Senator  of  Vermont  has  done  full  justice  to  the  native 
population  of  Cuba.  He  has  studied  them,  and  he  knows  that 
of  all  the  people  on  the  island  they  are  the  best  qualified  and 
fitted  for  government.  Certainly  any  government  by  the 
Cuban  people  would  be  better  than  the  tyranny  of  Spain. 

Mr.  President,  there  was  a  time  when  ''jingoism"4  was 
abroad  in  the  land;  when  sensationalism  prevailed,  and  when 
there  was  a  distinct  effort  to  inflame  the  passions  and  preju- 
dices of  the  American  people  and  precipitate  a  war  with 
Spain.  That  time  has  passed  away.  "  Jingoism  "  is  long  since 
dead.  The  American  people  have  waited  and  waited  and 
waited  in  patience;  yea,  in  patience  and  confidence  —  con- 
fidence in  the  belief  that  decisive  action  would  be  taken  in  due 
season  and  in  a  proper  way.  Today  all  over  this  land  the 
appeal  comes  up  to  us;  it  reaches  us  from  every  section  and 
from  every  class.  That  appeal  is  now  for  action. 

In  an  interview  of  yesterday,  the  Senior  Senator  from 
Maine  [Mr.  Hale]  is  reported  as  saying:  "Events  have 
crowded  on  too  rapidly,  and  the  President  has  been  carried 
off  his  feet." 

I  know  of  no  warrant  for  such  an  assertion,  but  I  do  know 
this,  that  unless  Congress  acts  promptly,  meeting  this  grave 
crisis  as  it  should  be  met,  we  will  be  swept  away,  and  we 
ought  to  be  swept  away,  by  the  tidal  wave  of  American 
indignation. 

The  President  has  not  been  carried  off  his  feet. 

The  administration  has  been  doing  its  whole  duty.    With 


334  The  Making  of  an  Oration 

rare  foresight  and  statesmanship  it  has  hastened  to  make 
every  possible  preparation  for  any  emergency.  If  it  be  true 
that  the  report  in  the  Maine  case  has  been  delayed,  it  has 
been  delayed  in  order  that  we  might  be  prepared  at  all  points 
for  defensive  and  offensive  action.  There  are  some  who  say, 
but  they  are  mostly  those  who  have  procrastinated  from  the 
beginning  up  to  the  present  time,  "  Let  Congress  hold  its 
peace,  adjourn,  go  home,  and  leave  the  President  to  act." 

I,  for  one,  believe  that  the  Congress  of  the  United  States 
is  an  equal  and  coordinate  branch  of  the  Federal  Government, 
representing  the  combined  judgment  and  wisdom  of  the  many. 
It  can  more  safely  be  depended  on  than  the  individual  judg- 
ment and  wisdom  of  any  one  man.  I  am  a  Senator  of  the 
United  States,  and  I  will  never  consent  to  abdicate  my  right 
to  participate  in  the  determination  as  to  what  is  the  solemn 
duty  of  this  great  republic  in  this  momentous  and  fateful 
hour.  We  are  not  in  session  to  hamper  or  cripple  the  Presi- 
dent; we  are  here  to  advise  and  assist  him.  Congress  can 
alone  declare  war ;  Congress  can  alone  levy  taxes,  and  to  this 
Congress  the  united  people  of  this  broad  land,  from  sea  to 
sea,  from  lake  to  gulf,  look  to  voice  their  wishes  and  to  exe- 
cute their  will. 

Mr.  President,  against  the  intervention  of  the  United  States 
in  this  holy  cause  there  is  but  one  voice  of  dissent ;  that  voice 
is  the  voice  of  the  money  changers.  They  fear  war !  Not 
because  of  any  Christian  or  ennobling  sentiment  against  war 
and  in  favor  of  peace,  but  because  they  fear  that  a  declara- 
tion of  war,  or  the  intervention  which  might  result  in  war, 
would  have  a  depressing  effect  upon  the  stock  market. 

Mr.  President,  I  do  not  read  my  duty  from  the  ticker;  I 
do  not  accept  my  lessons  in  patriotism  from  Wall  Street.  I 
deprecate  war.  I  hope  and  pray  for  the  speedy  coming  of  the 
time  when  the  sword  of  the  soldier  will  no  longer  leap  from  its 
scabbard  to  settle  disputes  between  civilized  nations.  But,  it 


Speeches  for  Careful  Study  335 

is  evident,  looking  at  the  cold  facts,  that  a  war  with  Spain 
would  not  permanently  depreciate  the  value  of  a  single  Ameri- 
can stock  or  bond. 

War  with  Spain  would  increase  the  business  and  the  earn- 
ings of  every  American  railroad,  it  would  increase  the  output 
of  every  American  factory,  it  would  stimulate  every  branch 
of  industry  and  domestic  commerce,  it  would  greatly  increase 
the  demand  for  American  labor,  and,  in  the  end,  every  certifi- 
cate that  represented  a  share  in  an  American  business  enter- 
prise would  be  worth  more  money  than  it  is  today.  But  in 
the  meantime  the  spectre  of  war  would  stride  through  the  stock 
exchanges,  and  many  of  the  gamblers  around  the  board  would 
find  their  ill-gotten  gains  passing  to  the  other  side  of  the 
table. 

Let  them  go ;  what  one  man  loses  at  the  gambling  table  his 
fellow-gambler  wins.  It  is  no  concern  of  yours,  it  is  no  con- 
cern of  mine,  whether  the  "  bulls  "  or  the  "  bears  "  have  the 
best  of  these  stock  deals.  They  do  not  represent  American 
sentiment;  they  do  not  represent  American  patriotism.  Let 
them  take  their  chances  as  they  can.  Their  weal  or  woe  is 
of  but  little  importance  to  the  liberty-loving  people  of  the 
United  States.  They  will  not  do  the  fighting ;  their  blood  will 
not  flow;  they  will  keep  on  dealing  in  options  in  human  life. 
Let  the  men  whose  loyalty  is  to  the  dollar  stand  aside  while 
the  men  whose  loyalty  is  to  the  flag  come  to  the  front. 

There  are  some  who  lift  their  voices  in  the  land  and  in 
the  open  light  of  day  insist  that  the  Republican  party  will  not 
act,  for  they  say  it  sold  out  to  the  capitalists  and  the  money 
changers  at  the  last  national  election.  It  is  not  so.  God  for- 
bid! The  seven  million  freemen  who  voted  for  the  Repub- 
lican party  and  for  William  McKinley  did  not  mortgage  the 
honor  of  this  nation  for  a  campaign  fund,  and  if  the  time 
ever  comes  when  the  Republican  party  hesitates  in  its  course 
of  duty  because  of  any  undue  anxiety  for  the  welfare  of  the 
accumulated  wealth  of  the  nation,  then  let  the  Republican 


336  The  Making  of  an  Oration 

party  be  swept  from  the  face  of  the  earth  and  be  succeeded 
by  some  other  party,  by  whatever  name  it  may  be  called, 
which  will  represent  the  partiotism,  the  honesty,  the  loyalty, 
and  the  devotion  that  the  Republican  party  exhibited  under 
Abraham  Lincoln  in  1861. 

Mr.  President,  there  are  those  who  say  that  the  affairs  of 
Cuba  are  not  the  affairs  of  the  United  States,  who  insist  that 
we  can  stand  idly  by  and  see  that  island  devastated  and  de- 
populated, its  business  interests  destroyed,  its  commercial  in- 
tercourse with  us  cut  off,  its  people  starved,  degraded,  and 
enslaved.  It  may  be  the  naked,  legal  right  of  the  United 
States  to  stand  thus  idly  by. 

I  have  the  legal  right  to  pass  along  the  street  and  see  a 
helpless  dog  stamped  into  the  earth  under  the  heels  of  a 
ruffian.  I  can  pass  by  and  say  that  is  not  my  dog.  I  can  sit 
in  my  comfortable  parlor  with  my  loved  ones  gathered  about 
me,  and  through  my  plate  glass  window  see  a  fiend  outraging 
a  helpless  woman  near  by,  and  I  can  legally  say  this  is  no 
affair  of  mine  —  it  is  not  happening  on  my  premises ;  and  I  can 
turn  away  and  take  my  little  ones  in  my  arms,  and,  with  the 
memory  of  their  sainted  mother  in  my  heart,  look  up  to  the 
motto  on  the  wall  and  read,  "  God  bless  our  home." 

But,  if  I  do,  I  am  a  coward,  and  a  cur  unfit  to  live,  and 
God  knows,  unfit  to  die.  And  yet  I  can  not  protect  the  dog 
nor  save  the  woman  without  the  exercise  of  force. 

We  can  not  intervene  and  save  Cuba  without  the  exercise 
of  force,  and  force  means  war ;  war  means  blood.  The  lowly 
Nazarene  on  the  shores  of  Galilee  preached  the  divine  doc- 
trine of  love,  "  Peace  on  earth,  good  will  toward  men."  Not 
peace  on  earth  at  the  expense  of  liberty  and  humanity.  Not 
good  will  toward  men  who  despoil,  degrade,  and  starve  to 
death  their  fellowmen.  I  believe  in  the  doctrine  of  Christ. 
I  believe  in  the  doctrine  of  peace;  but,  Mr.  President,  men 
must  have  liberty  before  there  can  come  abiding  peace. 


Speeches  for  Careful  Study          337 

Intervention  means  force.  Force  means  war.  War  means 
blood.  But  it  will  be  God's  force.  When  has  a  battle  for 
humanity  and  liberty  ever  been  won  except  by  force  ?  What 
barricade  of  wrong,  injustice,  and  oppression  has  ever  been 
carried  except  by  force? 

Force  5  compelled  the  signature  of  unwilling  royalty  to  the 
great  Magna  Charta;  force  put  life  into  the  Declaration  of 
Independence  and  made  effective  the  Emancipation  Proclama- 
tion; force  beat  with  naked  hands  upon  the  iron  gateway  of 
the  Bastille  and  made  reprisal  in  one  awful  hour  for  centuries 
of  kingly  crime;  force  waved  the  flag  of  revolution  over 
Bunker  Hill  and  marked  the  snows  of  Valley  Forge  with 
blood-stained  feet;  force  held  the  broken  line  at  Shiloh, 
climbed  the  flame-swept  hill  at  Chattanooga,  and  stormed  the 
clouds  on  Lookout  Heights;  force  marched  with  Sherman  to 
the  sea,  rode  with  Sheridan  in  the  valley  of  the  Shenandoah, 
and  gave  Grant  victory  at  Appomattox ;  force  saved  the  Union, 
kept  the  stars  in  the  flag,  made  "  niggers  "  men.  The  time 
for  God's  force  has  come  again.  Let  the  impassioned  lips 
of  American  patriots  once  more  take  up  the  song: 

In  the  beauty  of  the  lilies  Christ  was  born  across  the  sea, 
With  a  glory  in  His  bosom  that  transfigures  you  and  me; 
As  he  died  to  make  men  holy,  let  us  die  to  make  men  free, 
For  God  is  marching  on. 

Others  may  hesitate,  others  may  procrastinate,  others  may 
plead  for  further  diplomatic  negotiation,  which  means  delay, 
but  for  me,  I  am  ready  to  act  now,  and  for  my  action  I  am 
ready  to  answer  to  my  conscience,  my  country,  and  my  God. 

Mr.  President,  in  the  cable  6  that  moored  me  to  life  and  hope 
the  strongest  strands  are  broken.  I  have  but  little  left  to 
offer  at  the  altar  of  freedom's  sacrifice,  but  all  I  have  I  am 
glad  to  give.  I  am  ready  to  serve  my  country  as  best  I  can 
in  the  Senate  or  in  the  field.  My  dearest  wish,  my  most  earnest 


338          The  Making  of  an  Oration 

prayer  to  God  is  this,  that  when  death  comes  to  end  all,  I 
may  meet  it  calmly  and  fearlessly,  as  did  my  beloved,  in  the 
cause  of  humanity,  under  the  American  flag. 
[From  Vol.  31,  Congressional  Record,  pp.  3162-3165,  Part  4] 

NOTES  ON   JOHN    M.  THURSTON's  SPEECH 

1.  See  introductory  note. 

2.  Weyler,  the  general  in  command  at  that  time  of  the  Spanish 
forces  in  Cuba.    He  was  supposed  to  exercise  extreme  cruelty  in 
his  treatment  of  the  insurgent  Cubans. 

3.  Reconcentrados,  the  name  given  to  the  Cuban  people  who 
had    been    placed    under    military    restrictions;    the    rural    non- 
combatants,  who  were  usually  taken  from  their  homes  and  held 
in  suburban  districts  for  convenience  of  government. 

4.  "  Jingoism."     This  term  originated  in  England  as  a  result 
of  the  action  of  Lord  Beaconsfield's  (the  prime  minister)  action 
in  1878  in  sending  a  fleet  to  Turkish  waters  to  oppose  the  aggres- 
sions of  Russia.     A  popular  song  of  the  time  gave  the  word 
currency  in  this  sense : 

"We  do  n't  want  to  fight,  but  by  jingo  if  we  do, 
We  've  got  the  ships,  we  've  got  the  men,  we  've  got  the  money 
too." 

5.  Note  the  cumulative  effect  of  this  paragraph.     Note  also 
how  the  thought  is  kept  perfectly  clear  through  the  somewhat 
long  sentence,  by  the  repetition  of  the  subject. 

6.  A  reference  to  the  recent  death  of  his  wife. 
Make  a  careful  plan  of  the  oration. 


ON  THE  PHILIPPINE  QUESTION 

BY 

GEORGE  F.  HOAR 

(The  following  speech  was  delivered  in  the  United  States 
Senate  April  17,  1900.  The  question  at  issue  was  on  the  adoption 
of  a  resolution  declaring  "  That  the  Philippine  Islands  are  terri- 
tory belonging  to  the  United  States;  that  it  is  the  intention  of 
the  United  States  to  retain  them  as  such  and  to  establish  and 
maintain  such  governmental  control  throughout  the  archipelago 
as  the  situation  may  demand."  Senator  Hoar's  speech  was  pre- 
ceded by  an  address  on  the  other  side  of  the  question  by  Senator 
Beveridge  of  Indiana.  Although  the  following  speech  is  argu- 
mentative in  method,  its  end  is  plainly  persuasion  and  it  belongs 
to  oratory.) 

Mr.  President,  I  have  listened,  delighted,  as  have,  I  sup- 
pose, all  the  members  of  the  Senate,  to  the  eloquence  of  my 
honorable  friend  from  Indiana.  I  am  glad  to  welcome  to  the 
public  service  his  enthusiasm,  his  patriotism,  his  silver  speech, 
and  the  earnestness  and  the  courage,  with  which  he  has  de- 
voted himself  to  a  discharge  of  his  duty  to  the  Republic  as  he 
conceives  it.  Yet,  Mr.  President,  as  I  heard  his  eloquent 
description  of  wealth  and  glory  and  commerce  and  trade,  I 
listened  in  vain  for  those  words  which  the  American  people 
have  been  wont  to  take  upon  their  lips  in  every  solemn  crisis 
of  their  history.  I  heard  much  calculated  to  excite  the  imag- 
ination of  the  youth  seeking  wealth,  or  the  youth  charmed  by 
the  dreams  of  empire.  But  the  words,  Right,  Justice,  Duty, 
Freedom,  were  absent,  my  friend  must  permit  me  to  say,  from 
the  eloquent  speech.  I  could  think,  as  this  brave  young 
Republic  of  ours  listened  to  what  he  had  to  say,  of  but  one 
occurrence : 

339 


340          The  Making  of  an  Oration 

"  Then  the  Devil  J  taketh  Him  up  into  an  exceeding  high  moun- 
tain and  showeth  Him  all  the  kingdoms  of  the  world  and  the 
glory  of  them. 

"  And  saith  unto  Him,  '  All  these  things  will  I  give  Thee  if 
Thou  wilt  fall  down  and  worship  me.' 

"  Then  saith  Jesus  unto  him,  '  Get  thee  hence,  Satan.' " 

Mr.  President,  when  on  the  8th  of  July,  1898,  less  than  two 
years  ago,  the  lamented  Vice-President  declared  the  session 
of  the  Senate  at  an  end,  the  people  of  the  United  States  were 
at  the  high-water  mark  of  prosperity  and  glory.  No  other 
country  on  earth,  in  all  history,  ever  saw  the  like.  It  was  an 
American  prosperity  and  an  American  glory. 

We  were  approaching  the  end  of  a  great  century.  From 
thirteen  states  we  had  become  forty-five  states.  From  three 
million  people  we  had  become  nearly  eighty  million.  An 
enormous  foreign  commerce,  promising  to  grow  to  still  vaster 
proportions  in  the  near  future,  was  thrown  into  insignificance 
by  an  internal  commerce  almost  passing  the  capacity  of  num- 
bers to  calculate.  Our  manufactures,  making  their  way  past 
hostile  tariffs  and  fiscal  regulations,  were  displacing  the  prod- 
ucts of  the  greatest  manufacturing  nations  in  their  own 
markets.  South  of  us,  from  the  Rio  Grande  to  Cape  Horn, 
our  Monroe  Doctrine  had  banished  from  the  American  con- 
tinent the  powers  of  Europe ;  Spain  and  France  had  retired ; 
monarchy  had  taken  its  leave;  and  the  whole  territory  was 
occupied  by  republics  owing  their  freedom  to  us,  forming 
their  institutions  on  our  example.  Our  flag,  known  and  hon- 
ored throughout  the  earth,  wras  welcomed  everywhere  in 
friendly  ports,  and  floated  everywhere  on  friendly  seas.  We 
were  the  freest,  richest,  strongest  nation  on  the  face  of  the 
earth  —  strong  in  the  elements  of  material  strength,  stronger 
still  in  the  justice  and  liberty  on  which  the  foundations  of  our 
empire  were  laid.  We  had  abolished  slavery  within  our  own 
borders  by  our  constitutional  mandate,  and  had  abolished 
slavery  throughout  the  world  by  the  influence  of  our  example. 


Speeches  for  Careful  Study          341 

Our  national  debt  has  been  reduced  with  unexampled  rapid- 
ity. We  had  increased  it  somewhat  for  the  necessary  expenses 
of  the  war.  But  if  it  had  all  been  due,  we  could  have  paid  it 
all  in  a  single  year  by  a  tax  solely  upon  the  luxuries  of  the 
rich,  which  the  rich  would  scarcely  have  felt,  and  which  would 
have  vexed  no  manufacturer  and  no  branch  of  commerce. 
Rich  in  all  material  wealth,  we  were  richer  still  in  a  noble 
history  and  in  those  priceless  ideals  by  which  a  republic  must 
live  or  bear  no  life. 

We  had  won  the  glory  of  a  great  liberator  in  both  hemi- 
spheres. The  flag  of  Spain  —  emblem  of  tyranny  and  cruelty 
—  had  been  driven  from  the  Western  Hemisphere,  and  was 
soon  to  go  down  from  her  eastern  possessions.  The  war  had 
been  conducted  without  the  loss  of  a  gun  or  the  capture  of 
an  American  soldier  in  battle.  The  glory  of  this  great 
achievement  was  unlike  any  other  which  history  has  re- 
corded. It  was  not  that  we  had  beaten  Spain.  It  was  not 
that  seventy-five  million  people  had  conquered  fifteen  million. 
Not  that  the  spirit  of  the  nineteenth  century  had  been  too 
much  for  the  spirit  of  the  fifteenth  century.  Not  that  the 
young  athlete  had  felled  to  the  ground  the  decrepit  old  man 
of  ninety.  It  was  not  that  the  American  mechanic  and  engi- 
neer in  the  machine  shop  could  make  better  ships  or  better 
guns;  or  that  the  American  soldier  or  sailor  had  displayed 
the  same  quality  in  battle  that  he  had  shown  on  every 
field  —  at  Bunker  Hill,  at  Yorktown,  at  Lundy's  Lane,  at 
New  Orleans,  at  Buena  Vista,  at  Gettysburg;  in  every  sea 
fight,  on  Lake  Erie  or  on  the  Atlantic.  Nobody  doubted  the 
skill  of  the  American  general,  the  gallantry  of  the  American 
admiral,  or  the  courage  of  the  American  soldier  or  sailor. 

The  glory  of  the  war  and  the  victory  was  that  it  was  a  war 
and  a  victory  in  the  interests  of  liberty.  The  American  flag 
had  appeared  as  a  liberator  in  both  hemispheres;  when  it 
floated  over  Havana  or  Santiago  or  Manila,  there  were  written 


342  The  Making  of  an  Oration 

on  its  folds,  where  all  nations  could  read  it,  the  pledge  of  the 
resolution  of  Congress  and  the  declaration  of  the  President. 

Every  true  American  thanked  God  that  he  had  lived  to  be- 
hold that  day.  The  rarest  good  fortune  of  all  was  the  good 
fortune  of  President  McKinley.  He  was,  in  my  judgment,  the 
best-loved  President  who  ever  sat  in  the  chair  of  Washington. 
His  name  is  inseparably  connected  with  two  periods  of  unex- 
ampled prosperity,  made  more  impressive  by  the  period  of 
calamity  which  came  between  them.  The  people  believed  that 
to  the  great  measure  2  called  by  his  name  was  due  a  time  of 
happiness  and  comfort  never  equaled  in  this  country,  and 
never  approached  in  any  other.  It  was  the  high-water  mark 
on  this  planet  of  every  thing  that  could  bring  happiness  to  a 
people.  But  high  as  the  tide  reached  then,  it  went  still  higher 
under  the  operation  of  the  policies  which  came  in  with  his 
administration.  He  had  won  golden  honors  by  his  patriotic 
hesitation  in  bringing  on  war,  and  by  his  interpretation  of  the 
purpose  with  which  the  people  at  last  entered  upon  it. 

When  I  say  that  President  McKinley  was  the  best-loved 
President  that  ever  sat  in  the  chair  of  Washington,  I  do  not 
mean,  of  course,  to  compare  the  reverence  in  which  any  living 
man  is  held  with  that  which  attends  the  memory  of  Washing- 
ton or  Lincoln.  But  Washington  and  Lincoln  encountered 
while  they  were  alive  a  storm  of  political  hostility  which 
President  McKinley  has  fortunately  been  spared.  I  repeat, 
that  it  seems  to  me  that  President  McKinley  holds  a  place  in 
the  affection  of  the  people  at  large  which  no  one  of  his  pred- 
ecessors ever  attained  in  his  lifetime. 

The  promise  which  the  President  and  the  Senate  made  to 
Cuba  we  have,  so  far,  done  our  best  to  redeem.  When  the 
Spanish  fleet  was  sunk  and  the  Spanish  flag  went  down  from 
over  Havana,  peace  and  order  and  contentment  and  reviving 
industry  and  liberty  followed  the  American  flag.  Some  of  us 
had  hoped  for  the  same  thing  in  the  East.  We  had  hoped  that 


Speeches  for  Careful  Study          343 

a  like  policy  would  have  brought  like  results  in  the  Philip- 
pine Islands.  No  man  contemplated  for  a  moment  the  return 
of  those  islands  to  Spain.  One  of  the  apostles  would  as  soon 
have  thought  of  giving  back  a  redeemed  soul  to  the  dominion 
of  Satan. 

The  American  people,  so  far  as  I  know,  were  all  agreed 
that  their  victory  brought  with  it  the  responsibility  of  protect- 
ing the  liberated  peoples  from  the  cupidity  of  any  other  power 
until  they  could  establish  their  own  independence  in  freedom 
and  in  honor. 

I  stand  here  today  to  plead  with  you  not  to  abandon  the 
principles  that  have  brought  these  things  to  pass.  I  implore 
you  to  keep  to  the  policy  that  has  made  the  country  great,  that 
has  made  the  Republican  party  great,  that  has  made  the  Presi- 
dent great.  I  have  nothing  new  to  say.  But  I  ask  you  to 
keep  3  in  the  old  channels,  and  to  keep  off  the  old  rocks  laid 
down  in  the  old  charts,  and  to  follow  the  old  sailing  orders  that 
all  the  old  captains  of  other  days  have  obeyed,  to  take  your 
bearings,  as  of  old,  from  the  north  star, 

Of  whose  true  fixed  and  resting  quality 
There  is  no  fellow  in  the  firmament, 
and  not  from  this  meteoric  light  of  empire. 

I  believe  that,  if  not  today  or  tomorrow,  yet  at  an  early  day, 
better  knowledge  of  the  facts,  the  light  of  experience,  the  love 
of  liberty  and  justice  which  still  burns  in  the  hearts  of  the 
Republican  masses  in  this  country,  will  bring  that  party  back 
to  the  principles  and  policy  upon  which  it  planted  itself  in  the 
beginning. 

No,  Mr.  President,  if  we  subjugate  the  Filipinos  we  are, 
if  you  have  your  way,  to  govern  ten  million  people  in  the 
East,  and  nearly  another  million  in  the  West  Indies  without 
any  constitutional  restraint.  There  will  be  under  the  flag 
twenty  million  of  other  races,  black  men  at  home  and  brown 
men  abroad,  for  whom  it  bears  no  star  of  hope.  I  do  not  see 


344  The  Making  of  an  Oration 

my  way  clear  to  hand  them  over  to  Mr.  Bryan  in  the  Executive 
Chair,  and  the  Senators  from  Alabama  and  South  Carolina, 
in  the  Senate,  or  to  the  party  of  which,  beyond  all  question, 
they  are  to  be  most  powerful  and  conspicuous  leaders. 

I  believe,  Mr.  President,  not  only  that  perseverance  in  this 
policy  will  be  the  abandonment  of  the  principles  upon  which 
our  government  is  founded,  that  it  will  change  our  government 
into  an  empire,  that  our  methods  of  legislation,  of  diplomacy, 
of  administration  must  hereafter  be  those  which  belong  to 
empires,  and  not  those  which  belong  to  republics;  but  I 
believe  persistence  in  this  attempt  will  result  in  the  defeat 
and  overthrow  of  the  Republican  party.  That  defeat  may  not 
come  this  year  or  next  year.  I  pray  God  it  may  never  come. 
I  well  remember  when  the  old  Whig  party,  in  the  flush  of 
delirium  and  anticipated  triumph,  gave  up  the  great  doctrines 
which  it  had  so  often  avowed,  and  undertook  to  abandon  the 
great  territory  between  the  Mississippi  and  the  Pacific  to 
its  fate.  It  held  its  convention  at  Philadelphia.  It  selected 
as  its  candidate  a  great  military  chieftain.  Amid  the  tempest 
and  delirium  a  quiet  delegate  from  my  own  state  arose  and 
declared  to  the  convention  that  the  Whig  party  was  dead.  It 
seemed  that  a  more  audacious,  a  more  foolish,  a  more  as- 
tounding utterance  never  fell  upon  human  ears.  And  what 
was  the  result?  The  party  carried  the  country  and  elected 
its  President.  But  within  less  than  four  years  thereafter 
Daniel  Webster,  as  he  lay  dying  at  Marshfield,  said,  "  The 
Whig  party  as  a  political  organization  is  gone ;  and  it  is  well." 
Let  no  such  fate  attend  the  Republican  party.  In  my  judg- 
ment, if  not  now,  it  will  retrace  its  steps  in  time. 

In  dealing  with  this  question,  Mr.  President,  I  do  not  mean 
to  enter  upon  any  doubtful  ground.  I  shall  advance  no 
proposition  ever  seriously  disputed  in  this  country  until  within 
twelve  months.  I  shall  cite  no  authority  that  is  not  by  the 
common  consent  of  all  parties  and  all  men  of  all  shades  of 


Speeches  for  Careful  Study          345 

opinion  recognized  as  among  the  very  weightiest  in  juris- 
prudence and  in  the  conduct  of  the  state.  I  shall  claim  nothing 
as  fact  which  is  not  abundantly  proven  by  the  evidence  of  the 
great  commanders  who  conducted  this  war ;  by  evidence  com- 
ing from  the  President  and  the  heads  of  department,  or  persons 
for  whose  absolute  trustworthiness  these  authorities  vouch. 

If  to  think  as  I  do  in  regard  to  the  interpretation  of  the 
Constitution ;  in  regard  to  the  mandates  of  the  moral  law  or 
the  law  of  nations,  to  which  all  men  and  all  nations  must 
render  obedience,  in  regard  to  policies  which  are  wisest  for 
the  conduct  of  the  other,  or  to  those  facts  of  recent  history  in 
the  light  of  which  we  have  acted  or  are  to  act  hereafter,  be 
treason,  then  Washington  was  a  traitor ;  then  Jefferson  was  a 
traitor;  then  Jackson  was  a  traitor;  then  Franklin  was  a 
traitor ;  then  Sumner  was  a  traitor ;  then  Lincoln  was  a  traitor ; 
then  Webster  was  a  traitor;  then  Clay  was  a  traitor;  then 
Corwin  was  a  traitor;  then  Kent  was  a  traitor;  then  Seward 
was  a  traitor ;  then  McKinley,  within  two  years,  was  a  traitor ; 
then  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States  has  been  in  the 
past  a  nest  and  hotbed  of  treason;  then  the  people  of  the 
United  States,  for  more  than  a  century,  have  been  traitors  to 
their  own  flag  and  their  own  Constitution. 

We  are  presented  with  an  issue  that  can  be  clearly  and 
sharply  stated  as  a  question  of  constitutional  power,  a  ques- 
tion of  international  law,  a  question  of  justice  and  righteous- 
ness, or  a  question  of  public  expediency.  This  can  be  stated 
clearly  and  sharply  in  the  abstract,  and  it  can  be  put  clearly 
and  sharply  by  an  illustration  growing  out  of  existing  facts. 

The  constitutional  question  is:  Has  Congress  the  power, 
under  our  Constitution,  to  hold  in  subjection  unwilling  vassal 
states  ? 

The  question  of  international  laws  is:  Can  any  nation 
rightfully  convey  to  another  sovereignty  over  an  unwilling 
people  who  have  thrown  off  its  dominion,  asserted  their  inde- 


346          The  Making  of  an  Oration 

pendence,  established  a  government  of  their  own,  over  whom 
it  has  at  the  time  no  practical  control,  from  whose  territory 
it  has  been  disseized,  and  which  it  is  beyond  its  power  to 
deliver  ? 

The  question  of  justice  and  righteousness  is:  Have  we 
the  right  to  crush  and  hold  under  our  feet  an  unwilling  and 
subject  people  whom  we  have  treated  as  allies,  whose  inde- 
pendence we  are  bound  in  good  faith  to  respect,  who  had 
established  their  own  free  government,  and  who  had  trusted 
us? 

The  question  of  public  expediency  is :  Is  it  for  our  advan- 
tage to  promote  our  trade  at  the  cannon's  mouth  and  at  the 
point  of  the  bayonet? 

All  these  questions  can  be  put  in  a  way  of  practical  illus- 
tration by  inquiring  whether  we  ought  to  do  what  we  have 
done,  are  doing,  and  mean  to  do  in  the  case  of  Cuba;  or 
what  we  have  done,  are  doing,  and  some  of  you  mean  to  do 
in  the  case  of  the  Philippine  Islands. 

It  does  not  seem  to  me  to  be  worth  while  to  state  again  at 
length  the  constitutional  argument  which  I  have  addressed 
to  the  Senate  heretofore.  It  has  been  encountered  with  elo- 
quence, with  clearness  and  beauty  of  statement,  and,  I  have 
no  doubt,  with  absolute  sincerity  by  Senators  who  have 
spoken  upon  the  other  side.  But  the  issue  between  them  and 
me  can  be  summed  up  in  a  sentence  or  two,  and  if,  so  stated, 
it  cannot  be  made  clear  to  any  man's  apprehension,  I  despair 
of  making  it  clear  by  any  elaboration  or  amplification. 

I  admit  that  the  United  States  may  hold  property,  and 
may  make  rules  and  regulations  for  its  disposition. 

I  admit  that,  like  other  property,  the  United  States  may 
acquire  and  hold  land.  It  may  acquire  it  by  purchase.  It  may 
acquire  it  by  treaty.  It  may  acquire  it  by  conquest.  And  it 
may  make  rules  and  regulations  for  its  disposition  and 
government,  however  it  be  acquired. 

When  there  are  inhabitants  on  the  land  so  acquired  it  may 


Speeches  for  Careful  Study          347 

make  laws  for  their  government.  But  the  question  between 
me  and  the  gentlemen  on  the  other  side  is  this :  Is  this  acqui- 
sition of  property,  whether  gained  by  purchase,  conquest,  or 
treaty,  the  constitutional  end  or  only  a  means  to  a  constitu- 
tional end?  May  you  acquire,  hold,  and  govern  territory  or 
other  property  as  an  end  for  which  our  Constitution  was 
framed,  or  is  it  only  a  means  toward  some  other  and  further 
end?  May  you  acquire,  hold,  and  govern  property  by  con- 
quest, treaty,  or  purchase  for  the  sole  object  of  so  holding 
and  governing  it,  without  the  consideration  of  any  further 
constitutional  purpose?  Or  must  you  hold  it  for  a  constitu- 
tional purpose  only,  such  as  the  making  of  new  states,  the 
national  defense  and  security,  the  establishment  of  a  seat  of 
government  or  the  construction  of  forts,  harbors,  and  like 
works,  which,  of  course,  are  themselves  for  the  national 
defense  and  security? 

I  hold  that  this  acquisition,  holding,  and  governing  can 
be  only  a  means  for  a  constitutional  end  —  the  creation  of 
new  states  or  some  other  constitutional  purposes  to  which  I 
have  adverted.  And  I  maintain  that  you  can  no  more  hold 
and  govern  territory  than  you  can  hold  and  manage  cannon 
or  fleets  for  any  other  than  a  constitutional  end ;  and  I  main- 
tain that  the  holding  in  subjection  an  alien  people,  governing 
them  against  their  will  for  any  fancied  advantage  to  them,  is 
not  only  not  an  end  provided  for  by  the  Constitution,  but  is 
an  end  prohibited  therein. 

Now,  with  due  respect  to  the  gentlemen  who  have  dis- 
cussed this  matter,  I  do  not  find  that  they  have  answered  this 
proposition  or  undertaken  to  answer  it.  I  do  not  find  that 
they  have  understood  it.  You  have,  in  my  judgment,  under 
your  admitted  power  to  acquire,  own,  and  govern  territory, 
which  is  just  like  your  admitted  power  to  govern,  own,  and 
control  ships  or  guns,  no  more  right  under  the  Constitution 
to  hold  that  territory  for  the  sake  of  keeping  in  subjection  an 
alien  people  than  you  have  the  right  to  acquire,  hold,  and 


348          The  Making  of  an  Oration 

manage  cannon  or  fleets  or  to  raise  armies  for  the  sake  of 
keeping  in  subjection  and  under  your  control  an  alien  people. 
All  these  things  are  means,  and  means  to  constitutional  and 
not  to  unconstitutional  ends. 

The  Constitution  of  the  United  States  sets  forth  certain 
specific  objects  and  confers  certain  specific  powers  upon  the 
government  it  creates.  All  powers  necessary  or  reasonably 
convenient  for  accomplishing  these  specific  objects  and  exer- 
cising these  specific  powers  are  granted  by  implication.  In 
my  judgment  the  Constitution  should  be  liberally  construed 
in  determining  the  extent  of  such  powers.  In  that  I  agree 
with  Webster  and  Hamilton  and  Lincoln  and  Washington 
and  Marshall,  and  not  with  Calhoun  or  the  Democrats  of  the 
time  of  the  war  of  the  Rebellion  and  since.  But  the  most 
liberal  statesman  or  jurist  never  went  further  than  the  rule 
I  have  just  stated  in  claiming  constitutional  powers  for  our 
government.  The  Constitution  says  that  Congress  may  make 
rules  and  regulations  for  the  government  of  the  territory  and 
other  property  of  the  United  States.  That  implies  that  we 
may  acquire  and  regulate  territory  as  we  may  acquire  and  use 
other  property,  such  as  our  ships  of  war,  our  cannon,  or  forts, 
or  arsenals.  But  territory,  like  other  property,  can  only  be 
acquired  for  constitutional  purposes.  Now,  one  constitu- 
tional purpose  is  to  admit  new  states  into  the  Union.  That  is 
one  of  the  objects  for  which  the  Constitution  was  framed. 
So  we  may  acquire  and  hold  and  govern  territory  with  that 
object  in  view.  But  governing  subject  peoples,  and  holding 
them  for  that  purpose,  is  not  a  constitutional  end.  On  the 
contrary,  it  is  an  end  which  the  generation  which  framed  the 
Constitution  and  the  Declaration  of  Independence  declared 
was  unrighteous  and  abhorrent.  So,  in  my  opinion,  we  have 
no  constitutional  power  to  acquire  territory  for  the  purpose 
of  holding  it  in  subjugation,  in  a  state  of  vassalage  or 
serfdom,  against  the  will  of  its  people. 

It  is  to  be  noted  just  here  that  we  have  acquired  no  terri- 


Speeches  for  Careful  Study          349 

tory  or  other  property  in  the  Philippine^  Islands,  save  a  few 
public  buildings.  By  every  other  acquisition  of  territory  the 
United  States  became  a  great  landowner.  She  owned  the 
public  lands  as  she  had  owned  the  public  lands  in  the  North- 
west ceded  to  her  by  the  old  states.  But  you  own  nothing  in 
the  Philippines.  The  people  own  their  farms  and  dwellings 
and  cities.  The  religious  orders  own  the  rest.  The  Filipinos 
desire  to  do  what  our  English  ancestors  did  in  the  old  days 
when  England  was  Catholic.  The  laity  feared  that  the 
Church  would  engross  all  the  land ;  so  they  passed  their  statute 
of  mortmain.  You  have  either  got  to  let  the  people  of  the 
Philippine  Islands  settle  this  matter  for  themselves,  or  you 
must  take  upon  you  the  delicate  duty  of  settling  it  for  them. 
Your  purchase  or  conquest  is  a  purchase  or  conquest  of 
nothing  but  sovereignty.  It  is  a  sovereignty  over  a  people 
who  are  never  to  be  admitted  to  exercise  it  or  share  it. 

In  the  present  case,  we  have  not,  I  repeat,  bought  any 
property.  We  have  undertaken  to  buy  mere  sovereignty. 
There  were  no  public  lands  in  the  Philippine  Islands,  the 
property  of  Spain,  which  we  have  bought  and  paid  for.  The 
mountains  of  ore  and  nuggets  of  gold  and  the  hemp-bearing 
fields  —  do  you  propose  to  strip  the  owners  of  their  rightful 
title?  We  have  undertaken  to  buy  allegiance,  pure  and 
simple.  And  allegiance  is  just  what  the  law  of  nations  de- 
clares you  cannot  buy.  The  power  of  Congress  to  dispose  of 
territory  or  other  property  of  the  United  States,  invoked  in 
this  debate,  as  the  foundation  of  your  constitutional  right, 
may  carry  with  it  in  a  proper  case  a  right  to  the  allegiance 
of  the  occupant  of  the  soil  we  own.  But  we  have  not  bought 
any  property  there.  The  mountains  of  iron,  the  nuggets  of 
gold,  the  hemp-bearing  fields,  the  tobacco  and  sugar  and 
coffee  are  not  ours,  unless  holding  first  that  we  can  buy  of 
Spain  an  allegiance  which  this  people  have  shaken  off,  which 
Spain  could  not  deliver,  which  does  not  exist  in  justice  or  in 
right,  we  can  then  go  on  and  say  that  the  Constitution  of  the 


350          The  Making  of  an  Oration 

United  States  does  not  apply  to  territory,  and  that  we  will 
proceed  to  take  the  private  property  of  this  people  for  public 
use,  without  their  consent. 

It  is  understood  that  the  Filipino  people  propose  to  dis- 
possess the  religious  orders  of  their  vast  real-estate  posses- 
sions. They  are  Catholics.  But  they  desire  to  do  what 
Catholic  England  did  long  before  the  Reformation  —  pre- 
venting the  engrossment  by  the  Church  of  vast  and  valuable 
lands  needed  by  the  people.  As  I  understand  it,  our  treaty 
binds  us  to  confirm  those  titles,  and  that  is  one  of  the  things 
that  has  provoked  this  people  to  their  desperate  resistance. 
Upon  the  question  of  the  justice  of  their  demand  I  do  not 
now  propose  to  enter. 

Whether  the  inestimable  and  imperishable  principles  of 
human  liberty  are  to  be  trampled  down  by  the  American  Re- 
public, and  whether  its  great  bulwark  and  fortress,  the 
American  Constitution,  impregnable  from  without,  is  to  be 
betrayed  from  within,  is  our  question  now. 

I  have  been  unable  to  find  a  single  reputable  authority 
more  than  twelve  months  old  for  the  power  now  claimed  for 
Congress  to  govern  dependent  nations  or  territories  not  ex- 
pected to  become  states.  The  contrary,  until  this  war  broke 
out,  has  been  taken  as  too  clear  for  reasonable  question. 

Our  territories,  so  far,  have  all  been  places  where  Amer- 
icans would  go  to  dwell  as  citizens,  to  establish  American 
homes,  to  obtain  honorable  employment,  and  to  build  a  state. 
Will  any  man  go  to  the  Philippine  Islands  to  dwell,  except 
to  help  govern  the  people,  or  to  make  money  by  a  temporary 
residence?  The  men  of  the  Philippines,  under  the  Constitu- 
tion and  the  existing  laws,  may  become  your  fellow-citizens. 
You  will  never  consent,  in  the  sense  of  a  true  citizenship,  to 
become  theirs. 

Mr.  President,  our  friends  who  take  another  view  of  this 
question  like  to  tell  us  of  the  mistakes  of  the  great  men  of 
other  days  who  have  vainly  protested  against  acquisition  of 


Speeches  for  Careful  Study          351 

territory.  One  worthy  and  most  exuberant  gentleman  in 
another  place  points  out  to  his  hearers  the  folly  of  Webster 
and  Clay,  the  delusions  of  Charles  Sumner,  and  contrasts 
them  with  the  wisdom  of  Jefferson  and  Tyler  and  Polk.  Mr. 
Jefferson  declared  that  the  acquisition  of  Louisiana  was  un- 
constitutional, and  wanted  a  constitutional  amendment  to 
justify  it.  I  think  the  general  sense  of  the  American  people 
is  that  in  that  particular  Mr.  Jefferson  was  in  error,  and  that 
our  power  to  admit  new  states  clearly  involves  the  power  to 
acquire  territory  from  which  new  states  are  to  be  made.  I 
wonder,  however,  if  there  be  any  man  now  alive  who  now 
holds  or  who  ever  did  or  who  ever  will  hold  a  seat  in  either 
house  of  Congress,  willing  to  say  that,  having  taken  an  oath 
to  support  the  Constitution,  he  would,  for  any  purpose  of 
public  advantage,  forswear  himself  for  the  sake  of  a  real  or 
fancied  good  to  his  country.  I  hope  and  believe  that  the 
spirit  of  Fletcher  of  Saltoun,  who  said  he  would  die  to  serve 
Scotland,  but  he  would  not  do  a  base  thing  to  save  her,  is  still 
the  spirit  of  American  statesmanship.  That  exuberant  gen- 
tleman contrasts  the  statesmanship  of  Polk  and  Tyler  with 
that  of  Daniel  Webster  and  Henry  Clay  and  Charles  Sumner. 
Somehow  or  other  the  names  of  Webster  and  Clay  and  Sum- 
ner live  in  the  hearts  and  on  the  lips  of  their  countrymen, 
while  the  men  who  brought  on  the  Mexican  war  in  the  inter- 
ests of  slavery  are  forgotten.  I  do  not  think  we  hear  of  men 
building  to  those  counselors  or  celebrating  their  birthdays  or 
writing  their  lives.  In  all  generations,  the  statesmen  who 
have  appealed  to  righteousness  and  justice  and  freedom  have 
left  an  enduring  place  in  the  loving  memory  of  their  country- 
men, while  the  men  who  have  counseled  them  to  walk  in  the 
path  of  injustice  and  wrong,  even  if  it  led  to  empire  and  even 
if  they  were  in  the  majority  in  their  own  day,  are  forgotten 
and  despised.  Ah,  Mr.  President,  that  gentleman  says  we  are 
the  anointed  of  the  Lord  as  the  Jews  were  the  anointed  of 
the  Lord.  But  the  Jewish  empire  is  forgotten.  The  sands 


352  The  Making  of  an  Oration 

of  the  desert  cover  the  foundations  of  her  cities.  The  spider 
spins  its  thread,  and  the  owl  makes  its  midnight  perch,  in 
their  palaces.  But  still  those  little  words,  "  Thou  shalt  not 
steal;  thou  shalt  not  covet  that  which  is  thy  neighbor's; 
whatever  ye  would  that  men  should  do  to  you,  do  ye  even 
so  again  unto  them,"  shine  through  the  ages,  blazing  and 
undimmed.  Mr.  President,  you  may  speculate;  you  may 
refine ;  you  may  doubt ;  you  may  deny.  But  the  one  foremost 
action  in  our  history,  is  the  writing  upon  its  pages  those 
simple  and  sublime  opening  sentences  of  the  Declaration  of 
Independence.  And  the  men  who  stand  by  it  shall  live  in 
the  eternal  memory  of  mankind;  and  the  men  who  depart 
from  it,  however  triumphant  and  successful  in  their  little 
policies,  shall  perish  only  to  be  forgotten,  or  shall  be  remem- 
bered only  to  be  despised. 

When  hostilities  broke  out,  February  5,  1899,  we  had  no 
occupancy  of  and  no  title  of  any  kind  to  any  portion  of  the 
Philippine  territory  except  the  town  and  bay  of  Manila. 
Everything  else  was  in  the  peaceful  possession  of  the  inhab- 
itants. In  such  a  condition  of  things,  Mr.  President,  inter- 
national law  speaks  to  us  with  its  awful  mandate.  It 
pronounces  their  proposed  action  sheer  usurpation  and  rob- 
bery. You  have  no  better  title,  according  to  the  law  of 
nations,  to  reduce  this  people  to  subjection  than  you  have 
to  subjugate  Mexico  or  Haiti  or  Belgium  or  Switzerland. 

This  is  the  settled  doctrine,  as  declared  by  our  own  great 
masters  of  jurisprudence. 

You  have  no  right,  according  to  the  law  of  nations,  to 
obtain  by  purchase  or  acquisition  sovereignty  over  a  people 
which  is  not  actually  exercised  by  the  country  which  under- 
takes to  convey  or  yield  it. 

It  is  a  familiar  principle  of  the  common  law  that  you  can- 
not make  a  lawful  purchase  of  land  of  which  the  seller  is 
disseized,  or  of  a  chattel  of  which  he  is  dispossessed.  The 
reason  of  this  doctrine  is  to  prevent  the  purchase  of  lawsuits. 


Speeches  for  Careful  Study          353 

This  rule  applies  with  tenfold  force  to  undertaking  to  pur- 
chase human  beings  when  their  country  and  the  selling 
power  is  dispossessed  at  the  time  of  the  sale,  and  where  the 
title  can  be  enforced  only  by  war. 

We  have  not  yet  completed  the  acquisition.  But  at  the 
time  we  entered  upon  it,  and  at  the  time  of  this  alleged  pur- 
chase, the  people  of  the  Philippine  Islands,  as  appears  by 
General  Otis's,  by  Admiral  Dewey's  report,  and  the  report 
of  officers  for  whom  they  vouched,  held  their  entire  territory, 
with  the  exception  of  the  single  town  of  Manila.  They  had, 
as  appears  from  these  reports,  a  full  organized  government. 
They  had  an  army  fighting  for  independence,  admirably 
disciplined,  according  to  the  statement  of  ardent  advocates 
of  expansion. 

Why,  Mr.  President,  is  it  credible  that  any  American 
statesman,  that  any  American  Senator,  that  any  intelligent 
American  citizen  anywhere,  two  years  ago  could  have  been 
found  to  affirm  that  a  proceeding  like  that  of  the  Paris  treaty 
could  give  a  just  and  valid  title  to  sovereignty  over  a  people 
situated  as  were  the  people  of  those  islands?  A  title  of 
Spain,  originally  by  conquest,  never  submitted  to  nor  admit- 
ted by  the  people  of  the  islands,  with  frequent  insurrections 
at  different  times  for  centuries ;  and  then  the  yoke  all  thrown 
off,  a  constitutional  government,  schools,  colleges,  churches, 
universities,  hospitals,  town  governments,  a  legislature,  a 
cabinet,  courts,  a  code  of  laws,  and  the  whole  island  occu- 
pied and  controlled  by  its  own  people,  with  the  single  excep- 
tion of  one  city;  with  taxes  lawfully  levied  and  collected, 
with  any  army  and  the  beginning  of  a  navy? 

And  yet  the  Senate  —  the  Congress  —  enacted  less  than 
two  years  ago  that  the  people  of  Cuba  —  controlling  peace- 
ably no  part  of  their  island,  levying  no  taxes  in  any  orderly 
or  peaceable  way,  with  no  administration  of  justice,  no 
cabinet  —  not  only  of  a  right  ought  to  be,  but  were  in  fact, 
a  free  and  independent  state.  I  did  not  give  my  assent  to 


354  The  Making  of  an  Oration 

that  declaration  of  fact.  I  assented  to  the  doctrine  that  they 
of  right  ought  to  be.  But  I  thought  the  statement  of  fact 
much  calculated  to  embarrass  the  Government  of  the  United 
States,  if  it  were  bound  by  that  declaration ;  and  it  has  been 
practically  disregarded  by  the  administration  ever  since. 
But  the  question  now  is  a  very  different  one.  You  not  only 
deny  that  the  Filipinos  are,  but  you  deny  that  they  of  right 
ought  to  be,  free  and  independent;  and  you  recognize  Spain 
as  entitled  to  sell  to  you  the  sovereignty  of  an  island  where 
she  was  not  at  the  time  occupying  a  foot  of  territory,  where 
her  soldiers  were  held  captives  by  the  government  of  the 
island, —  a  government  to  which  you  had  delivered  over  a 
large  number  of  Spanish  prisoners  to  be  held  as  captives. 
And  yet  you  come  here  today  and  say  that  they  not  only  are 
not,  but  that  they  of  right  ought  not  to  be  free  and  inde- 
pendent ;  and  when  you  are  pressed  you  answer  us  by  talking 
about  mountains  of  iron  and  nuggets  of  gold,  and  trade  with 
China. 

I  affirm  that  you  cannot  get  by  conquest,  and  you  cannot 
get  by  purchase,  according  to  the  modern  law  of  nations, 
according  to  the  law  of  nations  as  accepted  and  expounded 
by  the  United  States,  sovereignty  over  a  people,  or  title  to 
a  territory,  of  which  the  power  that  undertakes  to  sell  it, 
or  the  power  from  which  you  undertake  to  wrest  it,  has  not 
the  actual  possession  and  dominion.  Under  municipal  law 
you  cannot  buy  a  horse  of  which  the  seller  is  dispossessed; 
you  cannot  buy  a  foot  of  land  of  which  he  is  disseized.  You 
cannot  purchase  a  lawsuit.  Under  international  law  you 
cannot  buy  a  people  from  a  power  that  has  no  actual  domin- 
ion over  them.  You  cannot  buy  a  war.  More  than  this,  you 
cannot  buy  a  tyrant's  claim  to  subject  again  an  oppressed 
people  who  have  achieved  their  freedom. 

You  cannot  buy  the  liberties  of  a  people  from  a  dispos- 
sessed tyrant,  liberties  that  they  have  bravely  won  for 
themselves  in  arms.  You  cannot  buy  sovereignty  like  mer- 


Speeches  for  Careful  Study          355 

chandise  and  men  like  sheep.  The  King  of  England  kept, 
down  to  1800,  the  title  of  Duke  of  Normandy  and  King  of 
France.  Could  any  other  country  or  all  Europe  together 
have  bought  France  from  King  George?!  I  wonder  what 
would  have  happened  if,  instead  of  acknowledging  our  inde- 
pendence, any  time  before  the  French  treaty,  France  had 
bought  England  out  and  undertaken  to  assert  her  title  to  the 
United  States.  These  questions  have  to  be  answered,  not 
amid  the  shouting  and  applause  of  a  political  campaign,  not 
in  party  platforms,  not  alone  in  a  single  campaign  or  a  single 
generation.  They  have  got  to  be  answered  to  history,  to  the 
instructed  conscience  of  the  civilized  world,  when  the  pas- 
sions and  the  greed  and  ambitions  of  a  single  generation 
have  gone  by  and  are  cold.  And  there  will  be  to  them  but 
one  answer. 

I  shall  show  beyond  all  question  or  cavil,  from  the  evi- 
dence of  our  own  commanders,  that  this  was  a  people.  They 
were  a  people  who  had  taken  arms  for  liberty.  They  had 
achieved  liberty.  They  had  taken  arms  to  establish  a  repub- 
lic. They  had  established  a  republic  —  the  first  republic  of 
the  Orient. 

Now,  international  law  has  something  to  say  about  this 
matter.  Will  the  American  people,  for  the  first  time  in  their 
history,  disregard  its  august  mandate? 

You  gentlemen  who  desire  to  hold  on  to  the  Philippine 
Islands  are  trying  to  plant  the  United  States  squarely  upon 
this  doctrine.  You  must  affirm  that  a  people  rising  for  their 
own  liberties  against  a  tyrant,  and  having  got  actual  posses- 
sion of  territory,  and  having  dispossessed  the  oppressor,  have 
no  rightful  title  thereto. 

Not  only  are  we  violating  our  own  Constitution,  and  the 
great  precepts  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence  which,  as 
the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States  has  declared,  is  to 
control  and  interpret,  being  as  the  Court  says,  but  the  letter 
of  which  the  Declaration  is  the  spirit,  but  we  are  equally 


356          The  Making  of  an  Oration 

violating  the  accepted  precepts  of  the  law  of  nations  as 
expounded  by  our  own  great  authorities. 

If  there  is  one  thing  above  others  which  is  the  glory  of 
the  American  Republic,  it  is  the  respect  and  obedience  it  has 
ever  paid  to  international  law.  It  is  that  law,  the  product 
of  Christianity,  which  prevents  every  weak  nation  on  the 
earth  from  becoming  the  prey  of  the  stronger  ones.  It  is  to 
nations  what  the  conscience  is  to  the  individual  soul.  It  finds 
its  enforcement  and  sanction  in  the  public  opinion  of  the  civil- 
ized world,  a  power,  according  to  Mr.  Webster,  stronger 
than  armies  or  navies.  No  nation  escapes  the  penalty  of  its 
infraction.  As  Mr.  Webster  says,  it  pursues  the  conqueror 
to  the  very  scene  of  his  ovation,  and  wounds  him  with  the 
sting  that  belongs  to  the  consciousness  of  having  outraged 
the  opinion  of  mankind. 

From  many  authorities  I  will  cite  a  few. 

First,  President  McKinley,  in  the  language  so  often 
quoted.  When  the  President  said  that  — 

"  Forcible  annexation,  according  to  our  American  code  of 
morals,  would  be  criminal  aggression," 

was  he  a  copperhead?  Was  he  disloyal  to  the  flag?  Was 
not  he  a  Republican?  Was  there  ever  an  utterance  so  cal- 
culated to  give  courage  to  Aguinaldo  and  his  people  as  that? 

WThen  he  said, — 

"Human  rights  and  constitutional  privileges  must  not  be 
forgotten  in  the  race  for  wealth  and  commercial  supremacy. 
The  government  of  the  people  must  be  by  the  people  and  not 
by  a  few  of  the  people.  It  must  rest  upon  the  free  consent 
of  the  governed  and  all  of  the  governed.  Power,  it  must  be 
remembered,  which  is  secured  by  oppression  or  usurpation  or 
by  any  form  of  injustice,  is  soon  dethroned.  We  have  no 
right  in  law  or  morals  to  usurp  that  which  belongs  to  another, 
whether  it  is  property  or  power," — 
was  he  a  traitor  ? 


Speeches  for  Careful  Study          357 

I  suppose  Chancellor  Kent  is  recognized  everywhere  as 
the  ablest  American  writer  on  jurisprudence,  unless  some  of 
us  were  to  agree  with  Kent  himself,  in  assigning  the 
superiority  to  Story.  He  says: 

"  Full  sovereignty  cannot  be  supposed  to  have  passed  by 
the  mere  words  of  the  treaty  without  actual  delivery.  To 
complete  the  right  of  property,  the  right  to  the  thing  and  the 
possession  of  the  thing  must  be  united.  This  is  a  necessary 
principle  in  the  law  of  property  in  all  systems  of  jurispru- 
dence. 

"  The  law  of  property  applies  to  the  right  of  territory  no 
less  than  to  other  rights.  The  practice  of  nations  has  been 
conformable  to  this  principle,  and  the  conventional  law  of 
nations  is  full  of  instances  of  this  kind." 

Sumner  said  in  his  speech  before  the  Republican  State 
Convention  of  Massachusetts  in  1869: 

"  And  he  knows  our  country  little,  and  little  also  of  that 
great  liberty  of  ours,  who  supposes  that  we  could  receive 
such  a  transfer.  On  each  side  there  is  impossibility.  Terri- 
tory may  be  conveyed,  but  not  a  people." 

But  why  multiply  citations  to  a  Senate  who,  within  two 
years,  affirmed  that  Cuba  of  a  right  ought  to  be  free  and 
independent,  and  to  a  Congress  and  a  President  that  declared 
war  to  make  that  declaration  good?  You  were  stating  a 
doctrine  of  public  law,  were  you  not?  You  were  not  uttering 
a  lying  revolutionary  pronunciamento.  You  were  speaking 
for  a  great  nation  on  a  solemn  occasion.  You  were  speaking 
words  of  truth  and  soberness,  words  you  mean  to  make  good 
with  the  lives  of  your  sons.  The  first  and  the  last  declara- 
tion of  public  law  ever  made  by  the  American  people,  the 
declaration  of  1776  and  the  declaration  of  1898,  are  in  full 
accord  and  harmony.  They  both  justify  the  Philippine 
people  and  condemn  us. 

The  Declaration  of  Independence  is  not  so  much  a  declara- 
tion of  rights  as  a  declaration  of  duties.  It  prescribes  a  rule 


358          The  Making  of  an  Oration 

of  conduct  for  men  in  the  same  state  to  one  another,  and  for 
the  nations  of  the  earth  for  one  another.  Like  the  golden 
rule,  it  makes  the  law  of  individual  right  the  law  also  of 
individual  duty.  Do  Senators  reflect  how  this  "  imperialism," 
as  they  call  it,  is  inaugurating  a  revolution  not  only  in  the  law 
of  nations,  not  only  in  the  fundamental  law  by  which  the 
people  of  the  United  States  have  governed  themselves  until 
now,  not  only  in  the  interpretation  of  the  Constitution,  but 
in  the  moral  law  itself?  As  I  hear  the  utterances  of  some 
worthy  gentlemen  taking  the  word  of  God  upon  their  lips,  it 
seems  to  me  as  if  they  thought  the  balance  of  the  universe 
itself  had  changed  within  this  year,  and  that  God  had  gone 
over  to  the  side  of  Satan. 

There  is  one  question  I  should  like  to  put  to  the  Repub- 
lican 4  majority  in  the  Senate  and  to  the  Republican  party 
in  the  country :  Is  this  doctrine  true  or  is  it  false  ?  Are  you 
to  stand  on  it  any  longer,  or  are  you  going  to  whistle  it  down 
the  wind? 

Thomas  Jefferson  declared  it,  this  precise  doctrine,  now 
at  stake  here.  John  Quincy  Adams  reaffirmed  it  again  and 
again.  Abraham  Lincoln  said  he  was  willing  to  be  assassi- 
nated for  it.  Charles  Sumner  was  almost  assassinated  for  it 
in  his  place  in  the  Senate  Chamber.  Republican  National 
Conventions  in  1856  and  1860  and  in  later  years  have  re- 
affirmed it  again  and  again.  President  McKinley,  two  years 
ago,  made  the  most  extreme  statement  of  it  to  be  found  in 
literature. 

Now  this  thing  is  true  or  it  is  a  lying  pretense.  If  it  be  a 
lying  pretense,  the  country  has  stood  on  a  lie  during  its  whole 
history.  If  it  be  true  the  country  is  dishonored  when  we 
depart  from  it.  For  myself,  I  believe  it  is  true ;  I  have  tried 
to  live  by  it ;  I  am  contented  to  die  by  it ;  my  love  of  country 
rests  on  it;  my  pride  of  ancestry  rests  on  it.  To  me  that  is 
what  the  flag  symbolizes  and  stands  for. 

I  believe  that  utterance  made  at  Philadelphia  in  1776  to 


Speeches  for  Careful  Study          359 

have  been  the  greatest  evangel  that  ever  came  to  mankind 
since  the  story  of  Bethelehem.  Like  the  shot  5  fired  at  Con- 
cord, it  was  heard  around  the  world.  It  was  heard  with  fear  in 
the  palace  of  the  tyrant;  it  was  heard  with  joy  in  the  huts 
where  poor  men  dwelt.  I  reverently  believe  it  was  heard  with 
joy  in  heaven  itself. 

I  believe,  also,  that  if  the  gloss  put  upon  that  great  declara- 
tion by  the  Senator  from  Connecticut  had  been  uttered  then, 
it  would  have  been  heard  with  a  burst  of  derisive  laughter  in 
hell,  and  Satan  himself  would  have  led  the  chorus. 

We  have  had  so  far  some  fundamental  doctrine,  some 
ideals  to  which  this  people  have  been  devoted.  Have  you 
anything  to  give  us  in  their  place?  You  are  trying  to  knock 
out  the  corner-stones.  Is  there  any  material  from  your 
swamp  and  mud  and  morass  from  which  you  can  make  a  new 
foundation  for  our  temple? 

Gentlemen  tell  us  that  the  bill  of  the  Senator  from  Wis- 
consin is  copied  from  that  introduced  in  Jefferson's  time  for 
the  purchase  of  Louisiana.  Do  you  claim  that  you  propose 
to  deal  with  these  people  as  Jefferson  meant  to  deal  with 
Louisiana?  You  talk  of  Alaska,  of  Florida,  of  California; 
do  you  mean  to  deal  with  the  Philippines  as  we  mean  to  deal 
with  Alaska  and  dealt  with  Florida  and  California? 

It  was  safe  to  give  Jefferson  —  who  thought  it  wicked  to 
govern  a  people  against  its  will  —  a  power  with  which  gen- 
tlemen who  think  it  is  right  ought  never  to  be  trusted. 

I  have  spoken  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence  as  a 
solemn  affirmation  of  public  law,  but  it  is  more  than  that.  It 
is  a  solemn  pledge  of  national  faith  and  honor.  It  is  a  bap- 
tismal vow.  It  is  the  bedrock  of  our  republican  institutions. 
It  is,  as  the  Supreme  Court  declared,  the  soul  and  spirit  of 
which  the  Constitution  is  but  the  body  and  letter.  It  is  the 
light  by  which  the  Constitution  must  be  read.  The  states- 
man or  the  party  who  will  not  stand  by  the  Declaration  and 
obey  it  is  never  to  be  trusted  anywhere  to  keep  an  oath  to 


360  The  Making  of  an  Oration 

support  the  Constitution.  To  such  a  statesman,  whenever 
his  ambition  or  his  passion  shall  incline  him,  to  such  a  party, 
whenever  its  fancied  advantage  shall  tempt  it,  there  will  be 
no  constitutional  restraint.  It  will  bend  the  Constitution  to 
its  desire,  never  its  desire  to  the  Constitution. 

There  is  expansion  enough  in  it,  but  it  is  the  expansion  of 
freedom  and  not  of  despotism;  of  life,  not  of  death.  Never 
was  such  growth  in  all  human  history  as  that  from  the  seed  6 
Thomas  Jefferson  planted.  The  parable  of  the  mustard  seed, 
than  which,  as  Edward  Everett  said,  "  The  burning  pen  of 
inspiration,  ranging  heaven  and  earth  for  a  similitude,  can 
find  nothing  more  appropriate  or  expressive  to  which  to  liken 
the  kingdom  of  God,"  is  repeated  again :  "  Whereunto 7 
shall  we  liken  it,  or  with  what  comparison  shall  we  compare 
it?  It  is  like  a  grain  of  mustard  seed,  which  when  it  is  sown 
in  the  earth,  is  less  than  all  the  seeds  that  be  in  the  earth. 
But  when  it  is  sown,  it  groweth  up,  and  becometh  greater 
than  all  herbs,  and  shooteth  out  great  branches,  so  that  the 
fowls  of  the  air  may  lodge  under  the  shadow  of  it."  This  is 
the  expansion  of  Thomas  Jefferson.  It  has  covered  the  con- 
tinent. It  is  on  both  the  seas.  It  has  saved  South  America. 
It  is  revolutionizing  Europe.  It  is  the  expansion  of  freedom. 
It  differs  from  your  tinsel,  pinchbeck,  pewter  expansion  as  the 
growth  of  a  healthy  youth  into  a  strong  man  differs  from  the 
expansion  of  an  anaconda  when  he  swallows  his  victim. 
Ours  is  the  expansion  of  Thomas  Jefferson.  Yours  is  the 
expansion  of  Aaron  Burr.  It  is  destined  to  as  short  a  life 
and  to  a  like  fate. 

Until  within  two  years  the  American  people  have  been 
wont  to  appeal  to  the  Declaration  of  Independence  as  the 
foremost  state  paper  in  history.  As  the  years  go  round,  the 
fourth  of  July  has  been  celebrated  wherever  Americans  could 
gather  together,  at  home  or  abroad.  To  have  signed  it,  to  an 
American,  was  better  than  a  title  of  nobility.  It  was  no  pas- 
sionate utterance  of  a  hasty  enthusiasm.  There  was  nothing 


Speeches  for  Careful  Study  361 

of  the  radical  in  it;  nothing  of  Rousseau;  nothing  of  the 
French  Revolution.  It  was  the  sober  utterance  of  the  sober- 
est men  of  the  soberest  generation  that  ever  lived.  It  was  the 
declaration  of  a  religious  people  at  the  most  religious  period 
of  their  history.  It  was  a  declaration  not  merely  of  rights 
but  of  duties.  It  was  an  act  not  of  revolution  but  of  construc- 
tion. It  was  the  corner  stone,  the  foundation  stone,  of  a 
great  national  edifice  wherein  the  American  people  were  to 
dwell  forevermore.  The  language  was  the  language  of 
Thomas  Jefferson.  But  the  thought  was  the  thought  of  every 
one  of  his  associates.  The  men  of  the  Continental  Congress 
meant  to  plant  their  new  nation  on  eternal  verities  which  no 
man  possessed  by  the  spirit  of  liberty  could  ever  thereafter 
undertake  to  challenge.  As  the  Christian  religion  was  rested 
by  its  author  on  two  8  sublime  commandments  on  which  hang 
all  the  law  and  the  prophets,  so  these  men  rested  republican 
liberty  on  two  sublime  verities  on  which  it  must  stand  if  it 
can  stand  at  all ;  in  which  it  must  live,  or  bear  no  life.  One 
was  the  equality  of  the  individual  man  with  every  other  in 
political  right.  The  other  is  that  you  are  now  seeking  to 
overthrow  —  the  right  of  every  people  to  institute  their  own 
government,  laying  its  foundations  on  such  principles  and 
organizing  its  powers  in  such  form  as  to  them  shall  seem  most 
likely  to  effect  their  safety  and  happiness,  and  so  to  assume 
among  the  powers  of  the  earth  the  separate  and  equal  station 
to  which  the  laws  of  nature  and  nature's  God  entitle  them. 
Equality  of  individual  manhood  and  equality  of  individual 
states.  This  is  the  doctrine  which  the  Republican  party  is 
now  urged  to  deny. 

To  justify  that  denial  the  advocates  of  the  policy  of  im- 
perialism are  driven  to  the  strange  affirmation  that  Thomas 
Jefferson  did  not  believe  and  contradicted  it  when  he  pur- 
chased Louisiana;  that  John  Quincy  Adams  did  not  believe 
and  contradicted  it  when  he  bought  Florida;  that  Abraham 
Lincoln  did  not  believe  it  and  contradicted  it  when  he  put 


362  The  Making  of  an  Oration 

down  the  rebellion ;  that 9  Charles  Sumner  did  not  believe  it 
and  contradicted  it  when  he  bought  Alaska.  They  say  10  that 
because,  with  the  full  and  practical  consent  of  the  men  who 
occupied  them,  these  men  bought  great  spaces  of  territory 
occupied  by  sparse  and  scattered  populations,  neither  owning 
it  nor  pretending  to  own  it,  nor  capable  of  occupying  it  or 
governing  it,  destitute  of  every  single  attribute  which  makes 
or  can  make  a  nation  or  a  people,  those  statesmen  of  ours, 
designing  to  make  the  territory  acquired  into  equal  states,  to 
be  dwelt  in  and  governed  under  our  Constitution  by  men  with 
rights  equal  to  our  own  —  that  therefore  you  may  get  by 
purchase  or  by  conquest  an  unwilling  people,  occupying  and 
governing  a  thickly  settled  territory,  possessing  every  attribute 
of  a  national  life,  enjoying  a  freedom  that  they  themselves 
have  achieved;  that  you  may  crush  out  their  national  life; 
that  you  may  overthrow  their  institutions;  that  you  may 
strangle  their  freedom ;  that  you  may  put  over  them  govern- 
ors whom  you  appoint,  and  in  whose  appointment  they  have 
no  voice;  that  you  may  make  laws  for  them  in  your  interest 
and  not  in  theirs;  that  you  may  overthrow  their  republican 
liberty,  and  in  doing  this  you  appeal  to  the  example  of 
Thomas  Jefferson,  and  John  Quincy  Adams  and  Abraham 
Lincoln  and  Charles  Sumner. 

Thomas  Jefferson  comes  down  in  history  with  the  Declar- 
ation of  Independence  in  one  hand  and  the  title  deed  of 
Louisiana  in  the  other.  Do  you  think  his  left  hand  knew 
not  what  his  right  hand  did?  Do  you  think  these  two  im- 
mortal transactions  contradicted  each  other?  Do  you  think 
he  bought  men  like  sheep  and  paid  for  them  in  gold?  It  is 
true  the  men  of  the  Declaration  held  slaves.  Jefferson 
felt  the  inconsistency  and  declared  that  he  trembled  for  his 
country  when  he  felt  that  God  was  just.  But  he  lived  and 
died  in  the  expectation  that  the  Declaration  would  abolish 
slavery,  which  it  did. 


Speeches  for  Careful  Study          363 

In  every  accession  of  territory  to  this  country  ever  made 
we  recognized  fully  the  doctrine  of  the  consent  of  the  gov- 
erned and  the  doctrine  that  territory  so  acquired  must  be 
held  to  be  made  into  states. 

The  confusion  of  the  arguments  of  our  friends  on  the 
other  side  comes  from  confounding  the  statement  in  the 
Declaration  of  the  rights  of  individuals  with  the  statement 
of  the  rights  of  nations,  or  peoples,  in  dealing  with  one 
another. 

The  whole  Declaration  is  a  statement  of  political  rights 
and  political  relations  and  political  duties. 

First.  Every  man  is  equal  in  political  rights,  including  the 
right  to  life,  liberty,  and  the  pursuit  of  happiness,  to  every 
other. 

Second.  No  people  can  come  under  the  government  of 
any  other  people,  or  of  any  ruler,  without  its  consent.  The 
law  of  nature  and  of  nature's  God  entitle  every  people  to  its 
separate  and  equal  stati9n  among  the  powers  of  the  earth. 
Our  fathers  were  not  dealing,  in  this  clause,  with  the  doc- 
trine of  the  social  compact;  they  were  not  considering  the 
rights  of  minorities ;  they  used  the  word  "  people  "  as  equiv- 
alent to  "  nation,"  or  "  state,"  as  an  organized  political  being, 
and  not  as  a  mere  aggregate  of  persons  not  collected  or 
associated.  They  were  not  thinking  of  Robinson  Crusoe  in 
his  desolate  island,  or  of  scattered  settlers,  still  less  of  pred- 
atory bands  roaming  over  vast  regions  they  could  neither 
own  nor  occupy.  They  were  affirming  the  right  of  each  of 
the  thirteen  colonies  separately,  or  all  together,  to  throw  off 
the  yoke  of  George  III.  and  to  separate  itself  or  themselves 
from  Great  Britain.  Now  you  must  either  admit  that  what 
they  said  was  true,  or  you  must  affirm  the  contrary. 

The  question  is  put  with  an  air  of  triumph  as  if  it  were 
somehow  hard  to  answer.  If  this  doctrine  of  yours  apply  to 
a  million  men,  why  does  it  not  apply  to  a  hundred  men  ?  At 
what  point  of  the  census  do  men  get  these  God-given  rights 


364  The  Making  of  an  Oration 

of  yours?  Well,  the  answer  is  easy  enough.  Our  fathers, 
in  the  affirmation  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence  you 
are  now  denying,  were  speaking  of  the  equal  rights  of 
nations,  of  their  duties  to  each  other.  The  exact  point  where 
a  few  scattered  settlements  become  a  people,  or  a  few 
nomadic  tribes  a  nation,  may  not  admit  of  mathematical 
definition.  At  what  point  does  a  brook  become  a  river? 
When  does  a  pond  become  a  lake,  or  a  lake  a  sea,  or  a  breeze 
a  hurricane?  You  cannot  tell  me.  But  surely  there  are 
nations  and  peoples,  there  is  organized  national  life;  and 
there  are  scattered  habitations  and  wandering  tribes  to  whom 
these  titles  are  never  applied.  Louisiana,  Alaska,  Florida, 
New  Mexico,  California,  neither  had,  nor  did  their  inhabit- 
ants claim  to  have,  such  a  national  vitality  when  we  acquired 
them.  And  if  there  were  anything  of  that  sort  when  we 
annexed  them,  it  desired  to  come  to  us.  And  it  came  to  us 
to  become  a  part  of  us  —  bone  of  our  bone,  flesh  of  our  flesh, 
life  of  our  life,  soul  of  our  soul. 

But  I  can  give  you  two  pretty  safe  practical  rules,  quite 
enough  for  this  day's  purpose.  Each  of  them  will  solve  your 
difficulty,  if  you  have  a  difficulty  and  want  to  solve  it.  That 
is  a  people,  that  is  a  power  of  the  earth,  that  is  a  nation  en- 
titled as  such  to  its  separate  and  equal  station  among  the 
powers  of  the  earth  by  the  laws  of  nature  and  of  nature's 
God,  that  has  a  written  constitution,  a  settled  territory,  an 
independence  it  has  achieved,  an  organized  army,  a  congress, 
courts,  schools,  universities,  churches,  the  Christian  religion; 
a  village  life  in  orderly,  civilized,  self-governed  municipali- 
ties; a  pure  family  life,  newspapers,  books,  statesmen  who 
can  debate  questions  of  international  law,  like  Mabini,  and 
organized  governments,  like  Aguinaldo;  poets  like  Jose 
Rizal.  The  Boer  republic  is  a  nation,  and  it  is  a  crime  to 
crush  out  its  life,  though  its  population  be  less  than  Provi- 
dence, Rhode  Island.  Each  one  of  our  old  thirteen  states 


Speeches  for  Careful  Study          365 

would  have  been  a  nation  even  if  it  had  stood  alone.  And 
the  Philippine  republic  with  twenty  the  number  of  Boers, 
a  people  more  than  the  whole  thirteen  states  who  joined  in 
the  Declaration  put  together,  is  a  nation,  and  it  is  a  greater 
crime  still  to  crush  out  its  life. 

There  is  another  rule  that  will  help  any  Senator  out  of  his 
difficulties.  It  must  be  a  comfort  to  every  one  of  you  in  his 
perplexity.  Every  people  is  of  right  entitled  to  its  independ- 
ence that  has  got  as  far  as  Cuba  had  in  the  spring  of  1898. 
You  all  admit  that.  Admit !  You  all  avow,  affirm,  strenu- 
ously insist  on  that.  You  will  all  pledge  your  lives  and  for- 
tunes and  sacred  honor  for  that.  You  will  go  to  war  and 
send  your  sons  to  war  to  maintain  that.  If  Spain  shall  deny 
it,  or  any  other  country  but  Great  Britain,  woe  be  to  her. 
It  is  n't  necessary,  according  to  you,  to  have  a  constitution ; 
it  is  n't  necessary  to  have  courts ;  it  is  n't  necessary  to  have 
a  capital ;  it  is  n't  necessary  to  have  a  school.  The  seat  of 
government  may  be  in  the  saddle.  It  is  n't  necessary  to 
occupy  a  city,  or  to  have  a  seaport ;  it  is  n't  necessary  to  hold 
permanently  an  acre  of  land.  It  is  n't  necessary  to  have  got 
the  invader  out  of  the  country ;  it  is  n't  necessary  to  have  a 
tenth  part  of  the  claim  the  Filipinos  have,  or  to  have  done 
a  tenth  part  of  the  things  the  Filipinos  have  done.  You 
settled  all  this  for  yourselves  and  for  the  country  long  ago  — 
March  10,  1898.  So  I  assume  you  have  only  put  this  conun- 
drum for  the  pleasure  of  answering  it  yourselves. 

Senators,  if  there  were  no  Constitution,  if  there  were  no 
Declaration,  if  there  were  no  international  law,  if  there 
were  nothing  but  the  history  of  the  past  two  years,  the 
American  people  would  be  bound  in  honor,  if  there  be  honor, 
bound  in  common  honesty,  if  there  be  honesty,  not  to  crush 
out  this  Philippine  republic,  and  not  to  wrest  from  this  people 
its  independence.  The  history  of  our  dealing  with  the  Phil- 
ippine people  is  found  in  the  reports  of  our  commanders. 


366          The  Making  of  an  Oration 

It  is  all  contained  in  our  official  documents,  and  in  published 
statements  of  General  Anderson,  and  in  the  speeches  of  the 
President.  It  is  little  known  to  the  country  today.  When 
it  shall  be  known,  I  believe  it  will  cause  a  revolution  in  public 
sentiment. 

There  are  twelve  hundred  islands  in  the  Philippine  group. 
They  extend  as  far  as  from  Maine  to  Florida.  They  have  a 
population  variously  estimated  at  from  eight  to  twelve  mil- 
lion. There  are  wild  tribes  that  never  heard  of  Christ,  and 
islands  that  never  heard  of  Spain.  But  among  them  are  the 
people  of  the  Island  of  Luzon,  numbering  three  million  five 
hundred  thousand  and  the  people  of  the  Visayan  Islands, 
numbering  two  million  five  hundred  thousand  more.  They 
are  a  Christian  and  civilized  people.  They  wrested  their 
independence  from  Spain  and  established  a  republic.  Their 
rights  are  no  more  to  be  affected  by  the  few  wild  tribes  in 
their  own  mountains  or  by  the  dwellers  in  the  other  islands 
than  the  rights  of  our  thirteen  states  were  affected  by  the 
French  in  Canada  or  the  Six  Nations  of  New  York,  or  the 
Cherokees  of  Georgia,  or  the  Indians  west  of  the  Mississippi. 
Twice  our  commanding  generals,  by  their  own  confessions, 
assured  these  people  of  their  independence.  Clearly  and  be- 
yond  all  cavil  we  formed  an  alliance  with  them.  We 
expressly  asked  them  to  cooperate  with  us.  We  handed  over 
our  prisoners  to  their  keeping;  we  sought  their  help  in  caring 
for  our  sick  and  wounded.  We  were  told  by  them  again, 
and  again,  and  again  that  they  were  fighting  for  independ- 
ence. Their  purpose  was  as  well  known  to  our  generals,  to 
the  War  Department,  and  to  the  President,  as  the  fact  that 
they  were  in  arms.  We  never  undeceived  them  until  the 
time  when  hostilities  were  declared  in  1899.  The  President 
declared  again  and  again  that  we  had  no  title  and  claimed  no 
right  to  anything  beyond  the  town  of  Manila.  Hostilities 
were  begun  by  us  at  a  place  where  we  had  no  right  to  be,  and 


Speeches  for  Careful  Study          367 

were  continued  by  us  in  spite  of  Aguinaldo's  disavowal  and 
regret  and  offer  to  withdraw  to  a  line  we  should  prescribe. 
If  we  crush  that  republic,  despoil  that  people  of  their  freedom 
and  independence,  and  subject  them  to  our  rule,  it  will  be  a 
story  of  shame  and  dishonor. 

Is  it  right,  is  it  just,  to  subjugate  this  people,  to  substitute 
our  government  for  their  self-government,  for  the  constitu- 
tion they  have  proclaimed  and  established,  a  scheme  of  gov- 
ernment such  as  we  could  devise  ten  thousand  miles  away? 

Is  it  right  to  put  over  them  officers  whom  we  are  to  select 
and  they  are  to  obey  and  pay  ? 

Is  it  right  to  make  tariffs  for  our  interests  and  not  theirs  ? 

Are  the  interests  of  the  Manila  tobacco  growers  to  be 
decided  upon  hearing  given  to  the  tobacco  raisers  of  the 
Connecticut  River  Valley? 

Are  these  mountains  of  iron  and  nuggets  of  gold,  and 
stores  of  coal,  and  hemp-bearing  fields,  and  fruit-bearing 
gardens  to  be  looked  upon  by  our  legislators  with  covetous 
eyes? 

Is  it  our  wealth  or  their  wealth  these  things  are  to 
increase? 

There  are  other  pregnant  questions,  some  of  which  perhaps 
require  a  little  examination  and  a  little  study  of  the  reports 
of  our  commanders. 

Had  they  rightfully  achieved  their  independence  when 
hostilities  began  between  us  and  them? 

Did  they  forfeit  their  independence  by  the  circumstances 
of  the  war? 

On  the  whole,  have  they  not  shown  that  they  are  fit  for 
self-government,  fit  as  Cuba,  fit  as  Greece,  fit  as  Spain,  fit 
as  Japan,  fit  as  Haiti  or  San  Domingo,  fit  as  any  country  to 
the  south  of  us,  from  the  Rio  Grande  to  Cape  Horn,  was, 
when  with  our  approval  those  countries  won  their  liberties 
from  Spain? 


368  The  Making  of  an  Oration 

Can  we  rightfully  subjugate  a  people  because  we  think 
them  unfit  for  self-government? 

A  little  more  than  fourteen  months  ago  there  were  pre- 
sented to  the  Senate  two  propositions  in  sharp  contrast  with 
each  other.  One  was  a  proposition  to  deal  with  the  Philip- 
pine Islands  as  we  dealt  with  Cuba;  to  assure  them  of  their 
liberty ;  to  protect  them  against  foreign  ambition  and  to  lend 
our  aid  in  restoring  order;  to  speed  them  with  our  blessing 
on  the  pathway  of  freedom  and  independence,  equal  among 
independent  nations,  making  such  treaties  with  them  for 
future  commerce  and  intercourse  as  our  advantage  and  theirs 
would  require,  and  as  their  goodwill  and  gratitude  might  be 
willing  to  grant. 

The  other  was  to  buy  them  like  slaves;  to  pay  for  them 
in  gold ;  to  set  up  against  them  the  dishonored  and  discredited 
title  of  Spain,  and  to  conquer  them  to  a  sullen  submission  and 
to  a  future  of  perpetual  hatred  and  fear. 

The  Senate  took  its  choice.  We  have  had  twelve  months' 
experience.  We  can  tell  already  something  of  the  cost  of 
this  thing.  It  has  cost  us  more  than  one  hundred  and  fifty 
millions  in  money.  An  increase  over  1898  of  the  cost  of  the 
Army  more  than  one  hundred  and  twenty-two  millions;  of 
the  Navy,  of  six  millions;  of  the  pension  list,  four  millions. 

But  all  this  is  the  merest  trifle.  It  has  cost  us  the  lives 
of  six  thousand  men  who  are  dead.  It  has  wrecked  the  lives 
of  other  thousands,  victims  of  disease  and  of  wounds.  It 
compels  us  to  maintain  in  the  future  a  large  and  costly  mili- 
tary and  naval  force. 

You  are  to  keep,  certainly,  hereafter,  fifty  thousand  private 
soldiers,  in  the  flower  of  their  youth,  in  that  tropical  clime. 
What  is  to  be  their  fate  ? 

Mr.  President,  worse  than  the  most  lavish  expenditure, 
worse  than  the  heaviest  burdens  of  national  debt,  worse  than 
the  loss  of  precious  lives,  worse  than  the  reduction  of  wages, 


Speeches  for  Careful  Study          369 

worse  than  the  overthrow  of  our  settled  fiscal  policies,  is  the 
price,  the  terrible  price,  we  are  to  pay,  if  there  be  any  lesson 
to  be  learned,  from  human  experience,  in  the  souls  of  the 
young  men  we  are  to  send  as  soldiers  to  the  tropics.  Have 
you  read  the  horrible,  the  unquotable  story  which  comes  from 
the  English  official  reports  of  the  life  of  the  common  soldiers 
of  the  English  army  in  India?  I  wonder  if  our  enthusiastic 
gentlemen,  who  prate  so  glibly  of  dominion  and  empire  —  I 
wonder  if  our  well  meaning  clergymen,  who  fancy  them- 
selves preaching  the  gospel  of  Christ  to  these  yellow  congre- 
gations, have  read  anything  or  care  anything  for  the  lessons 
of  experience? 

Hardly  a  department  of  the  government  does  not  add  some 
items  of  cost  incident  to  a  control  or  knowledge  of  the  late 
Spanish  possessions. 

The  government  of  these  islands  will  be  a  military  govern- 
ment, to  be  assisted  and  gradually  superseded  by  civil  officers. 
No  sums  adequate  to  the  purpose  have  been  asked  for,  nor 
has  any  money  been  asked  to  construct  and  equip  coast  and 
harbor  defenses  necessary  to  military  occupation  or  for  the 
improvement  of  harbors  and  water  ways,  cleansing  cities 
and  towns,  construction  and  maintenance  of  military  and 
other  railroads,  relief  of  the  needy,  and  the  many  items  of 
expense  incident  to  the  occupation  of  distant  and  unprotected 
possessions,  peopled  by  poor  and  untaught  natives,  oppressed 
into  insurrection,  and  at  present  undisciplined  to  control  at 
any  time.  To  keep  the  army  of  occupation  of  sufficient 
strength  will  involve  a  fearful  drain  upon  the  population  of 
the  United  States,  equal  to  more  than  double  the  loss  of  an 
army  in  a  great  battle.  The  cost  of  administering  justice 
will  not  be  small;  the  actual  and  constant  rebellions  of  the 
natives  against  our  rule  is  a  strong  probability,  and  the  sullen 
opposition  of  a  home-rule  element  must  be  faced  and  met. 
The  islands  do  not  promise  to  be  self-supporting  to  the  extent 


370          The  Making  of  an  Oration 

of  providing  for  such  contingencies  as  rebellion,  and  so  the 
annual  cost  to  the  people  of  the  United  States  must  be  in- 
creased, even  as  an  insurance  against  an  uprising. 

But  let  us  look  at  the  cost  other  than  in  money.  We  are 
to  give  up  many  of  the  ideals  [I  had  almost  said  every  ideal] 
of  the  Republic.  We  must  give  up  our  great,  priceless  pos- 
sessions; more  precious  than  jewels  or  gold,  more  precious 
than  land  or  power.  The  counsels  of  Washington  are  for  us 
no  longer;  the  truths  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence 
are  no  longer  our  maxims  of  government;  the  Monroe  Doc- 
trine, to  which  one  hemisphere  owes  its  freedom,  is  gone.  The 
counsels  of  Lincoln,  to  give  effect  to  which  he  repeatedly  de- 
clared he  would  welcome  assassination  itself,  are  not  to  be 
listened  to  hereafter,  or,  if  listened  to,  it  will  be  by  other  ears 
than  ours. 

Another  thing  we  have  lost  by  last  winter's  terrible 
blunder.  We  lost  the  right  to  speak  with  authority  in  favor 
of  peace  at  the  Hague.  The  world  took,  I  hope  and  believe, 
a  forward  step  in  the  great  conference.  But  think  what  might 
have  been !  We  have  lost  the  right  to  offer  our  sympathy  to 
the  Boer  in  his  wonderful  and  gallant  struggle  against  ter- 
rible odds  for  the  republic  in  Africa. 

O  Freedom,  dear,  if  ever  man  was  free, 
In  all  the  ages,  earned  thy  favoring  smile, 
This  patient  man  has  earned  it.    In  his  cause 
Pleads  all  the  world  today  — 

all  the  world  except  the  nation  that  is  engaged  in  crushing 
out  a  republic  in  the  Philippines. 

We  have  lost  our  power  to  speak  with  authority  in  behalf 
of  the  disarmament  of  nations.  We  must  prepare  ourselves 
for  a  great  standing  army.  We  already  hear  the  demand 
for  a  large  standing  army,  and  a  navy  equal  to  that  of  Eng- 
land. The  American  child  hereafter  must  be  born  with  a 


Speeches  for  Careful  Study          371 

mortgage  round  his  neck.  The  American  laborer  hereafter 
must  stagger  through  life  with  a  soldier  on  his  back. 

It  is  said  that  it  is  not  a  sordid  argument,  or  a  sordid  na- 
tion, that  considers  the  advantage  of  trade  and  commercial 
intercourse,  and  that  is  true  if  the  argument  be  used  in  its 
proper  place.  The  consideration  becomes  a  sordid,  a  base, 
an  ignoble  argument  when  we  use  it  to  determine  the  question 
whether  we  shall  do  justice. 

When  you  are  tempted  to  take  what  belongs  to  another, 
to  crush  out  the  liberties  of  a  people,  then  the  suggestion 
that  you  are  to  make  money  by  the  transaction  becomes  as 
sordid  and  base  a  suggestion  as  ever  was  whispered  into  a 
covetous  and  greedy  ear. 

When  you  are  asked  to  abandon  your  cherished  principles, 
your  lofty  ideals,  your  benignant  influence  on  mankind,  to 
turn  your  polar  star,  your  morning  star  into  a  comet,  the  sug- 
gestion of  money-getting  seems  infinitely  pitiful. 

But  we  are  told  that  if  we  oppose  the  policy  of  our  imperi- 
alistic and  expanding  friends  we  are  bound  to  suggest  some 
policy  of  our  own  as  a  substitute  for  theirs.  We  are  asked 
what  we  would  do  in  this  difficult  emergency.  It  is  a  question 
not  difficult  to  answer.  I,  for  one,  am  ready  to  answer  it. 

1.  I  would  declare  now  that  we  will  not  take  these  islands 
to  govern  them  against  their  will. 

2.  I  would  reject  a  cession  of  sovereignty  which  implies 
that  a  sovereignty  may  be  bought  and  sold  and  delivered  with- 
out the  consent  of  the  people.     Spain  had  no  rightful  sover- 
eignty over  the  Philippine  Islands.     She  could  not  rightfully 
sell  it  to  us.    We  could  not  rightfully  buy  it  from  her. 

3.  I  would  require  all  foreign  governments  to  keep  out 
of  these  islands. 

4.  I  would  offer  to  the  people  of  the  Philippines  our  help 
in  maintaining  order  until  they  have  a  reasonable  opportunity 
to  establish  a  government  of  their  own. 


372          The  Making  of  an  Oration 

5.  I  would  aid  them  by  advice,  if  they  desire  it,  to  set  up 
a  free  and  independent  government. 

6.  I  would  invite  all  the  great  powers  of  Europe  to  unite 
in  an  agreement  that  that  independence  shall  not  be  inter- 
fered with  by  us,  by  themselves,  or  by  any  one  of  them  with- 
out the  consent  of  the  others.    As  to  this  I  am  not  sure.    I 
should  like  quite  as  well  to  tell  them  that  it  is  not  to  be  done 
whether  they  consent  or  not. 

7.  I  would  declare  that  the  United  States  will  enforce  the 
same  doctrine  as  applicable  to  the  Philippines  that  we  de- 
clared  as   to   Mexico   and   Haiti   and   the   South   American 
republics.     It  is  true  that  the  Monroe  Doctrine,  a  doctrine 
based  largely  on  our  regard  for  our  own  interests,  is  not 
applicable  either  in  terms  or  in  principle  to  a  distant  Asiatic 
territory.     But  undoubtedly,  having  driven  out  Spain,  we  are 
bound,  and  have  the  right,  to  secure  to  the  people  we  have 
liberated  an  opportunity,  undisturbed  and  in  peace,  to  establish 
a  new  government  for  themselves. 

8.  I  would  then,  in  a  not  distant  future,  leave  them  to  work 
out  their  own  salvation,  as  every  nation  on  earth,  from  the 
beginning  of  time,  has  wrought  out  its  own  salvation.    Let 
them  work  out  their  own  salvation,  as  our  ancestors  slowly 
and  in  long  centuries  wrought  out  theirs;  as  Germany,  as 
Switzerland,  as  France,  in  briefer  periods,  wrought  out  theirs ; 
as  Mexico  and  the  South  American  republics  have  accom- 
plished theirs,  all  of  them  within  a  century,  some  of  them 
within  the  life  of  a  generation.     To  attempt  to  confer  the  gift 
of  freedom  from  without,  or  to  impose  freedom  from  without 
on  any  people,  is  to  disregard  all  the  lessons  of  history.     It 
is  to  attempt 

A  gift  of  that  which  is  not  to  be  given 

By  all  the  blended  powers  of  earth  and  heaven. 

9.  I  would  strike  out  of  your  legislation  the  oath  of  alle- 


Speeches  for  Careful  Study          373 

giance  to  us,  and  substitute  an  oath  of  allegiance  to  their  own 
country. 

Mr.  President,  if  you  once  got  involved  and  entangled  in 
this  policy  of  dominion  and  empire,  you  have  not  only  to  get 
the  consent  of  three  powers  —  House,  Senate,  and  President 
—  to  escape  from  it,  but  to  the  particular  plan  and  scheme  and 
method  of  such  escape. 

My  friends  say  they  are  willing  to  trust  the  people  and  the 
future.  And  so  am  I.  I  am  willing  to  trust  the  people  as  our 
fathers  trusted  them.  I  am  willing  to  trust  the  people  as  they 
have,  so  far,  trusted  themselves ;  a  people  regulated,  governed, 
constrained  by  the  moral  law,  by  the  Constitution,  and  by  the 
Declaration.  It  is  the  constitutional,  not  the  unconstitutional, 
will  of  the  American  people  in  which  I  trust.  It  is  Philip 
sober  and  not  Philip  drunk  to  whom  I  am  willing  to  trust  the 
destiny  of  myself  and  my  children.  A  people  without  a  con- 
stitution is,  as  I  have  just  said,  like  a  man  without  a  con- 
science. It  is  the  least  trustworthy  and  the  most  dangerous 
force  on  the  face  of  the  earth.  The  utterances  of  these  gen- 
tlemen, who,  when  they  are  reminded  of  moral  and  constitu- 
tional restraints,  answer  us  that  we  are  timid,  and  that  they 
trust  the  people,  are  talking  in  the  spirit  of  the  French,  not 
of  the  American  Revolution;  they  are  talking  in  the  spirit 
which  destroys  republics,  and  not  in  the  spirit  that  builds 
them ;  they  are  talking  in  the  spirit  of  the  later  days  of  Rome, 
and  not  in  the  spirit  of  the  early  days  of  any  republic  that 
ever  existed  on  this  side  of  the  ocean  or  on  the  other. 

I  love  and  trust  the  American  people.  I  yield  to  no  man  in 
my  confidence  of  the  future  of  the  Republic.  To  me  the  dear- 
est blessings  of  life,  dearer  than  property,  dearer  than  home, 
dearer  than  kindred,  are  my  pride  in  my  country  and  my  hope 
for  the  future  of  America.  But  the  people  that  I  trust  is  the 
people  that  established  the  Constitution  and  which  abides  by 
its  restraints.  The  people  that  I  trust  is  the  people  that  made 


374  The  Making  of  an  Oration 

the  great  Declaration,  and  their  children,  who  mean  forever 
to  abide  by  its  principles.  The  country  in  whose  future  I 
have  supreme  and  unbounded  confidence  is  the  Republic,  not 
a  despotism  on  the  one  hand,  or  an  unchecked  and  unlicensed 
democracy  on  the  other.  It  is  no  mere  democracy.  It  is 
the  indissoluble  union  of  indestructible  states.  I  disavow  and 
spurn  the  doctrine  that  has  been  more  than  once  uttered  by 
the  advocates  of  this  policy  of  imperialism  on  the  floor  of  the 
Senate,  that  the  sovereignty  of  the  American  people  is  in- 
ferior to  any  other  because  it  is  restrained  and  confined  within 
constitutional  boundaries.  If  that  be  true,  the  limited  mon- 
archy of  England  is  inferior  to  the  despotism  of  Russia;  if 
that  be  true,  a  constitutional  republic  is  inferior  to  an  uncon- 
stitutional usurpation;  if  that  be  true,  a  man  restrained  by 
the  moral  law,  and  obeying  the  dictates  of  conscience,  is 
inferior  to  the  reckless,  hardened,  unrestrained  criminal. 

I  have  failed  to  discover  in  the  speech,  public  or  private, 
of  the  advocates  of  this  war,  or  of  the  press  which  supports 
it  and  them,  a  single  expression  anywhere  of  a  desire  to  do 
justice  to  the  people  of  the  Philippine  Islands,  or  of  a  desire 
to  make  known  to  the  people  of  the  United  States  the  truth 
of  the  case.  Some  of  them  like  the  Senator  from  Indiana 
and  the  President  of  the  Senate,  are  outspoken  in  their  pur- 
pose to  retain  the  Philippine  Islands  forever,  to  govern  them 
ourselves,  or  to  do  what  they  call  giving  them  such  a  share 
in  government  as  we  hereafter  may  see  fit,  having  regard  to 
our  own  interest,  and,  as  they  sometimes  add,  to  theirs.  The 
others  say,  "  Hush !  We  will  not  disclose  our  purpose  just 
now.  Perhaps  we  may,"  as  they  phrase  it,  "  give  them  liberty 
sometime.  But  it  is  to  be  a  long  time  first." 

The  catchwords,  the  cries,  the  pithy  and  pregnant  phrases 
of  which  all  their  speech  is  full,  all  mean  dominion.  When  a 
man  tells  you  that  the  American  flag  must  not  be  hauled 
down  where  it  has  once  floated,  or  demands  of  a  shouting 


Speeches  for  Careful  Study          375 

audience,  "  Who  will  haul  it  down?  "  if  he  mean  anything,  he 
means  that  the  people  shall  be  under  our  dominion  forever. 
The  man  who  says,  "We  will  not  treat  with  them  till  they 
submit;  we  will  not  deal  with  men  in  arms  against  the  flag," 
says  in  substance  the  same  thing.  One  thing  there  has  been, 
at  least,  given  to  them  as  Americans  not  to  say.  There  is  not 
one  of  these  gentlemen  who  will  rise  in  his  place  and  affirm 
that  if  he  were  a  Filipino  he  would  not  do  exactly  as  the 
Filipinos  are  doing;  that  he  would  not  despise  them  if  they 
were  to  do  otherwise.  So  much,  at  least,  they  owe  of  respect 
to  the  dead  and  buried  history  —  the  dead  and  buried  history, 
so  far  as  they  can  slay  and  bury  it  —  of  their  country. 

Why,  the  tariff  schemes  which  are  proposed  are  schemes 
in  our  interest  and  not  in  theirs.  If  you  propose  to  bring 
tobacco  from  Porto  Rico  or  from  the  Philippine  Islands  on 
the  ground  that  it  is  for  the  interest  of  the  people  whom  you 
are  undertaking  to  govern,  for  their  best  interest  to  raise  it 
and  sell  it  to  you,  every  imperialist  in  Connecticut  will  be  up 
in  arms.  The  nerve  in  the  pocket  is  still  sensitive,  though 
the  nerve  in  the  heart  may  be  dumb.  You  will  not  let  their 
sugar  come  here  to  compete  with  the  cane  sugar  of  Louisiana 
or  the  beet  sugar  of  California  or  the  Northwest,  and  in 
determining  that  question  you  mean  to  think,  not  of  their 
interest  but  of  yours.  The  good  government  you  are  to  give 
them  is  a  government  under  which  their  great  productive 
and  industrial  interests,  when  peace  comes,  are  to  be  totally 
and  absolutely  disregarded  by  their  government.  You  are 
not  only  proposing  to  do  that,  but  you  expect  to  put  another 
strain  on  the  Constitution  to  accomplish  it. 

Why,  Mr.  President,  the  atmosphere  of  both  legislative 
chambers,  even  now,  is  filled  with  measures  proposing  to 
govern  and  tax  these  people  for  our  interest,  and  not  for 
theirs.  Your  men  who  are  not  alarmed  at  the  danger  to  con- 
stitutional liberty  are  up  in  arms  when  there  is  danger  to  to- 


376          The  Making  of  an  Oration 

bacco.  As  an  eloquent  Republican  colleague  said  elsewhere, 
"  Beware  that  you  do  not  create  another  Ireland  under  the 
American  flag."  Beware  that  you  do  not  create  many  other 
Irelands  —  another  Ireland  in  Porto  Rico ;  another  Ireland  in 
Cuba ;  many  other  Irelands  in  the  Philippines  !  The  great  com- 
plaint of  Ireland  for  eight  centuries  was  that  England  framed 
her  tariff,  not  for  Ireland's  interest,  but  for  her  own;  that 
when  she  dealt  with  the  great  industry  of  that  beautiful  isle 
she  was  thinking  of  the  English  exchequer  and  of  the  English 
manufacturer  and  of  the  English  landowner;  and  she  reduced 
Ireland  to  beggary.  Let  us  not  repeat  that  process. 

Certainly  the  flag  should  never  be  lowered  from  any  moral 
field  over  which  it  has  once  waved.  To  follow  the  flag  is  to 
follow  the  principles  of  freedom  and  humanity  for  which  it 
stands.  The  claim  that  we  must  follow  it  when  it  stands  for 
injustice  or  oppression  is  like  claiming  that  we  must  take  the 
nostrums  of  the  quack  doctor  who  stamps  it  on  his  wares,  or 
follow  every  scheme  of  wickedness  or  fraud,  if  only  the  flag 
be  put  at  the  head  of  the  prospectus.  The  American  flag  is 
in  more  danger  from  the  imperialists  than  it  would  be  if  the 
whole  of  Christendom  were  to  combine  its  power  against  it. 
Foreign  violence  at  worst  could  only  rend  it.  But  these  men 
are  trying  to  stain  it. 

It  is  claimed  —  what  I  do  not  believe  —  that  these  appeals 
have  the  sympathy  of  the  American  people.  It  is  said  that  the 
statesman  who  will  lay  his  ear  to  the  ground  will  hear  their 
voice.  I  do  not  believe  it.  The  voice  of  the  American  people 
does  not  come  from  the  ground.  It  comes  from  the  sky.  It 
comes  from  the  free  air.  It  comes  from  the  mountains  where 
liberty  dwells.  Let  the  statesman  who  is  fit  to  deal  with  the 
question  of  liberty  or  to  utter  the  voice  of  a  free  people  lift 
his  ear  to  the  sky  —  not  lay  it  to  the  ground. 

Mr.  President,  it  was  once  my  good  fortune  to  witness  an 
impressive11  spectacle  in  this  chamber,  when  the  Senators 


Speeches  for  Careful  Study          377 

answered  to  their  names  in  rendering  solemn  judgment  in  a 
great  state  trial.  By  a  special  provision  each  Senator  was 
permitted,  when  he  cast  his  vote,  to  state  his  reason  in  a 
single  sentence.  I  have  sometimes  fancied  that  the  question 
before  us  now  might  be  decided,  not  alone  by  the  votes  of  us 
who  sit  here  today,  but  of  the  great  men  who  have  been  our 
predecessors  in  this  chamber  and  in  the  Continental  Congress 
from  the  beginning  of  the  Republic. 

Would  that  the  roll  might  be  called !  The  solemn  assembly 
sits  silent  while  the  Chair  puts  the  question  whose  answer  is 
so  fraught  with  the  hopes  of  liberty  and  the  destiny  of  the 
Republic. 

The  roll  is  called.  George  Washington :  "  No.  Why  should 
we  quit  our  own,  to  stand  on  foreign  ground  ?  " 

Alexander  Hamilton :  "  No.  The  Declaration  of  Inde- 
pendence is  the  fundamental  constitution  of  every  state." 

Thomas  Jefferson :  "  No.  Governments  are  instituted 
among  men  deriving  their  just  powers  from  the  consent  of  the 
governed.  Every  people  ought  to  have  that  separate  and 
equal  station  among  the  nations  of  the  world  to  which  the 
laws  of  nature  and  nature's  God  entitle  them." 

John  Adams :  "  No.  I  stood  by  the  side  of  Jefferson 
when  he  brought  in  the  Declaration ;  I  was  its  champion  on  the 
floor  of  Congress.  After  our  long  estrangement,  I  came  back 
to  his  side  again." 

James  Madison:  "No.  The  object  of  the  Federal  Con- 
stitution is  to  secure  the  union  of  the  thirteen  primitive  states, 
which  we  know  to  be  practicable,  and  to  add  to  them  such  other 
states  as  may  arise  in  their  own  bosoms  or  in  their  neighbor- 
hood, which  we  cannot  doubt  will  be  practicable." 

Thomas  Corwin :  "  No.  I  said  in  the  days  of  the  Mexican 
War :  '  If  I  were  a  Mexican,  as  I  am  an  American,  I  would 
welcome  you  with  bloody  hands  to  hospitable  graves ; '  and 
Ohio  today  honors  and  loves  me  for  that  utterance  beyond 
all  her  other  sons." 


378          The  Making  of  an  Oration 

Daniel  Webster :  "  No.  Under  our  Constitution  there 
can  be  no  dependencies.  Wherever  there  is  in  the  Christian 
and  civilized  world  a  nationality  of  character,  then  a  na- 
tional government  is  the  necessary  and  proper  result.  There 
is  not  a  civilized  and  intelligent  man  on  earth  that  enjoys 
satisfaction  with  his  condition  if  he  does  not  live  under  the 
government  of  his  own  nation,  his  own  country.  A  nation 
cannot  be  happy  but  under  a  government  of  its  own  choice. 
When  I  depart  from  these  sentiments  I  depart  from  myself." 

William  H.  Seward :  "  No.  The  f  ramers  of  the  Constitu- 
tion never  contemplated  colonies  or  provinces  at  all:  they 
contemplated  states  only;  nothing  less  than  states  —  perfect 
states,  equal  states,  sovereign  states.  There  is  reason,  there 
is  sound  political  wisdom,  in  this  provision  of  the  Constitu- 
tion—  excluding  colonies,  which  are  always  subject  to  op- 
pression, and  excluding  provinces,  which  always  tend  to 
corrupt  and  enfeeble  and  ultimately  to  break  down  the 
parent  state." 

John  Marshall :  "  No.  The  power  to  declare  war  was  not 
conferred  upon  Congress  for  the  purpose  of  aggression  or 
aggrandizement.  A  war  declared  by  Congress  can  never  be 
presumed  to  be  waged  for  the  purpose  of  conquest  or  the 
acquisition  of  territory,  nor  does  the  law  declaring  the  war 
imply  an  authority  to  the  President  to  enlarge  the  limits  of 
the  United  States  by  subjugating  the  enemy's  country." 

John  Quincy  Adams :  "  No.  The  territories  I  helped 
bring  into  the  nation  were  to  be  dwelt  in  by  free  men  and 
made  into  free  states." 

Aaron  Burr :  "  Yes.  You  are  repeating  my  buccaneering 
expedition  down  the  Mississippi.  I  am  to  be  vindicated  at 
last !  " 

Abraham  Lincoln :  "  No.  I  said  in  Independence  Hall  at 
Philadelphia,  just  before  I  entered  upon  my  great  office,  that 
I  rested  upon  the  truth  Thomas  Jefferson  had  just  uttered, 


Speeches  for  Careful  Study          379 

and  that  I  was  ready  to  be  assassinated,  if  need  be,  in 
order  to  maintain  it.  And  I  was  assassinated  to  maintain 
it." 

Charles  Sumner :  "  No.  I  proclaimed  it  when  I  brought 
in  Alaska.  I  sealed  my  devotion  with  my  blood  also.  It  was 
my  support  and  solace  through  those  long  and  weary  hours 
when  the  red-hot  iron  pressed  upon  my  spine,12  the  very 
source  and  origin  of  agony,  and  I  did  not  flinch.  He  knows 
our  country  little,  little  also  of  that  great  liberty  of  ours, 
who  supposes  that  we  could  receive  such  a  transfer.  On  each 
side  there  is  impossibility.  Territory  may  be  conveyed,  but 
not  people." 

William  McKinley :  "  There  has  been  a  cloud  before  my 
vision  for  a  moment,  but  I  see  clearly  now  !  I  go  back  to  what 
I  said  two  years  ago :  '  Forcible  annexation  is  criminal  ag- 
gression; governments  derive  their  just  powers  from  the 
consent  of  the  governed,  not  some  of  them,  but  all  of  them/ 
I  will  stand  with  the  Fathers  of  the  Republic.  I  will  stand 
with  the  founders  of  the  Republican  party.  No." 

Mr.  President,  I  know  how  imperfectly  I  have  stated  this 
argument.  I  know  how  feeble  is  a  single  voice  amid  this  din 
and  tempest,  this  delirium  of  empire.  It  may  be  that  the 
battle  for  this  day  is  lost.  But  I  have  an  assured  faith  in  the 
future.  I  have  an  assured  faith  in  justice  and  the  love  of 
liberty  of  the  American  people.  The  13  stars  in  their  courses 
fight  for  freedom.  The  Ruler  of  the  heavens  is  on  that  side. 
If  the  battle  today  go  against  it,  I  appeal  to  another  day,  not 
distant  and  sure  to  come.  I  appeal  from  the  clapping  of 
hands  and  the  stamping  of  feet  and  the  brawling  and  the 
shouting  to  the  quiet  chamber  where  the  Fathers  gathered 
in  Philadelphia.  I  appeal  from  the  Spirit  of  Trade  to  the 
Spirit  of  Liberty.  I  appeal  from  the  Empire  to  the  Republic. 
I  appeal  from  the  millionaire,  and  the  boss,  and  the  wire- 
puller, and  the  manager,  to  the  statesman  of  the  older  time, 


380          The  Making  of  an  Oration 

in  whose  eyes  a  guinea  never  glistened,  who  lived  and  died 
poor,  and  who  left  to  his  children  and  to  his  countrymen  a 
good  name,14  far  better  than  riches.  I  appeal  from  the 
Present,  bloated  with  material  prosperity,  drunk  with  the 
lust  of  Empire,  to  another  and  a  better  age.  I  appeal  from 
the  Present  to  the  Future  and  to  the  Past. 

NOTES   ON    SENATOR  HOAR'S   SPEECH 

1.  Matt.  IV:  8-10. 

2.  The  so-called  "  McKinley  Tariff." 

3.  Does  this  appeal  to  precedent  strengthen  the  argument? 

4.  It  must  be  remembered,  if  we  would  appreciate  the  whole 
speech,  that  Senator  Hoar  was  a  Republican,  although  just  then 
on  the  question  at  issue  he  was  opposing  the  course  of  a  majority 
of  his  party. 

5.  The  words  were  obviously  suggested  by  Emerson's  poem  on 
Concord  Bridge, 

"  Here  the  embattled  farmers  stood, 
And  fired  the  shot  heard  round  the  world." 

6.  The  speaker  refers,  of  course,  to  the  many  new  states  that 
have  been  built  from  the  territory  acquired  by  the  "Louisiana 
Purchase." 

7.  Matt.  XIII 131;  Mark  IV 131;  Lk.  XIII :  19. 

8.  Mark  XII :  28-31. 

9.  What   were   the   circumstances   attending  the   purchase  of 
Alaska?     What  did  Sumner  have  to  do  with  that  purchase? 

10.  Has  this  sentence  unity  and  clearness  ?     Improve  it  if  you 
can,  by  breaking  it  up  into  two  or  more  sentences. 

11.  An   allusion   to   the   voting  at   the   impeachment  trial   of 
President  Johnson. 

12.  A  reference  to  his  medical  treatment  after  the  assault  upon 
Sumner  by  Preston  Brooks. 

13.  Suggested  by  the  words  found  in  Judges  V:20:     "The 
stars  in  their  courses  fought  against  Sisera." 

14.  See  Prov.  XXII :  i. 

15.  Make  a  careful  plan  of  this  speech,  noting  the  order  and 
kinds  of  arguments.    Compare  especially  the  sentence  forms  with 
those  in  the  speech  of  Wendell  Phillips.    Which  would  be  most 
likely  to  appeal  to  a  popular  audience  ?    Which  is  more  "  speak- 
able  ?  " 


PAUL  TO  THE  JEWS 
(ACTS  XXII) 

(This  speech  was  made,  not  to  an  audience  of  Greek  heathen, 
nor  yet  to  the  royal  court  of  a  half  oriental  monarch,  but  to  a 
raging  mob  of  Jewish  fanatics,  howling  for  the  speaker's  blood. 
Rescued  from  the  hands  of  the  rioters  by  a  company  of  Roman 
soldiers,  he  is  taken  to  the  castie  for  safety.  As  he  is  going  up  the 
stairway  to  the  castle,  he  obtains  permission  to  speak  to  the  mob 
that  followed  him.  "  Paul,  standing  on  the  stairway  beckoned 
with  the  hand  unto  the  people;  and  when  there  was  made  a 
great  silence,  he  spake  unto  them  in  the  Hebrew  tongue."  The 
student  should  read  the  whole  account  and  picture  to  himself 
that  dramatic  scene  when  Paul  silences  the  tumult  by  that  imperi- 
ous gesture,  and  speaks  to  the  mob  that  had  been  clamoring  for 
his  life.  Note  how  his  language  spoken  to  his  countrymen  dif- 
fers from  his  language  spoken  to  the  Athenians.) 

Brethren  and  fathers,  hear  ye  the  defence  which  I  make 
now  unto  you. 

And  when  they  heard  that  he  spake  unto  them  in  the 
Hebrew  language,  they  were  the  more  quiet:  and  he  saith, 

I  am  a  Jew,  born  in  Tarsus  of  Cilicia,  but  brought  up  in 
this  city,  at  the  feet  of  Gamaliel,  instructed  according  to  the 
strict  manner  of  the  law  of  our  fathers,  being  zealous  for 
God,  even  as  ye  all  are  this  day :  and  I  persecuted  this  Way 
unto  the  death,  binding  and  delivering  unto  prisons  both  men 
and  women.  As  also  the  high  priest  doth  bear  me  witness, 
and  all  the  estate  of  the  elders:  from  whom  also  I  received 
letters  unto  the  brethren,  and  journeyed  to  Damascus,  to 
bring  them  also  which  were  there  unto  Jerusalem  in  bonds, 
for  to  be  punished.  And  it  came  to  pass,  that,  as  I  made  my 

381 


382          The  Making  of  an  Oration 

journey,  and  drew  nigh  unto  Damascus,  about  noon,  suddenly 
there  shone  from  heaven  a  great  light  round  about  me.  And 
I  fell  onto  the  ground,  and  heard  a  voice  saying  unto  me, 
Saul,  Saul,  Why  persecutest  thou  me  ?  And  I  answered,  Who 
art  thou,  Lord?  And  he  said  unto  me,  I  am  Jesus  of  Naza- 
reth, whom  thou  persecutest.  And  they  that  were  with  me 
beheld  indeed  the  light,  but  they  heard  not  the  voice  of  him 
that  spake  to  me.  And  I  said,  What  shall  I  do,  Lord?  And 
the  Lord  said  unto  me,  Arise,  and  go  into  Damascus;  and 
there  it  shall  be  told  thee  of  all  things  which  are  appointed 
thee  to  do.  And  when  I  could  not  see  for  the  glory  of  that 
light,  being  led  by  the  hand  of  them  that  were  with  me,  I 
came  into  Damascus.  And  one  Ananias,  a  devout  man  ac- 
cording to  the  law,  well  reported  of  by  all  the  Jews  that 
dwelt  there,  came  unto  me,  and  standing  by  me  said  unto  me, 
Brother  Saul,  receive  thy  sight.  And  in  that  very  hour  I 
looked  up  on  him.  And  he  said,  The  God  of  our  fathers  hath 
appointed  thee  to  know  his  will,  and  to  see  the  Righteous 
One,  and  to  hear  a  voice  from  his  mouth.  For  thou  shalt  be 
a  witness  for  him  unto  all  men  of  what  thou  hast  seen  and 
heard.  And  now  why  tarriest  thou?  Arise  and  be  baptized, 
and  wash  away  thy  sins,  calling  on  his  name.  And  it  came 
to  pass,  that,  when  I  had  returned  to  Jerusalem,  and  while 
I  prayed  in  the  temple,  I  fell  into  a  trance,  and  saw  him 
saying  unto  me,  Make  haste,  and  get  thee  quickly  out  of  Jeru- 
salem: because  they  will  not  receive  of  thee  testimony 
concerning  me.  And  I  said,  Lord,  they  themselves  know 
that  I  imprisoned  and  beat  in  every  synagogue  them  that 
believed  on  thee :  and  when  the  blood  of  Stephen  thy  witness 
was  shed,  I  also  was  standing  by,  and  consenting,  and  keep- 
ing the  garments  of  them  that  slew  him.  And  he  said  unto 
me,  Depart:  for  I  will  send  thee  forth  far  hence  unto  the 
Gentiles. 


PAUL'S  SPEECH  BEFORE  THE  KING 
(ACTS  XXVI) 

(The  following  speech  was  delivered  before  King  Agrippa 
and  his  queen,  Bernice,  who  were  on  a  visit  to  Festus,  governor 
of  the  province,  at  Caesarea.  Paul  was  a  prisoner,  accused  by 
the  Jews  of  various  offenses  against  both  the  Jewish  and  Roman 
law.  He  had  pleaded  not  guilty  and  as  a  Roman  citizen  had  ap- 
pealed to  the  Emperor  at  Rome.  Both  Agrippa  and  Bernice  were 
familiar  with  the  Jewish  religion,  and  on  hearing  of  Paul  had 
expressed  a  desire  to  hear  him.  The  speech  was  given,  with 
the  king,  queen,  "  chief  captains  and  the  principal  men  of  the 
city  "  —  all  in  royal  pomp  —  as  listeners.  For  a  full  account  of  the 
situation  the  three  preceding  chapters  should  be  read.  The 
student  should  make  a  careful  analysis  and  plan  of  the  speech, 
fully  to  appreciate  the  skill  of  the  introduction,  development,  and 
appeal.) 

And  Agrippa  said  unto  Paul,  Thou  art  permitted  to  speak 
for  thyself.  Then  Paul  stretched  forth  his  hand,  and  made 
his  defense: 

I  think  myself  happy,  King  Agrippa,  that  I  am  to  make 
my  defense  before  thee  this  day  touching  all  the  things 
whereof  I  am  accused  by  the  Jews:  especially  because  thou 
are  expert  in  all  customs  and  questions  which  are  among  the 
Jews:  wherefore  I  beseech  thee  to  hear  me  patiently. 

My  manner  of  life,  then,  from  my  youth  up,  which  was 
from  the  beginning  among  my  own  nation,  and  at  Jerusalem, 
know  all  the  Jews;  having  knowledge  of  me  from  the  first, 
if  they  be  willing  to  testify,  how  that  after  the  straitest 
sect  of  our  religion  I  lived  a  Pharisee.  And  now  I  stand 
here  to  be  judged  for  the  hope  of  the  promise  made  of  God 
unto  our  fathers;  unto  which  promise  our  twelve  tribes, 

383 


384          The  Making  of  an  Oration 

earnestly  serving  God  night  and  day,  hope  to  attain.  And 
concerning  this  hope  I  am  accused  by  the  Jews,  O  king !  Why 
is  it  judged  incredible  with  you,  if  God  doth  raise  the  dead? 
I  verily  thought  with  myself,  that  I  ought  to  do  many  things 
contrary  to  the  name  of  Jesus  of  Nazareth.  And  this  I  also 
did  in  Jerusalem:  and  I  both  shut  up  many  of  the  saints  in 
prison,  having  received  authority  from  the  chief  priests,  and 
when  they  were  put  to  death,  I  gave  my  vote  against  them. 
And  punishing  them  oftentimes  in  all  the  synagogues,  I 
strove  to  make  them  blaspheme ;  and  being  exceedingly  mad 
against  them,  I  persecuted  them  even  unto  foreign  cities. 
Whereupon  as  I  journeyed  to  Damascus  with  the  authority 
and  commission  of  the  chief  priests,  at  midday,  O  king,  I 
saw  on  the  way  a  light  from  heaven,  above  the  brightness 
of  the  sun,  shining  round  about  me  and  them  that  journeyed 
with  me.  And  when  we  were  all  fallen  to  the  earth,  I  heard 
a  voice  saying  unto  me  in  the  Hebrew  language,  Saul,  Saul, 
why  persecutest  thou  me  ?  It  is  hard  for  thee  to  kick  against 
the  goad.  And  I  said,  Who  art  thou,  Lord?  And  the  Lord 
said,  I  am  Jesus,  whom  thou  persecutest.  But  arise,  and 
stand  upon  thy  feet;  for  to  this  end  have  I  appeared  unto 
thee,  to  appoint  thee  a  minister  and  a  witness  both  of  the 
things  wherein  thou  hast  seen  me,  and  of  the  things  wherein 
I  will  appear  unto  thee ;  delivering  thee  from  the  people,  and 
from  the  Gentiles,  unto  whom  I  send  thee,  to  open  their  eyes, 
that  they  may  turn  from  darkness  to  light,  and  from  the 
power  of  Satan  unto  God,  that  they  may  receive  remission 
of  sins  and  an  inheritance  among  them  that  are  sanctified 
by  faith  in  me. 

Wherefore,  O  King  Agrippa,  I  was  not  disobedient  unto  the 
heavenly  vision;  but  declared  both  to  them  of  Damascus 
first,  and  at  Jerusalem,  and  throughout  all  the  country  of 
Judaea,  and  also  to  the  Gentiles,  that  they  should  repent  and 
turn  to  God,  doing  works  worthy  of  repentance.  For  this 


Speeches  for  Careful  Study          385 

cause  the  Jews  seized  me  in  the  temple,  and  assayed  to  kill 
me.  Having  therefore  obtained  the  help  that  is  from  God, 
I  stand  unto  this  day  testifying  both  to  small  and  great,  say- 
ing nothing  but  what  the  prophets  and  Moses  did  say  should 
come ;  how  that  the  Christ  must  suffer,  and  how  that  he  first 
by  the  resurrection  of  the  dead  should  proclaim  light  both 
to  the  people  and  to  the  Gentiles. 

And  as  he  thus  made  his  defence,  Festus  said  with  a  loud 
voice,  Paul,  thou  art  mad ;  thy  much  learning  doth  turn  thee 
to  madness !  But  Paul  said,  I  am  not  mad  most  excellent 
Festus;  but  speak  forth  words  of  truth  and  soberness.  For 
the  king  knoweth  these  things,  unto  whom  also  I  speak  freely : 
for  I  am  persuaded  that  none  of  these  things  is  hidden  from 
him ;  for  this  hath  not  been  done  in  a  corner.  King  Agrippa, 
believest  thou  the  prophets?  I  know  that  thou  believest. 
And  Agrippa  said  unto  Paul,  With  but  little  persuasion  thou 
wouldst  fain  make  me  a  Christian.  And  Paul  said,  I  would 
to  God,  that  whether  with  little  or  with  much,  not  thou  only, 
but  also  all  that  hear  me  this  day,  might  become  such  as  I 
am,  except  these  bonds. 


PAUL  TO  THE  ATHENIANS 
(ACTS  XVII) 

(The  following  is  of  course  but  a  fragment,  since  the  speaker 
was  interrupted  before  he  had  completed  his  address.  It  is  given 
here  as  an  example  of  courtesy  and  tact  in  making  an  approach 
to  a  theme  that  was  contrary  to  all  the  habits  of  thought  of  his 
hearers.  Without  in  the  least  compromising  his  own  sturdy 
fidelity  to  his  message,  he  prepared  the  way  for  that  message  by 
approaching  his  hearers  on  their  own  ground.  On  every  hand  he 
saw  temples,  altars,  monuments,  and  shrines  erected  in  honor  of 
their  deities ;  and  for  fear  that  in  their  devotion  some  god  might 
have  been  overlooked  they  had  erected  an  altar  to  him.  This  altar 
with  its  inscription  furnished  the  speaker  his  theme.  In  his  intro- 
duction, Paul  showed  himself  to  be  both  a  wise  speaker  and  a 
gentleman.) 

Men  of  Athens,  I  perceive  that  in  all  things  ye  are  too 
superstitious  [very  religious].  For  as  I  passed  by  and  beheld 
your  devotions,  I  found  an  altar  with  this  inscription,  To  THE 
UNKNOWN  GOD.  Whom  therefore  ye  ignorantly  worship, 
him  declare  I  unto  you.  The  God  that  made  the  world  and 
all  things  therein,  seeing  that  he  is  Lord  of  heaven  and  earth, 
dwelleth  not  in  temples  made  with  hands;  neither  is  wor- 
shipped with  men's  hands,  as  though  he  needed  anything, 
seeing  he  giveth  to  all  life,  and  breath,  and  all  things;  and 
hath  made  of  one  blood  all  nations  of  men  for  to  dwell  on 
all  the  face  of  the  earth,  and  hath  determined  the  times  before 
appointed,  and  the  bounds  of  their  habitation;  that  they 
should  seek  the  Lord,  if  haply  they  might  feel  after  him,  and 
find  him,  though  he  be  not  far  from  every  one  of  us ;  for  in 
him  we  live,  and  move,  and  have  our  being;  as  certain  also 

386 


Speeches  for  Careful  Study          387 

of  your  own  poets  have  said,  For  we  are  also  his  offspring. 
Forasmuch  then  as  we  are  the  offspring  of  God,  we  ought 
not  to  think  that  the  Godhead  is  like  unto  gold,  or  silver,  or 
stone,  graven  by  art  and  man's  device.  And  the  times  of  this 
ignorance  God  winked  at;  but  now  commandeth  all  men 
everywhere  to  repent:  because  he  hath  appointed  a  day,  in 
the  which  he  will  judge  the  world  in  righteousness  by  that 
man  whom  he  hath  ordained;  whereof  he  hath  given  assur- 
ance unto  all  men,  in  that  he  hath  raised  him  from  the  dead. 


AHAB  AND  MICAIAH 

A  SERMON  BY 
ALEXANDER  MACLAREN 

(Many  of  the  greatest  names  in  the  history  of  oratory  are 
found  among  preachers,  and  the  study  of  good  sermons  will  be 
found  very  profitable  as  a  training  in  oratorical  discourse,  both  as 
to  structure  and  style.  One  of  the  most  eloquent  preachers  of  the 
last  century  was  Alexander  Maclaren.  For  nearly  half  of  that 
century  he  stood  in  the  front  rank  of  English  preachers,  as  pastor 
of  a  great  church  in  Manchester.  Men  of  all  ranks,  rich  and  poor, 
learned  and  unlearned,  not  only  from  all  England  but  from 
across  the  sea,  made  pilgrimages  to  Manchester  solely  to  hear 
Dr.  Maclaren.  All  his  sermons  were  great  sermons.  The  follow- 
ing was  not  his  greatest,  but  is  an  average  specimen  of  the  thou- 
sands that  were  preached  by  him  and  read  every  week  by  hundreds 
of  thousands  of  people  in  both  England  and  America.  The  stu- 
dent's attention  is  called  to  the  clear  and  simple  but  beautiful 
style,  and  also  to  the  definite,  logical,  and  progressive  plan.  Such 
oratory  means  something,  is  easy  to  follow,  is  stimulating  to 
thought,  appeals  to  the  imagination,  and  lays  hold  on  the  will.) 

TEXT:    I  KINGS  XXII 17,  8 

"  And  Jehoshaphat *  said,  Is  there  not  here  a  prophet  of  the 
Lord  besides,  that  we  might  inquire  of  him?  And  the  king  of 
Israel  said  unto  Jehoshaphat,  There  is  yet  one  man,  Micaiah,  the 
son  of  Imlah,  by  whom  we  may  inquire  of  the  Lord:  but  I  hate 
him;  for  he  doth  not  prophesy  good  concerning  me,  but  evil." 

An  ill-omened  alliance  had  been  struck  up  between  Ahab 
of  Israel  and  Jehoshaphat  of  Judah.  The  latter,  who  would 
have  been  much  better  in  Jerusalem,  had  come  down  to 
Samaria  to  join  an  assault  on  the  kingdom  of  Damascus; 
but,  like  a  great  many  other  people,  Jehoshaphat  first  made 

388 


Speeches  for  Careful  Study          389 

up  his  mind  without  asking  God,  and  then  thought  it  might 
be  well  to  get  some  kind  of  varnish  of  a  religious  sanction 
for  his  decision.  So  he  proposes  to  his  ally  to  inquire  of  the 
Lord  about  this  matter.  One  would  have  thought  that  that 
should  have  been  done  before,  and  not  after,  the  determina- 
tion was  made.  Ahab  does  not  at  all  see  the  necessity  for 
such  a  thing,  but,  to  please  his  scrupulous  ally,  he  sends  for 
his  priests.  They  came,  four  hundred  of  them,  and  they  all 
played  the  tune,  of  course,  that  Ahab  called  for.  It  is  not 
difficult  to  get  prophets  to  pat  a  king  on  the  back,  and  tell 
him,  "  Do  what  you  like." 

But  Jehoshaphat  was  not  satisfied  yet.  Perhaps  he  thought 
that  Ahab's  clergy  were  not  exactly  God's  prophets,  but  at 
all  events  he  wanted  an  independent  opinion,  and  so  he  asks 
if  there  is  not  in  all  Samaria  a  man  that  can  be  trusted  to 
speak  out.  He  gets  for  an  answer  the  name  of  this  "  Micaiah 
the  son  of  Imlah."  Ahab  had  had  experience  of  him,  and 
knew  his  man ;  and  the  very  name  leads  him  to  an  explosion 
of  passion,  which,  like  other  explosions,  lays  bare  some  very 
ugly  depths.  "I  hate  him;  for  he  doth  not  prophesy  good 
concerning  me,  but  evil."  That  is  a  curious  mood,  is  it  not  ? 
That  a  man  should  know  another  to  be  a  messenger  of  God, 
and  therefore  that  his  words  are  true,  and  that  if  he  asked 
his  counsel  he  would  be  forbidden  to  do  the  thing  that  he  is 
dead  set  on  doing,  and  would  be  warned  that  to  do  it  was 
destruction;  and  so,  like  a  fool,  he  will  not  ask  the  counsel, 
and  never  dreams  of  dropping  the  purpose,  but  simply  bursts 
out  in  a  passion  of  puerile  rage  against  the  counselor,  and 
will  have  none  of  his  reproofs.  Very  curious  !  But  there  are 
a  great  many  of  us  that  have  something  of  the  same  mood 
in  us,  though  we  do  not  speak  it  out  as  plainly  as  Ahab  did. 
It  lurks  more  or  less  in  us  all;  and,  dear  friends,  it  largely 
determines  the  attitude  that  some  of  you  take  to  Christianity 
and  to  Christ.  So  I  wish  to  say  a  word  or  two  about  it. 


390  The  Making  of  an  Oration 

I.  First,  my  text  suggests  the  inevitable  opposition  between 
a  message  from  God  and  man's  evil. 

Xo  doubt,  God  is  love ;  and  just  because  He  is,  it  is  abso- 
lutely necessary  that  what  comes  from  Him,  and  is  the  reflex 
and  cast,  so  to  speak,  of  His  character,  should  be  in  stern 
and  continual  antagonism  to  that  evil  which  is  the  worst 
foe  of  men,  and  is  sure  to  lead  to  their  death.  It  is  because 
God  is  love,  that  "to  the  froward  He  shows  Himself  fro- 
ward,"  and  opposes  that  which,  unopposed  and  yielded  to, 
will  ruin  the  man  that  does  it.  So  this  is  one  of  the  charac- 
teristic marks  of  all  true  messages  from  God,  that  men  who 
will  not  part  from  their  evil  call  them  "  stern,"  "  rigid," 
"  gloomy,"  "  narrow."  Yes,  of  course,  because  God  must 
look  upon  godless  lives  with  disapprobation,  and  must  desire 
by  all  means  to  draw  men  away  from  that  which  is  drawing 
them  away  from  him  and  to  their  death. 

Now,  I  suppose  I  need  not  spend  time  in  enumerating  or 
describing  the  points  in  the  attitude  of  Christianity  towards 
the  solemn  fact  of  human  sin,  which  correspond  to  Ahab's 
complaint  that  the  prophet  spake  always  "  not  good  concern- 
ing him,  but  evil."  The  "  Gospel "  of  Jesus  Christ  proves 
its  name  to  be  true,  and  that  it  is  "  good  news,"  not  only  by 
its  graciousness,  its  promises,  its  offers,  and  the  rich  bles~- 
ing  of  eternal  life  with  which  its  hands  are  full,  but  by  its 
severity,  as  men  call  it.  One  characteristic  of  the  Gospel  is 
the  altogether  unique  place  which  the  fact  of  sin  fills  in  it. 
There  is  no  other  religion  on  the  face  of  the  earth  thit  has 
so  grasped  and  made  prominent  this  thought :  "  All  have 
sinned  and  come  short  of  the  glory  of  God."  There  is  none 
that  has  painted  human  nature  as  it  is  in  such  dark  colors, 
because  there  is  none  that  knows  itself  to  be  able  to  change 
human  nature  into  such  radiance  of  glory  and  purity.  The 
Gospel  has,  if  I  might  so  say,  on  its  palette  a  far  greater 
range  of  pigments  than  any  other  system.  Its  blacks  are 


Speeches  for  Careful  Study          391 

blacker;  its  whites  are  whiter;  its  golds  are  more  lustrous 
than  those  of  any  other  painters  of  human  nature  as  it  is 
and  as  it  may  become.  It  is  a  mark  of  its  Divine  origin  that 
it  unfalteringly  looks  facts  in  the  face,  and  will  not  say 
smooth  things  about  men  as  they  are. 

Side  by  side  with  that  characteristic  of  the  dark  picture 
which  it  draws  of  us,  as  we  are  of  ourselves,  is  its  unhesitat- 
ing restraint  or  condemnation  of  deep-seated  desires  and 
tendencies.  It  does  not  come  to  men  with  the  smooth  words 
on  its  lips,  "  Do  as  thou  wilt."  It  does  not  seek  for  favor  by 
relaxing  bonds,  but  it  rigidly  builds  up  a  wall  on  either  side 
of  a  narrow  path,  and  says,  "  Walk  within  these  limits  and 
thou  art  safe.  Go  beyond  them  a  hair's  breadth  and  thou 
perishest."  It  may  suit  Ahab's  prophets  to  fling  the  reins  on 
the  neck  of  human  nature ;  God's  prophet  says,  "  Thou  shalt 
not."  That  is  another  of  the  tests  of  Divine  origin,  that  there 
shall  be  no  base  compliance  with  inclinations,  but  rigid  con- 
demnation of  many  of  our  deep  desires. 

Side  by  side  with  these  two,  there  is  a  third  characteristic 
that  the  Word,  which  is  the  outcome  and  expression  of  the 
Divine  love,  is  distinguished  by  plain  and  stern  declarations 
of  the  bitter  consequences  of  evil-doing.  I  need  not  dwell 
upon  these,  brethren.  They  seem  to  me  to  be  far  too  solemn 
to  be  spoken  of  by  a  man  to  men  in  other  words  than  Scrip- 
ture's. But  I  beseech  you  to  remember  that  this,  too,  is  the 
characteristic  of  Christ's  message.  So  a  man  may  say,  when 
he  thinks  of  the  dark  and  solemn  things  that  the  Old  Testa- 
ment partially,  and  the  New  Testament  more  clearly,  utters 
as  to  the  death  which  is  the  outcome  of  sin,  that  these  are 
indeed  the  very  voice  of  infinite  love  pleading  with  us  all. 
Brother,  do  not  so  misapprehend  facts  as  to  think  that  the 
restraints  and  threatenings  and  dark  pictures  which  Christ 
and  his  servants  have  drawn  are  anything  but  the  utterance 
erf  the  purest  affection. 


392  The  Making  of  an  Oration 

II.  Now,  secondly,  let  me  ask  you  to  look  for  a  moment 
at  the  strange  dislike  which  this  attitude  of  Christianity 
kindles. 

I  have  said  that  Ahab's  mental  condition  was  a  very  odd 
one.  Strange  as  it  is,  it  is,  as  I  have  already  remarked,  in 
some  degree  a  very  frequent  one.  There  are  in  us  all,  as  we 
see  in  many  regions  of  life,  the  beginnings  of  the  same  kind 
of  feeling.  Here,  for  example,  is  a  course  that  I  am  quite 
sure,  if  I  pursue  it,  will  land  me  in  evil.  Does  the  drunkard 
take  a  glass  the  less,  because  he  knows  that  if  he  goes  on  he 
will  have  a  drunkard's  liver  and  die  a  miserable  death  ?  Does 
the  gambler  ever  take  away  his  hand  from  the  pack  of  cards 
or  the  dicebox,  because  he  knows  that  play  means,  in  the  long 
run,  poverty  and  disgrace?  When  a  man  sets  his  will  upon 
a  certain  course,  he  is  like  a  bull  that  he  has  started  in  its 
rage.  Down  goes  the  head,  and,  with  eyes  shut,  he  will 
charge  a  stone  wall  or  an  iron  door,  though  he  knows  it  will 
mash  his  skull.  Men  are  very  foolish  animals;  and  there 
is  no  greater  mark  of  their  folly  than  the  conspicuous  and 
oft-repeated  fact  that  the  clearest  vision  of  the  consequences 
of  a  course  of  conduct  is  powerless  to  turn  a  man  from  it, 
when  once  his  passions,  or  his  will,  or,  worse  still,  his  weak- 
ness, or,  worst  of  all,  his  habits,  have  bound  him  to  it. 

Take  another  illustration.  Do  we  not  all  know  that  honest 
friends  have  sometimes  fallen  out  of  favor,  perhaps  with 
ourselves,  because  they  have  persistently  kept  telling  us  what 
our  consciences  and  our  common-sense  knew  to  be  true,  that 
if  we  go  on  by  that  road  we  shall  be  suffocated  in  a  bog?  A 
man  makes  up  his  mind  to  a  course  of  conduct.  He  has  a 
shrewd  suspicion  that  his  honest  friend  will  condemn  and 
that  the  condemnation  will  be  right.  What  does  he  do,  there- 
fore? He  never  tells  his  friend,  and  if  by  chance  that  friend 
should  say  what  was  expected  of  him,  he  gets  angry  with 
his  adviser  and  goes  his  road.  I  suppose  we  all  know  what 


Speeches  for  Careful  Study          393 

it  is  to  treat  our  consciences  in  the  style  in  which  Ahab 
treated  Micaiah.  We  do  not  listen  to  them  because  we  know 
what  they  will  say  before  they  have  said  it;  and  we  call 
ourselves  sensible  people !  Martin  Luther  once  said :  "  It 
is  neither  safe  nor  wise  to  do  anything  against  conscience." 
But  Ahab  put  Micaiah  in  prison;  and  we  shut  up  our  con- 
sciences in  a  dungeon,  and  put  a  gag  in  their  mouths,  and  a 
muffler  over  the  gag,  that  we  may  hear  them  say  no  word, 
because  we  know  that  what  we  are  doing,  and  we  are  deter- 
mined to  do,  is  wrong. 

But  the  saddest  illustration  of  this  infatuation  is  to  be 
found  in  the  attitude  that  many  men  take  in  regard  to  Chris- 
tianity. There  is  a  great  craving  today,  more  perhaps  than 
there  has  been  in  some  other  periods  of  the  world's  history, 
for  a  religion  which  shall  adorn,  but  shall  not  restrain ;  for  a 
religion  which  shall  be  toothless,  and  have  no  bite  in  it;  for 
a  religion  that  shall  sanction  anything  that  it  pleases  our 
sovereign  mightiness  to  want  to  do.  We  should  all  like  to 
have  God's  sanction  for  our  actions.  But  there  are  a  great 
many  of  us  that  will  not  take  the  only  way  to  secure  that  — 
namely,  to  do  the  actions  which  He  commands,  and  to  abstain 
from  that  which  He  forbids.  Popular  Christianity  is  a  very 
easy-fitting  garment ;  it  is  like  2  an  old  shoe,  that  you  can 
slip  off  and  on  without  any  difficulty.  But  a  religion  which 
does  not  put  up  a  strong  barrier  between  you  and  many  of 
your  inclinations  is  not  worth  anything.  The  mark  of  a 
message  from  God  is  that  it  restrains  and  coerces  and  forbids 
and  commands.  And  some  of  you  do  not  like  it  because  it 
does. 

There  is  a  great  tendency  this  day  to  cut  out  of  the  Old 
and  New  Testaments  all  the  pages  that  say  things  like  this, 
"The  soul  that  sinneth  it  shall  die"  ;  or  things  like  this, 
"  This  is  the  condemnation,  that  light  is  come  into  the  world, 
and  men  love  darkness  rather  than  light"  ;  or  things  like 


394  The  Making  of  an  Oration 

this,  "  Then  shall  the  wicked  go  away  into  outer  darkness." 
Brethren,  men  being  what  they  are,  and  God  being  what  He 
is,  there  can  be  no  Divine  message  without  a  side  of  what 
the  world  calls  threatening,  or  what  Ahab  called  "  prophesy- 
ing evil."  I  beseech  you,  do  not  be  carried  away  by  the 
modern  talk  about  Christianity  being  gloomy  and  dark,  or 
fancy  that  it  is  a  blot  and  an  excrescence  upon  the  pure  re- 
ligion of  the  Man  of  Nazareth,  when  we  speak  of  the  death 
that  follows  sin,  and  of  the  darkness  into  which  unbelief 
carries  a  man. 

III.  Once  more,  let  me  say  a  word  about  the  intense  felly 
of  such  an  attitude. 

Ahab  hated  Micaiah.  Why?  Because  Micaiah  told  him 
what  would  come  to  him  as  the  fruit  of  his  own  actions. 
That  was  foolish.  It  is  no  less  foolish  for  people  to  take  up 
a  position  of  dislike,  and  to  turn  away  from  the  Gospel  of 
Jesus  Christ  because  it  speaks  in  like  manner.  I  said  that 
men  are  very  foolish  animals;  there  is  surely  nothing  in  all 
the  annals  of  human  stupidity  more  stupid  than  to  be  angry 
with  the  word  that  tells  you  the  truth  about  what  you  are 
bringing  down  upon  your  heads.  It  is  absurd,  because  Micaiah 
did  not  make  the  evil,  but  Ahab  made  it ;  and  Micaiah's  busi- 
ness was  only  to  tell  him  what  he  was  doing.  It  is  absurd,  be- 
cause the  only  question  to  be  asked  is,  Are  the  warnings 
true  ?  Are  the  threatenings  representative  of  what  will  really 
come?  Are  the  prohibitions  reasonable?  And  it  is  absurd, 
because,  if  these  things  are  so  —  if  it  is  true  that  the  soul 
that  sinneth  dies,  and  will  die;  if  it  is  true  that  you,  who 
have  heard  the  name  and  the  salvation  of  Jesus  Christ  over 
and  over  again,  and  have  turned  away  from  it,  will,  if  you 
continue  in  that  negligence  and  unbelief,  reap  bitter  fruits 
here  and  hereafter  therefrom  —  if3  these  things  are  true, 
surely  the  man  that  tells  you,  and  the  gospel  that  tells  you, 


Speeches  for  Careful  Study          395 

deserve  better  treatment  than  Ahab's  petulant  hatred  or  your 
stolid  indifference  and  neglect. 

Would  you  think  it  wise  for  a  sea-captain  to  try  to  take 
the  clapper  out  of  the  bell  that  floats  and  tolls  above  a  shoal 
on  which  his  ship  will  be  wrecked  if  it  strikes?  Would  it 
be  wise  to  put  out  the  lighthouse  lamps,  and  then  think  that 
you  have  abolished  the  reef?  Does  the  signalman  with  his 
red  flag  make  the  danger  that  he  warns  of,  and  is  it  not 
like  a  baby  to  hate  and  to  neglect  the  message  that  comes  to 
you  and  says,  "  Turn  ye,  turn  ye,  why  will  ye  die  ?  " 

IV.  So,  lastly,  I  notice  the  end  of  this  foolish  attitude. 

Ahab  was  told  in  plain  words  by  Micaiah,  before  the  inter- 
view closed,  that  he  would  never  come  back  again  in  peace. 
He  ordered  the  bold  prophet  into  prison,  and  rode  away 
gaily,  no  doubt,  to  his  campaign.  Weak  men  are  very  often 
obstinate,  because  they  are  not  strong  enough  to  rise  to 
the  height  of  changing  a  purpose  when  reason  urges.  This 
weak  man  was  always  obstinate  in  the  wrong  place,  as  so 
many  of  us  are.  So,  away  he  went,  down  from  Samaria, 
across  the  plain,  down  to  the  fords  of  the  Jordan.  But 
when  he  had  crossed  to  the  other  side,  and  was  coming  near 
his  objective  point,  the  memories  of  Micaiah  in  prison  at 
Samaria  began  to  sit  heavy  on  his  soul. 

So  he  tried  to  dodge  Divine  judgment,  and  got  up  an 
ingenious  scheme  by  which  his  ally  was  to  go  into  the  fight 
in  royal  pomp,  and  he  to  slip  into  it  disguised.  A  great  many 
of  us  try  to  dodge  God,  and  it  does  not  answer.  The  man 
who  "  drew  a  bow  at  a  venture  "  had  his  hand  guided  by  a 
higher  hand.  Ahab  was  plated  all  over  with  iron  and  brass, 
but  there  is  always  a  crevice  through  which  God's  arrow  can 
find  its  way;  and,  where  God's  arrow  finds  its  way,  it  kills. 
When  the  night  fell  he  was  lying  dead  on  his  chariot  floor, 
and  the  host  was  scattered,  and  Micaiah,  the  prisoner,  was 
avenged;  and  his  word  took  hold  on  the  despiser  of  it. 


396  The  Making  of  an  Oration 

So  it  always  will  be.  So  it  will  be  with  us,  dear  brethren, 
if  we  do  not  take  heed  to  our  ways  and  listen  to  the  word 
which  may  be  bitter  in  the  mouth,  but,  taken,  turns  sweet  as 
honey.  Nailing  the  index  of  the  barometer  to  "set  fair" 
will  not  keep  off  the  thunder  storm,  and  no  negligence  or 
dislike  of  the  Divine  threatenings  will  arrest  the  slow,  solemn 
march,  inevitable  as  destiny,  of  the  consequence  of  our 
doings.  Things  will  be  as  they  will  be;  believed  or  un- 
believed,  the  avalanche  will  come.  Dear  brethren,  there  is 
one  way  to  get  Micaiah  on  our  side.  Listen  to  him,  and  then 
he  will  speak  good  to  you,  and  not  what  you  foolishly  call 
evil.  Let  God's  word  convince  you  of  sin.  Let  it  bring  you 
to  the  cross  for  pardon.  Jesus  Christ  addresses  each  of  us 
in  the  Apostle's  words:  "Am  I  therefore  become  thine 
enemy  because  I  tell  you  the  truth  ?  "  The  sternest  "  threaten- 
ings "  in  the  Bible  come  from  the  lips  of  that  infinite  Love. 
If  you  will*  listen  to  Him,  if  you  will  yield  yourselves  to 
Him,  if  you  will  take  Him  for  your  Savior  and  your  Lord, 
if  you  will  cast  your  confidence  and  anchor  your  love  upon 
Him,  if  you  will  let  Him  restrain  you,  if  you  will  consult 
Him  about  what  He  would  have  you  do,  if  you  will  accept 
His  prohibitions  as  well  as  His  permissions,  then  His  word 
and  His  act  to  you,  here  and  hereafter,  will  be  only  good  and 
not  evil,  all  the  days  of  your  life. 

Remember  Ahab  lying  dead  on  the  floor  of  his  chariot  in 
a  pool  of  his  own  blood,  and  bethink  yourselves  of  what 
despisings  and  threatenings,  and  turning  away  from  the 
rebukes  and  prohibitions  of  the  Divine  word  come  to.  These 
threatenings  are  spoken  that  they  may  never  need  to  be  put 
into  effect;  if  you  give  heed  to  them  they  will  never  be  put 
into  effect  in  regard  to  you.  If  you  neglect  them  and  "  will 
none  of  "  God's  "  reproof,"  they  will  come  down  on  you  like 
a  mighty  rock  loosed  from  the  mountain,  and  will  grind  you 
to  powder. 


Speeches  for  Careful  Study          397 

NOTES  ON  DR.  MACLAREN'S  SERMON 

1.  Read,  in  connection  with  the  study  of  this  selection,  I  Kings, 
XXI  and  XXII. 

2.  Observe  the  homeliness  of  the  figures.     Are  they  less  or 
more  effective  because  they  are  drawn  from  the  experiences  of 
common  life? 

3.  Observe  how  the  quality  of  clearness  is  enhanced  by  thus 
gathering  the  series  of  conditions  of  the  preceding  clauses  into 
this  summarizing  clause  with  the  word  "these"  as  the  summa- 
rizing word. 

4.  Note  how  the  periodic  sentence  gives  climax  to  this  sentence. 

5.  It  will  be  instructive  to  observe  how  the  element  of  persua- 
sion pervades  and  permeates  this  entire  discourse.    This  is  quite 
in  accordance  with  the  modern  use;  once  it  was  more  common  to 
make  the  appeal  more  formal  —  as  an  application  of  the  truths 
presented  in  the  argument. 


INAUGURAL  ADDRESS 

BY 

PRESIDENT  WOODROW  WILSON 
March  4,  1913 

(In  many  respects  the  following  address  is,  at  once,  the  most 
significant  and  the  most  eloquent  speech  delivered  on  a  like  occa- 
sion since  the  time  of  Lincoln.  Indeed,  in  some  respects,  it  reminds 
one  of  both  of  Lincoln's  inaugurals  and  of  the  "Gettysburg 
Speech."  It  is  well  worthy  of  the  most  careful  analysis  for  its 
thought  and  the  most  intimate  study  for  its  style.) 

There  has  been  a  change  of  government.  It  began  two 
years  ago,  when  the  House  of  Representatives  became  Demo- 
cratic by  a  decisive  majority.  It  has  now  been  completed. 
The  Senate,  about  to  assemble,  will  also  be  Democratic.  The 
offices  of  President  and  Vice-President  have  been  put  into 
the  hands  of  Democrats.  What  does  the  change  mean  ?  That 
is  the  question  that  is  uppermost  in  our  minds  today.  That 
is  the  question  I  am  going  to  try  to  answer,  in  order,  if  I 
may,  to  interpret  the  occasion. 

It  means  much  more  than  the  mere  success  of  a  party. 
The  success  of  a  party  means  little  except  when  the  nation  is 
using  that  party  for  a  large  and  definite  purpose.  No  one 
can  mistake  the  purpose  for  which  the  nation  now  seeks  to 
use  the  Democratic  party.  It  seeks  to  use  it  to  interpret  a 
change  in  its  own  plans  and  point  of  view.  Some  old  things 
with  which  we  had  grown  familiar,  and  which  had  begun  to 
creep  into  the  very  habit  of  our  thoughts  and  of  our  lives, 
have  altered  their  aspect  as  we  have  latterly  looked  critically 
upon  them,  with  fresh,  awakened,  eyes;  have  dropped  their 

398 


Speeches  for  Careful  Study  399 

disguises  and  shown  themselves  alien  and  sinister.  Some  new 
things,  as  we  look  frankly  upon  them,  willing  to  comprehend 
their  real  character,  have  come  to  assume  the  aspect  of  things 
long  believed  in  and  familiar,  stuff  of  our  own  convictions. 
We  have  been  refreshed  by  a  new  insight  into  our  own  life. 

We  see  that  in  many  things  that  life  is  very  great.  It  is 
incomparably  great  in  its  material  aspects,  in  its  body  of 
wealth,  in  the  diversity  and  sweep  of  its  energy,  in  the 
industries  which  have  been  conceived  and  built  up  by  the 
genius  of  individual  men  and  the  limitless  enterprise  of 
groups  of  men.  It  is  great,  also,  very  great,  in  its  moral 
force.  Nowhere  else  in  the  world  have  noble  men  and 
women  exhibited  in  more  striking  forms  the  beauty  and  the 
energy  of  sympathy  and  helpfulness  and  counsel  in  their 
efforts  to  rectify  wrong,  alleviate  suffering,  and  set  the  weak 
in  the  way  of  strength  and  hope.  We  have  built  up,  more- 
over, a  great  system  of  government,  which  has  stood  through 
a  long  age  as  in  many  respects  a  model  for  those  who  seek 
to  set  liberty  upon  foundations  that  will  endure  against  for- 
tuitous change,  against  storm  and  accident.  Our  life  con- 
tains every  great  thing,  and  contains  it  in  rich  abundance. 

But  the  evil  has  come  with  the  good,  and  much  fine  gold 
has  been  corroded.  With  riches  has  come  inexcusable  waste. 
We  have  squandered  a  great  part  of  what  we  might  have 
used,  and  have  not  stopped  to  conserve  the  exceeding  bounty 
of  nature,  without  which  our  genius  for  enterprise  would 
have  been  worthless  and  impotent,  scorning  to  be  careful, 
shamefully  prodigal  as  well  as  admirably  efficient.  We  have 
been  proud  of  our  industrial  achievements,  but  we  have  not 
hitherto  stopped  thoughtfully  enough  to  count  the  human 
cost,  the  cost  of  lives  snuffed  out,  of  energies  overtaxed  and 
broken,  the  fearful  physical  and  spiritual  cost  to  the  men  and 
women  and  children  upon  whom  the  dead  weight  and  burden 
of  it  all  has  fallen  pitilessly  the  years  through.  The  groans 


400  The  Making  of  an  Oration 

and  agony  of  it  all  had  not  yet  reached  our  ears,  the  solemn, 
moving  undertone  of  our  life,  coming  up  out  of  the  mines 
and  factories  and  out  of  every  home  where  the  struggle  had 
its  intimate  and  familiar  seat.  With  the  great  government 
went  many  deep  secret  things  which  we  too  long  delayed  to 
look  into  and  scrutinize  with  candid,  fearless  eyes.  The 
great  government  we  loved  has  too  often  been  made  use  of 
for  private  and  selfish  purposes,  and  those  who  used  it  had 
forgotten  the  people. 

At  last  a  vision  has  been  vouchsafed  us  of  our  life  as  a 
whole.  We  see  the  bad  with  the  good,  the  debased  and 
decadent  with  the  sound  and  vital.  With  this  vision  we 
approach  new  affairs.  Our  duty  is  to  cleanse,  to  reconsider, 
to  restore,  to  correct  the  evil  without  impairing  the  good, 
to  purify  and  humanize  every  process  of  otar  common  life 
without  weakening  or  sentimentalizing  it.  There  has  been 
something  crude  and  heartless  and  unfeeling  in  our  haste 
to  succeed  and  be  great.  Our  thought  has  been  "  Let  every 
man  look  out  for  himself,  let  every  generation  look  out  for 
itself,"  while  we  reared  giant  machinery  which  made  it  im- 
possible that  any  but  those  who  stood  at  the  levers  of  control 
should  have  a  chance  to  look  out  for  themselves.  We  had 
not  forgotten  our  morals.  We  remembered  well  enough  that 
we  had  set  up  a  policy  which  was  meant  to  serve  the  humblest 
as  well  as  the  most  powerful,  with  an  eye  single  to  the  stand- 
ards of  justice  and  fair  play,  and  remembered  it  with  pride. 
But  we  were  very  heedless  and  in  a  hurry  to  be  great. 

We  have  come  now  to  the  sober  second  thought.  The 
scales  of  heedlessness  have  fallen  from  our  eyes.  We  have 
made  up  our  minds  to  square  every  process  of  our  national 
life  again  with  the  standards  we  so  proudly  set  up  at  the  be- 
ginning, and  have  always  carried  at  our  hearts.  Our  work 
is  a  work  of  restoration. 

We  have  itemized  with  some  degree  of  particularity  the 


Speeches  for  Careful  Study          401 

things  that  ought  to  be  altered  and  here  are  some  of  the 
chief  items:  A  tariff  which  cuts  us  off  from  our  proper 
part  in  the  commerce  of  the  world,  violates  the  just  prin- 
ciples of  taxation,  and  makes  the  government  a  facile  instru- 
ment in  the  hands  of  private  interests;  a  banking  and  cur- 
rency system  based  upon  the  necessity  of  the  government  to 
sell  its  bonds  fifty  years  ago  and  perfectly  adapted  to  con- 
centrating cash  and  restricting  credits;  an  industrial  system 
which,  take  it  on  all  its  sides,  financial  as  well  as  administra- 
tive, holds  capital  in  leading  strings,  restricts  the  liberties 
and  limits  the  opportunities  of  labor,  and  exploits  without 
renewing  or  conserving  the  natural  resources  of  the  coun- 
try; a  body  of  agricultural  activities  never  yet  given  the 
efficiency  of  great  business  undertakings  or  served  as  it 
should  be  through  the  instrumentality  of  science  taken  di- 
rectly to  the  farm,  or  afforded  the  facilities  of  credit  best 
suited  to  its  practical  needs;  water  courses  undeveloped, 
waste  places  unreclaimed,  forests  untended,  fast  disappear- 
ing without  plan  or  prospect  of  renewal,  unregarded  waste 
heaps  at  every  mine.  We  have  studied  as  perhaps  no  other 
nation  has  the  most  effective  means  of  production,  but  we 
have  not  studied  cost  or  economy  as  we  should  either  as 
organizers  of  industry,  as  statesmen  or  as  individuals. 

Nor  have  we  studied  and  perfected  the  means  by  which 
government  may  be  put  at  the  service  of  humanity,  in  safe- 
guarding the  health  of  the  nation,  the  health  of  its  men  and 
its  women  and  its  children,  as  well  as  their  rights  in  the  strug- 
gle for  existence.  This  is  no  sentimental  duty.  The  firm 
basis  of  government  is  justice,  not  pity.  These  are  matters 
of  justice.  There  can  be  no  equality  of  opportunity,  the  first 
essential  of  justice  in  the  body  politic,  if  men  and  women 
and  children  be  not  shielded  in  their  lives,  their  very  vitality, 
from  the  consequences  of  great  industrial  and  social  processes 
which  they  cannot  alter,  control,  or  singly  cope  with.  Society 


402  The  Making  of  an  Oration 

must  see  to  it  that  it  does  not  itself  crush  or  weaken  or 
damage  its  own  constituent  parts.  The  first  duty  of  law  is 
to  keep  sound  the  society  it  serves.  Sanitary  laws,  pure- 
food  laws,  and  laws  determining  conditions  of  labor  which 
individuals  are  powerless  to  determine  for  themselves  are 
intimate  parts  of  the  very  business  of  justice  and  legal 
efficiency. 

These  are  some  of  the  things  we  ought  to  do,  and  not  leave 
the  others  undone,  the  old-fashioned,  never-to-be-neglected, 
fundamental  safeguarding  of  property  and  of  individual 
right.  This  is  the  high  enterprise  of  the  new  day:  to  lift 
everything  that  concerns  our  life  as  a  nation  to  the  light 
that  shines  from  the  hearth-fire  of  every  man's  conscience 
and  vision  of  the  right.  It  is  inconceivable  that  we  should 
do  this  as  partisans;  it  is  inconceivable  that  we  should  do  it 
:n  ignorance  of  the  facts  as  they  are  or  in  blind  haste.  We 
shall  restore,  not  destroy.  We  shall  deal  with  our  economic 
system  as  it  is  and  as  it  may  be  modified,  not  as  it  might 
be  if  we  had  a  clean  sheet  of  paper  to  write  upon;  and  step 
by  step  we  shall  make  it  what  it  should  be,  in  the  spirit 
of  those  who  question  their  own  wisdom  and  seek  council 
and  knowledge  not  shallow  self-satisfaction  or  the  excite- 
ment of  excursions  whither  they  cannot  tell.  Justice,  and 
only  justice,  shall  always  be  our  motto. 

And  yet  it  will  be  no  cool  process  of  mere  science.  The 
nation  has  been  deeply  stirred  —  stirred  by  a  solemn  passion, 
stirred  by  the  knowlege  of  wrong,  of  ideals  lost,  of  govern- 
ment too  often  debauched  and  made  an  instrument  of  evil. 
The  feelings  with  which  we  face  this  new  age  of  right  and 
opportunity  sweep  across  our  heartstrings  like  some  air  out 
of  God's  own  presence,  where  justice  and  mercy  are  recon- 
ciled and  the  judge  and  the  brother  are  one.  We  know  our 
task  to  be  no  mere  task  of  politics,  but  a  task  which  shall 
search  us  through  and  through,  whether  we  be  able  to  under- 


Speeches  for  Careful  Study          403 

stand  our  time  and  the  need  of  our  people,  whether  we  be 
indeed  their  spokesmen  and  interpreters,  whether  we  have 
the  pure  heart  to  comprehend  and  the  rectified  will  to  choose 
our  high  course  of  action. 

This  is  not  a  day  of  triumph;  it  is  a  day  of  dedication. 
Here  muster  not  the  forces  of  party  but  the  forces  of  human- 
ity. Men's  hearts  wait  upon  us ;  men's  lives  hang  in  the  bal- 
ance ;  men's  hopes  call  upon  us  to  say  what  we  will  do.  Who 
shall  live  Hp  to  the  great  trust?  Who  dares  fail  to  try?  I 
summon  all  honest  men,  all  patriotic,  all  forward-looking 
men,  to  my  side.  God  helping  me,  I  will  not  fail  them,  if 
they  will  but  counsel  and  sustain  me. 

NOTES  ON  THE  INAUGURAL  ADDRESS  OF  WOODROW  WILSON 

1.  Let  the  student  make  a  careful  plan  of  this  great  address, 
noting  the  several  steps  in  the  thought  from  the  introduction  to 
the  conclusion  that  stirs  the  blood  like  a  trumpet  with  its  appeal 
and  challenge. 

2.  Note  the  choice  of  words  and  the  appropriateness  of  the 
diction. 

3.  Observe  the  sentence  structure,  simple  and  vigorous,  human 
yet  dignified  as  was  befitting  the  man  and  the  occasion,  as  well  as 
the  topics  with  which  the  speaker  deals. 

4.  Note  the  fervor,  yet  manliness  of  the  style,  and  the  high 
spirit  and  noble  ideals  that  animate  the  entire  discourse.     Com- 
pare the  speech  in  these  particulars  with  Lincoln's  inaugurals. 


ORATIONS  FOR  FURTHER  STUDY 

***** 

In  addition  to  the  speeches  printed  in  full  in  preceding 
pages,  the  following  brief  list  of  great  addresses  is  sug- 
gested as  furnishing  examples  of  oratorical  construction 
and  style  from  which  the  student  may  derive  helpful  illus- 
trations of  oratorical  law  and  practice.  It  is  suggested 
that  each  member  of  a  class,  or  each  private  student  of 
the  subject,  be  assigned  to  or  take  one  of  these  speeches, 
or  another  from  the  multitude  within  the  reach  of  almost 
any  student,  and  prepare  an  essay  after  a  careful  study 
of  the  production  chosen.  This  essay  need  not  be  very 
long  —  not  more,  ordinarily  than  one  thousand  words, — 
and  should  cover  the  following  points : 

(i.)  A  brief  account  of  the  circumstances  under  which 
the  speech  was  delivered; 

(2.)  A  brief,  clear  statement  of  the  Theme  of  the 
speech ; 

(3.)  A  well-constructed  Plan  of  the  speech  according 
to  the  outline  given  in  the  text.  In  this  plan  the  "  Ob- 
ject" should  be  given  the  proper  form; 

(4.)  A  discussion  of  the  Style,  including  (a)  choice  of 
words,  (b)  diction,  (c)  figures  of  speech  —  especially 

404 


Orations  for  Further  Study          405 

those  that  promote  force,  (d)  construction  of  sentences, 
especially  as  to  clearness  and  force;  (illustrate,  when 
necessary,  by  quoting  from  the  speech  itself)  ;  (e)  allu- 
sions, (f)  illustrations,  (g)  climax  —  not  only  as  to 
arrangement  of  material,  but  as  to  expression  in  the  di- 
visions themselves.  Give  especial  attention  to  the  style 
of  the  Introduction  and  the  Conclusion. 

ORATIONS  FOR  FURTHER  STUDY 

1.  Speech  of  William  Wirt  in  the  Trial  of  Aaron  Burr. 

2.  Speech  of  Edmund  Randolph  in  the  Trial  of  Aaron  Burr. 

3.  The  Scholar  in  a  Republic  (Wendell  Phillips). 

4.  Make  Haste  Slowly  (Charles  Sumner). 

5.  Speech  at  Faneuil  Hall  (Webster). 

6.  The  Bunker  Hill  Monument  (Everett). 

7.  Speech  of  Lord  Mansfield  on  Taxing  America. 

8.  Lord  Chesterfield  against  Licensing  Ginshops. 

Q.  Mr.  Brougham  on  the  Invasion  of  Spain  by  France. 

10.  Speech  on  the  Reform  Bill  (Macaulay). 

11.  On  the  New  Army  Bill  (Henry  Clay). 

12.  The  Revolution  in  Greece  (Webster). 

13.  Machine  Politics  and  the  Remedy  (G.  W.  Curtis). 

14.  Speech  on  the  British  Treaty  (Madison). 

15.  Speech  on  the  Oregon  Bill  (Calhoun). 

16.  The  Working  Men's  Party  (Everett). 

17.  Case  of  John  Wilkes  (Lord  Chatham). 

18.  The  Rupture  of  the  Negotiations  with  France  (Pitt). 

19.  Warren  Hastings  on  the  Begum  Charge  (Sheridan). 

20.  Conciliation  with  America  (Burke). 

21.  To  the  Electors  of  Bristol  (Burke). 

22.  Parliamentary  Reform  (Fox). 

23.  The  Russian  Armament  (Fox). 

24.  Speech  on  the  American  Constitution  (Patrick  Henry). 

25.  Speech  in  the  Case  of  Harry  Croswell  (Hamilton). 

26.  On  His  Nomination  to  the  United  States  Senate  (Lincoln). 

27.  The  True  Grandeur  of  Nations  (Charles  Sumner). 

28.  The  Murder  of  Lovejoy  (Phillips). 

29.  Public  Offices  as  Private  Perquisites  (Carl  Schurz). 

30.  The   Mexican   Treaty  and   the   Monroe   Doctrine    (Gerrit 
Smith.  H.  of  R.,  June  27.  '54). 

31.  The  Irrepressible  Conflict  (W.  H.  Seward). 

32.  The  Highest  Form  of  Expression  (F.  W.  Robertson). 


406          The  Making  of  an  Oration 

33.  The  Immortality  of  Good  Deeds  (Thomas  B.  Reed). 

34.  Blifil    and    Black    George  —  Puritan    and    Blackleg    (John 
Randolph). 

35.  Iscariot  in  Modern  England  (Ruskin's  Speech  at  Camber- 
well). 

36.  A  Plea  for  Conciliation  in  1876  (Thomas  F.  Bayard). 
37-  The  Battle  of  Gettysburg  (Charles  Francis  Adams). 

38.  On  the  Philippine  Question  (A.  J.  Beveridge). 

39.  Reply  to  Hayne  (Webster). 

40.  First  Settlement  of  New  England  (Webster). 

41.  Second  Bunker  Hill  Monument  Speech   (Webster). 

42.  Other    Speeches    by    Henry    Ward    Beecher    in    England 
during  the  Civil  War. 

43.  Public  Opinion   (Wendell  Phillips). 

44.  The  Abolition  Movement  (Wendell  Phillips). 

45.  Lincoln's  Election   (Wendell  Phillips). 

46.  The  American    Doctrine    of    Liberty     (George    William 
Curtis). 

47.  The  Puritan  Spirit  (George  William  Curtis). 

48.  Oration  on  Garfield  (James  G.  Blaine). 

49-  The  Impeachment  of  Warren  Hastings  (Edmund  Burke). 


ORATION  SUBJECTS 

***** 

These  lists  are  given  for  the  purpose  of  aiding  students 
in  choosing  subjects  suitable  for  oratorical  treatment. 
They  are  for  the  most  part  stated  in  a  general  way,  leav- 
ing of  necessity  to  the  student  the  particular  statement  or 
phase  of  the  general  topic  which  he  may  wish  to  present. 

The  classification  of  the  topics  is  only  a  general  one, 
and  some  of  them  might  just  as  well  be  classified  differ- 
ently. It  is  hoped  that  the  lists  may  be  sufficiently  sug- 
gestive to  be  of  genuine  service. 

SUBJECTS  SUITABLE  FOR  ORATIONS 
I.  GENERAL  OR  ETHICAL 

1.  The  Utilitarian  Spirit  of  the  Age. 

2.  Evolution  as  Related  to  Christianity. 

3.  The  Power  of  Public  Opinion. 

4.  The  Cultivation  of  Esthetics  as  an  Ethical  and  Sociolog- 

ical Force. 

5.  The  Spiritual  and  Intellectual  Bases  of  Truth. 

6.  The  Law  of  Service. 

7.  The  Growth  of  Toleration. 

8.  The  Perfected  Life. 

9.  Self-realization  through  Self-sacrifice. 

10.  The  Fruits  of  Conviction. 

11.  The  Influence  of  Conflict. 

12.  The  Test  of  Time. 

13.  Unity  in  Diversity. 

14.  The  American  Tendency  to  Accept  Authority. 

15.  The  Political  Responsibility  of  Educated  Men. 

16.  Conventional  Enthusiasm. 

17.  Patriotic  Cosmopolitanism. 

407 


408          The  Making  of  an  Oration 

18.  The    Influence    of    Environment    and    of    Heredity    on 

Shakespeare. 

19.  The  College  Graduate  as  a  Reformer. 

20.  The  Development  of  the  Religious  Element  in  Man. 

21.  Character  and  Culture. 

22.  An  International  Court  of  Arbitration. 

23.  The  Man    at  the  Helm. 

24.  The  Man  and  the  Hour. 

25.  Patriotism  versus  Jingoism. 

26.  The  Quest  of  the  Holy  Grail. 

27.  The  Brotherhood  of  Nations. 

28.  The  Aggressive  Element  in  Anglo-Saxon  Character. 

29.  The  Scholar's  Attitude  toward  Truth. 

30.  The  Relation  of  Liberty  to  Law. 

31.  Arbitration  better  than  War. 

32.  Higher  Education  of  Women  as  a  Sign  of  the  Times. 

33.  "  The  Evil  that  Men  Do  Lives  after  Them." 

34.  The  Importance  of  Enthusiasm  to  Success. 

35.  Liberty  not  License. 

36.  The  Proper  Relation  of  the  Preacher  to  Politics. 

37.  The  Mission  of  Radicalism. 

38.  Conscience  Incarnate  in  Politics. 

v    39.  The  Anglo-Saxon  and  his  Destiny, 
v    40.  Discontent  as  an  Element  of  Progress. 

41.  Inquiry  as  a  Road  to  Truth. 

42.  Cosmopolitan  Patriotism. 

43.  Oratory  as  Affected  by  Civilization. 

44.  Invention  as  an  Agent  to  Civilization. 

45.  The  Power  of  Individual  Opinion. 

46.  Destroyers  of  Temples. 

47.  The  Relation  of  the  Inner  to  the  Outer  Life. 

48.  Opinions  Stronger  than  Armies. 

49.  The  Debt  of  Literature  to  the  English  Bible. 

50.  Ueber  die  Berge  sind  auch  Leute. 

51.  Ideas  Rule  the  World. 

52.  "  This  One  Thing  I  Do." 

53.  The  Brotherhood  of  Man. 

54.  The  Moral  Basis  of  True  Eloquence. 

55.  Let   Every  American   Boy  Have  a   Chance  to   Learn   a 

Trade. 

56.  The  Plodder  versus  the  Genius. 

57.  The  Mission  of  the  Iconoclast. 

58.  A  National  Conscience. 

59.  A  Political  Education  for  a  Political  People. 

60.  The  Victories  of  Peace. 

61.  The  Value  of  a  Discriminating  Optimism. 


Oration  Subjects  409 

62.  Faith  in  Good  Things  Essential  to  the  Noblest  Manhood. 

63.  The  Market  Value  of  Character. 

64.  The  Strenuous  Life. 

65.  The  Personal  Equation. 

66.  Progress  of  the  Saxon  Principle. 

67.  Evolution  of  Toleration. 

68.  The  Tyranny  of  Ideas. 

69.  The  Scholar  and  Social  Reform. 

70.  Self-Realization  through  Service. 

71.  Education  for  Service. 

72.  Hero  Worship. 

73.  The  Progress  of  Morality. 

74.  The  Conflict  of  Ideals. 

75.  Success  through  Failure. 

76.  The  Test  of  an  Education,  the  Ability  to  Bring  Things 

to  Pass. 

77.  The  Supremacy  of  Skill. 

78.  Cooperation  as  a  Means  of  Avoiding  Industrial  Disputes. 
7g.  The  Relation  of  Freedom  of  Thought  to  Progress. 

80.  Optimism  versus  Pessimism. 

81.  Liberty  Enlightening  the  World. 

82.  The  Alleged  Decline  of  American  Patriotism. 

83.  Public  Office  a  Public  Trust. 

84.  The  Debt  America  Owes  to  Her  Educated  Men. 

85.  The  Initiative  and  Referendum. 

86.  Liberalism  an  Element  of  Reform. 

87.  The  Christian  Citizen. 

88.  Government  an  Index  of  National  Character. 

89.  The  Enforcement  of  Wise  Naturalization  Laws. 

90.  Power  of  an  Educated  Minority. 

91.  The     Supremacy     of     an     Aroused     Conscience     in     a 

Community. 

92.  Great  Leaders  Developed  by  Great  Emergencies. 

93.  The  Power  of  the  Press. 

94.  The  Destiny  of  Africa. 

95.  Limits  of  Toleration. 

96.  The  Ideal  of  Manhood. 

97.  The  Necessity  of  a  Stable  Currency  to   National   Pros- 

perity. 

98.  Class  and  Sectional  Prejudice  a  Menace  to  the  State. 

99.  The  Authority  of  the  President  to  Suppress  Disorder  in 

the  States. 

100.  Patriotism  before  Party. 

101.  The  Duty  of  the  Hour. 

102.  A  National  University. 

103.  Is  Change  always  Progress? 


410          The  Making  of  an  Oration 

104.  "New  Occasions  Teach  New  Duties." 

105.  "  Peace  Hath  Her  Victories  no  less  Renowned  than  War." 

106.  Theoretical  Men,  the  Pioneers  of  Progress. 

107.  Is  the  Workman  the  Sole  Producer  of  Wealth? 

108.  The  Ultimate  Triumph  of  Goodness. 

109.  Humor  as  an  Element  of  Success. 
no.  The  Mission  of  the  Small  College, 
in.  The  Mission  of  the  Large  College. 

112.  Opportunities  for  Greatness. 

113.  The  Anglo-Saxon  Element  in  American  Character. 

114.  The  Spirit  of  "the  Argonauts  of  '49." 

115.  What  Makes  a  Good  Citizen? 

116.  The  Relation  of  Labor  to  Genius. 

117.  The  True  Grandeur  of  Nations. 

118.  Voices  of  the  Dead. 

119.  The  Ultimate   Supremacy  of  the  Anglo-Saxon. 

120.  Separation  of  Local  and  National  Politics. 

121.  Morality  in  Politics. 

122.  Our  Worst  Foes. 

123.  The  New  Birth  of  China. 

124.  The  College  Settlement 

125.  The  Need  of  an  Independent  Press. 

126.  Modern  Missions  One  of  the  Wonders  of  the  World. 

127.  The  American  Woman's  Citizenship. 

128.  Progression  or  Retrogression? 

129.  America,  the  Melting  Pot  of  the  Nations. 

130.  Shall  We  Suffer  the  Fate  of  Former  Republics? 

131.  Growth  and  Evils  of  Trusts. 

132.  The  Mission  of  the  Modern  Pulpit. 

133.  The  Progressive  Spirit  of  the  United  States. 

134.  The  Men  to  Make  a  State. 

135.  Self-reliance. 

136.  Controversy  Tributary  to  Progress. 

137.  Irreverence,  a  Result  of  and  a  Menace  to  Democracy. 

138.  Misuse  of  the  Word,  "  Success." 

139.  A  noble  Ambition,  a  Secret  to  True  Success. 

140.  Brains  and  Brawn,  the  Need  of  the  Times. 

141.  Has  the  Demand  for  Oratory  Passed? 

142.  A  Defense  of  Shakespeare's  Shylock. 

143.  True  Sources  of  Our  Nation's  Strength. 

144.  Ideas,  not  Armies  Conquer  the  World. 

145.  The  Interests  of  America  in  the  Orient. 

146.  Ignorance  May  Do  for  a  Despotism,  It  Will  never  Answer 

for  a  Republic. 

147.  The  Trend  Upward. 

148.  The  Oratory  of  Revolutionary  Periods. 


Oration  Subjects  411 

149.  The  Boasted  Liberal  Thinker,  the  most  Illiberal  of  Men. 

150.  The  Relation  of  the  Trans-Siberian  Railroad  to  Twentieth 

Century  Civilization. 

151.  Individuality,  not  Eccentricity. 

152.  The  Scholar  in  Politics. 

153.  Obedience  to  Law,  the  Safeguard  to  the  Republic. 

154.  Equality  before  the  Law. 

155.  The  Annexation  of  Cuba. 

156.  Why  Should  the  State  Provide  for  Higher  Education? 

157.  Russian  Despotism  the  Source  of  Russian  Anarchy. 

158.  "Do  Men  Gather  Grapes  from  Thorns?"  (Life  the  Out- 

come of  Character.) 

159.  "  Whatsoever  a  Man  Soweth,  that  Shall  he  also  Reap." 

160.  Our  Consular  Service  as  a  Field  for  Educated  Men. 

161.  Early  Specialization  Tends  to  Narrowness  of  Mind. 

162.  The  Secret  Ballot. 

163.  The  Commission  Form  of  Government  for  Cities. 

164.  Our  Buried  Soldiers. 

165.  War  as  a  Civilizer. 

166.  The  March  of  the  Centuries. 

167.  What  is  a  Genius? 

168.  Necessity  of  Education  in  a  Republic. 

169.  The  United  States  as  a  World  Power. 

170.  "  The  White  Man's  Burden." 

171.  The  Influence  of  Oratory  on  Civilization. 

172.  The  Law  of  Service. 

173.  Puritan  and  Cavalier. 

174.  America's  Mission  in  the  Orient. 

175.  The  Commission  Form  of  Government. 

176.  The  Third  Term  Idea. 

177.  The  "  Stand-Patter  "  versus  the  "  Insurgent." 

178.  Extremists  in  Politics. 

II.  .POLITICAL 

1.  Republic  or  Empire? 

2.  Russia,  the  Coming  Sovereign  of  the  World 

3.  The  Doctrine  of  Political  Equality. 

4.  The  Decadence  of  the  Monroe  Doctrine. 

5.  Will  France  Remain  a  Republic? 

6.  The  Abolition  of  the  English  House  of  Lords. 

7.  Under  the  Throne  of  the  Czars. 

8.  Tendency  toward  Anarchism  in  the  United  States. 

9.  A  Vindication  of  American  Democracy. 
10.  The  Permanency  of  the  Republic. 

it.  Our  Consular  Service  as  a  Field  for  Educated  Men. 


412          The  Making  of  an  Oration 

12.  A  Plea  for  an  American  National  Spirit 

13.  What  Shall  We  Do  with  the  Indian? 

14.  The  Americans  and  the  Mexicans. 

15.  The  Unspeakable  Turk. 

16.  Reform  of  our  Pension  Laws. 

17.  American  Unity. 

18.  Representation  of  Minorities. 

19.  The  Monroe  Doctrine  Today. 

20.  A  Remedy  for  the  Evils  of  Democracy. 

21.  Limitations  of  the  Right  of  Home  Rule. 

22.  The  Election  of  United  States  Senators. 

23.  Interoceanic  Canals  and  American  Diplomacy. 

24.  Should  Insular  Annexation  be  the  National  Policy? 

25.  Municipal  Reform  Essential  to  National  Stability. 

26.  Rewards  of  Political  Righteousness. 

27.  The  Control  of  Trusts  in  a  Representative  Government 

28.  The  Victories  of  Peace. 

29.  The  Initiative  and  Referendum. 

30.  The  Recall  of  Judges. 

31.  England's   Colonial   Policy. 

32.  The  Rule  of  the  People,  but  not  Anarchy. 

33.  Effects  of  Immigration  upon  the  United  States. 

34.  The  Restriction  of  Immigration. 

35.  America  for  Americans. 

36.  Method  of  Choosing  the  President,  a  Useless  Form. 

37.  The  United   States  a  World  Power. 

38.  Americans  for  America. 

39.  Extension  of  Civil-service  Reform. 

40.  The  Men  to  Make  a  State. 

41.  The  Revival  of  American  Shipping. 

42.  The  Australian  Constitution. 

43.  Causes  of  the  Decline  of  Spanish  Power. 

44.  The  Juror  or  the  Jurist? 

45.  Cardinal   Principles  of  American  Democracy. 

46.  Where  is  our  Nation's  Strength? 

47.  American  Citizenship. 

48.  The  Secret  Ballot  Essential  to  Pure  Elections. 

49.  Woman  and  the  Ballot. 

50.  Equality  of  Taxation. 

51.  The  Federation  of  the  World  Foreshadowed. 

52.  The  Dismemberment  of  China. 

53.  A  Large  Standing  Army  for  the  United  States. 

54.  Should  a  Third  Term  for  President  Be  Made  Impossible? 

55.  The  Secret  Ballot. 

56.  Should  the  Method  of  Choosing  the  President  Be  Changed? 


Oration  Subjects  413 

57.  Effect  of  the  Recall  of  Judges  upon  the  Supremacy  of  the 

Constitution. 

58.  Should   the   Government   Guarantee  the   Safety   of   Bank 

Deposits  ? 

59.  The  Strength  of  the  Republic  not  in  its  Armies. 

60.  Separation  of  National  and  Local  Politics. 

61.  Let  Conscience,  not  the  Boss,  cast  the  Ballot. 

62.  England's  Case  Against  Home  Rule  for  Ireland. 

63.  China  and  the  Powers. 

64.  China,  the  Republic. 

65.  If  Women  Had  the  Ballot,  Would  Tl.ey  Vote  more  Wisely 

or  Virtuously  than  Men  ? 

66.  Should  the  Tariff  be  Revised  Downward? 

67.  The  True  Conception  of  Liberty. 

68.  Should  the  President's  Term  of  Office  Be  Lengthened? 

69.  Should  the  People  of  the  Philippines  Be  Given  Self-govern- 

ment? 

70.  The  Application  of  the  Merit  System  to  the  entire  Civil- 

service. 

71.  The  Consular  Service,  a  Sphere  of  Usefulness  for  Edu- 

cated Young  Men. 

72.  Should  We  Have  a  National  Bank? 

73.  The  Independence  of  the  National  Judiciary  Essential  to 

National  Existence. 

74.  National  Credit  a  Condition  of  National  Progress. 

75.  An  Educational  Test  for  Citizenship. 

76.  The  Annexation  of  Cuba. 

77.  President  Taft's  Arbitration  Policy. 

78.  The  Commission  Form  of  Government. 

79.  The  Enlargement  of  the  Navy. 

80.  Can  Good  Mormons  be  Good  Citizens? 

81.  Public  Money  for  Sectarian  Schools. 

82.  The  Relation  of  the  Preacher  to  Politics. 

83.  American  Unity. 

84.  Representation  of  Minorities. 

85.  The  Doctrine  of  Political  Equality. 

86.  The  Restriction  of  Immigration. 

87.  Should  the  United   States   Be  Responsible   for  Order  in 

Mexico  ? 

88.  Popular  Primaries   for   Presidential   Candidates. 

III.    SOCIOLOGICAL  AND   SOCIAL 

1.  The  Relation  of  the  Young  Man  to  Modern  Life. 

2.  The  Patriot  of  the  Twentieth  Century. 

3.  The  Relation  of  Christianity  to  Social  Questions. 

4.  The  Tyranny  of  Extreme  Democracy. 

5.  Nature  of  the  Present  Social  Tendency. 


414          The  Making  of  an  Oration 

6.  Taxation  of  Church  Property. 

7.  Race  Prejudice  in  America. 

8.  Discontent  as  a  Condition  of  Progress. 

9.  The  Foundation  of  Political  Power. 

10.  The  American  Boy  and  American  Labor. 

11.  Precedent  and  Progress. 

12.  Are  Trades  Unions  Promoters  of  Industry? 

13.  What  Is  Practical  Education? 

14.  The  Altruistic  Principle  in  Socialism. 

15.  Profit-sharing  as  a  Remedy  for  Industrial  Ills. 

16.  The  "  New  West "  and  its  Bearing  on  our  National  Destiny. 

17.  Opinions  stronger  than  Armies. 

18.  The  Race  Problem  in  the  United  States. 

19.  The  Relations  of  Christianity  to  Wealth. 

20.  The  Saloon  in  Politics. 

21.  The    Relation    of    the    American    College    to    American 

Stability. 

22.  The  Jews  in  Russia. 

23.  Economic  Disturbances  a  Condition  of  Social  Progress. 

24.  The  Relation  of  the  Educated  Man  to  Civilization. 

25.  The  American  College  a  Factor  of  American  Stability. 

26.  The  American  Spirit  of  Liberalism. 

27.  Law  and  Liberty. 

28.  The  Right  of  Majorities  to  Rule. 

29.  Organization  as  a  Phase  of  Modern  Society. 

30.  Reform  in  Marriage  Legislation. 

31.  Destroy  Child  Labor  or  Destroy  the  Child. 

32.  What  the  City  Owes  to  the  Country. 

33.  Barbarism  in  the  Twentieth  Century. 

34.  The  Mission  of  the  Iconoclast. 

35.  Advantages  of  Coeducation. 

36.  The  Invasion  of  Africa. 

37.  The  "  Submerged  Tenth." 

38.  The  Power  of  Civil  Law. 

39.  The  Power  of  Public  Opinion. 

40.  The  Political  Future  of  the  Negro  of  the  South. 

41.  The  New  West  and  its  Bearing  on  our  Future  Destiny. 

42.  What  Will  be  the  Effect  of  Universal  Franchise  upon  our 

Social  Problems? 

43.  The   Morality  and  Intelligence  of  the   People  the  Safe- 

guards of  the  State. 

44.  "The  Hand  that  Rocks  the  Cradle  Rules  the  World." 

45.  The  Indian  Problem. 

46.  The  Interests  of  Employer  and  Employed  not  Antagonistic. 

47.  Railroads  as  Civilizers. 

48.  A  Nation's  Literature  an  Index  of  a  Nation's  Progress, 


Oration  Subjects  415 

49.  Causes  of  Social  Discontent. 

50.  Recognition  of  Human  Brotherhood,  the  Key  to  the  Allevi- 

ation of  Human  Ills. 

51.  The  Women  of  the  New  South. 

52.  Science  the  Handmaid  of  Literature  (or  Progress). 

53.  Profit  Sharing. 

54.  Communism  in  the  United  States. 

55.  Does  a  College  Education  Unfit  One  for  Business? 

56.  Society's  Responsibility  for  the  Criminal. 

57.  Society's  Responsibility  for  the  Training  of  the  Child. 

58.  Should  the  Government  Legislate  against  all  Trusts? 

59.  The  Suppression  of  Crime. 

60.  The  Salvation  Army  as  a  Reforming  Agency. 

61.  The  Conflict  of  Ideals,  an  Element  of  Progress. 

62.  The  Demon  of  Mob  Rule. 

63.  The  Preacher  and  His  Mission. 

64.  The  Women  of  the  New  South. 

65.  Christianity  the  Herald  of  Business. 

66.  The  Need  for  Trained  Men. 

67.  The  Scholar  in  Politics. 

68.  The  Importance  of  Right  Ideals. 

69.  The  Controversy  of  Labor  with  Ignorance,  rather  than 

with  Capital. 

70.  Crises  and  Causes  which  Melt  together  discordant  Ele- 

ments (Title:  The  Melting  Pot). 

71.  Evolution   versus   Revolution  in   Social   Progress. 

72.  The  Few  who  Are  a  Large  and  Controlling  Part  of  a 

Nation's  Conscience. 

73.  Effect  upon  Classes  of  "  American  Barbaric  Display." 

74.  A  Compulsory  Arbitration  Law  to  Settle  Labor  Disputes. 

75.  Is  Profit  Sharing  Feasible  and  Advisable? 

76.  Improvement  of  the  Rural  Home. 

77.  Optimism  versus  Pessimism. 

78.  Christian  Sociology. 

79.  Relation  of  the  Church  to  Society. 

80.  The  Debt  of  Education  to  Society. 

81.  The  Debt  of  Education  to  Christianity. 

82.  The  Important  Place  of  the  Small  College. 

83.  The  Debt  of  America  to  the  Denominational  College. 

84.  Woman's  True  Place  in  the  World. 

85.  The  Need  of  Moral  Courage  in  Society. 

86.  The  Control  of  Trusts. 

87.  Liberty  Enlightening  the  World. 

88.  Social  Evils  and  their  Remedies. 

89.  The  Mission  of  the  Modern  Pulpit. 

90.  Should  All  Colleges  Be  Co-educational? 

91.  The  Leveling-up  Tendency  of  the  Best  Socialism. 


416          The  Making  of  an  Oration 

92.  Present  Tendencies  toward  Consolidation  of  Power  and 

Wealth. 

93.  Orientals  in  America. 

94.  Should  Compulsory  Arbitration  be  Adopted  as  a  Means 

of  Settling  Disputes  between  Labor  and  Capital  ? 

95.  The  Attitude  of  Mormonism  toward  Society  and  the  State. 

96.  Some  Effects  of  the  Saloon  upon  Society  and  Politics. 

97.  The  Evils  of  Radicalism  in  a  Good  Cause. 

98.  What  Should  be  Done  with  the  Indian? 

99.  Should  there  be  Separate  Schools  for  Negroes? 

100.  Dangerous  Classes  in  Large  Cities. 

101.  The  Mission  of  Labor  Unions. 

102.  University  Extension  in  America. 

103.  Capital  the  Ally  of  Labor. 

104.  Dangers  of  Child  Labor. 

105.  Should  Oriental  Workmen  be  Excluded  from  the  United 

States  ? 

106.  Should  the  Boycott  be  Unlawful  ? 

107.  Society's  Responsibility  for  the  Discharged  Criminal. 

108.  Reform  of  the  Jury  System. 

109.  The  Relation  of  Material  Prosperity  to  Christianity, 
no.  The  Handwriting  on  the  Wall  of  Partisan  Politics. 
in.  Prison  Reform. 

112.  What  Shall  I  do?  (The  Life-work  Problem). 

113.  The  Student  and  Society. 

114.  China  as  an  Industrial  Rival  of  America. 

115.  The  Supremacy  of  Skill. 

116.  The  Unity  of  Mankind. 

117.  Discontent,   a   Surety  of   Progress. 

118.  Should  there  be  a  National  University? 

119.  The  Altruistic  Principle  in  Socialism. 

120.  An  American  Merchant  Marine. 

121.  China,  the  Republic. 

122.  Modern  Pantheism. 

123.  The  Schokr  and  Social  Reform. 

124.  The  Need  of  Trade  Schools. 

125.  Reform  in  Marriage  Legislation. 

126.  Reform  in  Divorce  Laws. 

127.  Why  Should  the  State  Establish  and  Maintain  Schools  and 

Universities? 

128.  As  the  Child  is  Trained  the  Man  is  Inclined. 

129.  Character  not  Education  the  Salvation  of  Society. 

130.  War  not  Necessary  to  Develop  the  Heroic  Spirit. 

131.  A  Plea  for  an  Endowed  Press. 

132.  Should  the  State  Own  and  Operate  Public  Utilities? 

133.  Should  Income  be  a  Condition  of  Citizenship? 


Oration  Subjects  417 

134.  Education  Alone  not  Sufficient  to  Make  a  Good  Citizen. 

135.  The  Hope  of  our  Country  Rests  in  its  Homes. 

136.  Should  Capital  Punishment  be  Abolished? 

137.  Should  Polar  Expeditions  be  further  Encouraged? 

138.  The  Debt  of  American  Civilization  to  the  Farm. 

139.  The  Chinese  as  Furnishing  a   Solution  of  the  Domestic 

Service  Problem. 

140.  What  America  May  Gain  from  the  Inter-oceanic  Canal. 

141.  Is  the  Franchise  a  Privilege  or  a  Right? 

142.  The  Things  that  Are  Caesar's. 

143.  The  Handwriting  on  the  Wall  for  the  Political  Boss. 

144.  The  Philosophy  of  Gamaliel. 

145.  The   Economic   Impossibility  of  a   Double   Standard  of 

Value. 

146.  The  Debt  We  Owe  to  Those  who  Smash  our  Idols. 

147.  What  Constitutes  a  Good  College? 

IV.   HISTORICAL 

x.  Marston   Moor. 

2.  Bismarck  and  German  Unity. 

3.  Cavour  and  Bismarck. 

4.  The  Influence  of  the  Crusades  on  Civilization, 
•v  Was   Jefferson's    Embargo    Policy   Wise? 

6.  The  Debt  of  Liberty  to  the  Netherlands. 

7.  Results  to  China  of  the  War  with  Japan. 

8.  The  American  Pioneer. 

9.  England  as  a  Land  Grabber. 

10.  The  Constitution  a  Compromise. 

11.  Webster's  Seventh  of  March  Speech   (1850)   not  Incon- 

sistent with  his  Previous  Position. 

12.  The  Puritan  Influence  in  America. 

13.  The  Electoral  College. 

14.  The  Influence  of  Rousseau  and  Voltaire  on  the  French 

Revolution. 

15.  German  Unity,  a  Product  of  German  Literature. 

16.  Relation  of  the  Huguenots  to  Religious  Liberty. 

17.  Moses  the  Lawmaker  of  Modern  Civilization. 

18.  Divine  Providence  in  American  History. 

19.  The  Legacy  of  Rome  to  the  World. 

20.  The  Poets  and  Poetry  of  the  Civil  War. 

21.  The  Influence  of  the  Pilgrims  on  American  Thought  and 

Life. 

22.  The  New  South. 

23.  The  Enfranchisement  of  the  Negroes  a  Political  Blunder. 

24.  Roger  Williams,  a  Pioneer  of  Religious  and  Political  Free- 

dom. 


418  The  Making  of  an  Oration 

25.  Martin  Luther  as  a  Force  in  History. 

26.  The  Huguenot  in  America. 

27.  The  Debt  of  Literature  to  the  English  Bible. 

28.  Lincoln,  as  a  Man  of  the  People. 

29.  Lincoln,  the  Martyr  of  Liberty. 

30.  Great  Leaders  Developed  by  Great  Emergencies. 

31.  The  "Good  Old  Times,"  not  the  Best  Times. 

32.  Byron  and  the  Greek  Revolution  of  1821. 

33.  The  Spirit  of  Cromwell's  Soldiers. 

34.  The  Battle  of  Missionary  Ridge. 

35.  Gettysburg,  the  Crisis  of  the  Civil  War. 

36.  Whittier,  the   Poet  of  Freedom. 

37.  The  Political  Destiny  of  Canada. 

38.  The  Armenians  and  the  Turks. 

39.  The  Influence  of  American  Oratory  in  American  Life. 

40.  Saxon  and  Slav  in  Asia. 

41.  The  Hero  of  Hungary. 

42.  American  Territorial  Expansion. 

43.  Development  of  Constitutional  Interpretation. 

44.  Charlotte  Corday. 

45.  William  the  Silent,  the  Soldier  of  Liberty. 

46.  Reaction  of  the   Spanish-American  War. 

47.  Did  the  United  States  rightfully  Acquire  Hawaii? 

48.  The  Idea  of  Human  Unity  in  the  Roman  Empire. 

49.  Christ  in  History. 

50.  Melancthon  as  a  Reformer. 

51.  Military  Men  of  Letters. 

52.  England's  Debt  to  William  the  Conqueror. 

53.  Effect  on  America  of  the  Capture  of  Quebec. 

54.  Andrew  Jackson  and  the  Civil   Service. 

55.  Conquering  of  the  West. 

56.  Grover  Cleveland  and  Civil  Service  Reform. 

57.  The  Pacific  Railroad  and  the  Development  of  the*  West. 

58.  The  Price  of  the  Prairie. 

59.  The  Jew  in  History. 

60.  John  Milton  and  the  Revolution  of  1640. 

61.  Development  of  the  English  Cabinet. 

62.  Effect  of  Inventions  upon  English  History. 

63.  The  Pocket  Boroughs  in  England. 

64.  Significance  of  the  Brook  Farm  Experiment. 

65.  The  Downfall  of  Jerusalem. 

66.  Significance  of  Napoleon's  March  to  Moscow. 

67.  Heroism  of  the  Civil  War. 

68.  American  Contributions  to  Civilization. 

69.  The  United  States,  the  Evangel  of  Religious  and  Political 

Liberty. 


Oration  Subjects  419 

70.  The  Heroic  Struggle  of  the  Netherlands  for  Independence. 

71.  Christendom's  Injustice  to  the  Jew. 

72.  The  Minute  Men  of  '76. 

73.  Neal  Dow. 

74.  The  French  Revolution,  a  Messenger  of  Truth. 

75.  The  Struggle  for  Kansas. 

76.  The  Eloquence  of  Revolutionary  Periods. 

77.  Gordon  and  Havelock  as  Types  of  Christian  Heroes. 

78.  The  Agitator  in  American  History. 

79.  George  William  Curtis  and  Civil  Service  Reform. 

80.  Gladstone  and  Home  Rule  in  Ireland. 

81.  Was  John  Brown  a  Traitor? 

82.  The  Growth  of  Democracy  in  the  Nineteenth  Century. 

83.  The  Development  of  Constitutional  Government  in  recent 

Years. 

84.  The  Spirit  of  the  Abolition  Movement. 

85.  Cavour  and  the  Unification  of  Italy. 

86.  Causes  of  the  Civil  War. 

87.  The  Treason  of  Benedict  Arnold. 

88.  Achievements  of  the  American  Navy. 

89.  The  Growing  Spirit  of  Independence  in  Politics. 

90.  The  Presidential  Election  of  1876,  a  Revelation  of  our 

Country's  Respect  for  Law. 

91.  Should  Cuba  be  Annexed  to  the  United  States  ? 

92.  Was  Mrs.  Surratt  justly  Condemned? 

93.  Should  Samuel  J.  Tilden  have  been  Seated  in  the  Presi- 

dential Chair? 

94.  The  Jew  and  his  Persecutors. 

95.  The  Debt  of  our  Country  to  Alexander  Hamilton. 

96.  Providence  in  History. 

97.  Significance  of  the  Battle  of  Tours. 

98.  The  Moors  in  Spain. 

99-  What  Europe  Owes  to  Gustavus  Adolphus. 

100.  John  Brown,  a  Hero  or  a  Criminal? 

101.  Turkish  Atrocities  in  the  Nineteenth  Century. 

102.  The  Debt  of  Civilization  to  the  French  Revolution. 

103.  Russian  Nihilism. 

104.  Harriet   Beecher   Stowe's   Relation   to   the   Abolition   of 

Slavery. 

105.  The  Scandinavians  in  Europe. 

106.  Significance  of  the  Discovery  of  America. 

107.  The  Service  of  Wilberforce  to  British  Emancipation. 

108.  The  Purpose  of  the  Civil  War  not  to  Abolish  Slavery. 

109.  "The  Underground  Railroad." 

no.  The  Oratory  of  Revolutionary  Periods, 
in.  Significance  of  the  Lincoln-Douglas  Debates. 


420  The  Making  of  an  Oration 

112.  The  Dred  Scott  Decision. 

113.  U.  S.  Grant,  a  Soldier  of  Peace. 

114.  The  Permanence  of  Puritan  Principles. 

115.  Christians  in  Turkey. 

1 1 6.  Moral  Victories  in  Politics. 

117.  The  Spanish  Armada. 

118.  The  Influence  upon  America  of  the  Louisiana  Purchase. 

119.  Washington    at    Valley    Forge,    an    Example    of    True 

Patriotism. 

120.  The  "  Free  Quakers  "  in  the  Revolutionary  War. 

V.   BIOGRAPHICAL 

1.  The  Eloquence  of  Frances  Wayland. 

2.  Wendell  Phillips  as  a  Reformer. 

3.  The  Oratory  of  Wendell  Phillips. 

4.  William  Lloyd  Garrison  as  a  Preacher  of  Abolition. 

5.  The  Statesmanship  of  William  E.  Gladstone. 

6.  The  Oratory  of  John  Bright. 

7.  Webster  as  The  Expounder  of  the  Constitution. 

8.  The  Oratory  of  Henry  Ward  Beecher. 

9.  The  Eloquence  of  Abraham  Lincoln. 

10.  Booker  T.  Washington. 

11.  John  Brown. 

12.  Roosevelt  as  an  Agitator. 

13.  The  Statesmanship  of  Abraham  Lincoln. 

14.  Captain  Scott,  the  Antarctic  Hero. 

15.  Marcus  Whitman  and  Our  Northwest. 

16.  Roger  Williams  and  the  Separation  of  Church  and  State. 

17.  Arnold  of  Rugby. 

18.  The  Oratory  of  'Paul  the  Apostle 

19.  The   Character  of  Washington. 

20.  The  Statesmanship  of  Washington. 

21.  The  Statesmanship  of  Alexander  Hamilton. 

22.  Charles  Sumner  and  the  Abolition  of  War. 

23.  The  Heroic  Spirit  of  Sir  Walter  Scott. 

24.  Sherman  and  von  Moltke. 

25.  The  Character  of  Robert  E.  Lee. 

26.  The  Debt  of  the  Nation  to  Daniel  Webster. 

27.  Webster's  Oratory  as  a  Model  of  Oratorical  Style. 

28.  Alexander  Maclaren  as  a  Preacher. 

29.  Frances  Willard  and  Her  Work. 

30.  The  Common  Sense  of  Benjamin  Franklin. 

31.  John  Greenleaf  Whittier  as  a  Poet  of  Freedom. 

32.  The  Eloquence  of  Thomas   Guthrie. 

33.  The  Political  Courage  of  Grover  Cleveland. 

34.  The  Patriotism  of  James  Russell  Lowell. 


Oration  Subjects  421 

35.  Tennyson's  Ideal  of  Manhood. 

36.  The  Political  Career  of  John  Bright. 

37.  The  Attitude  of  Bright  and  Gladstone  toward  the  United 

States  during  the  Civil  War. 

38.  Lord  Macaulay. 

39.  Napoleon  Bonaparte  the  Destroyer  of  Despotism. 

40.  Edmund  Burke  as  an  Orator  and  Statesman. 

41.  The  Oratory  of  Sheridan. 

42.  Frederick  Douglas. 

43.  Savonarola. 

44.  The  Patriotism  of  Stephen  A.  Douglas. 

45.  Salmon  P.  Chase,  the  Financier  of  the  Civil  War. 

46.  Charles  Sumner,  the  Scholar  in  Politics. 

47.  LaFayette. 

48.  John  Jay,  a   Political  Hero. 

49.  Henry  Ward  Beecher  in  England  during  the  Civil  War. 

50.  Was  Aaron  Burr  a  Traitor? 

51.  Alexander  Hamilton,  the  First  United  States  Treasurer. 

52.  Horace  Greeley,  the  Editor. 

53.  Joan  of  Arc. 

54.  Brigham  Young,  the  Apostle  of  Mormonism. 

55.  William  McKinley,  the  Preacher  of  Protection. 

56.  Grover  Cleveland,  the  Advocate  of  a  Tariff  for  Revenue. 

t  Wendell  Phillips  as  an  Agitator. 
Patrick  Henry  as  an  Orator. 

59.  Leo  Tolstoy,  the  Democrat  in  a  Despotism. 

60.  Cavour  and  Bismarck. 

61.  Roger  Williams,  the  Pioneer  of  Religious  Liberty. 


INDEX 


Adaptation  of  thought  and  ex- 
pression, 96-99. 

Allusion,  138,  139. 

Amusing  stories,  danger  of, 
162 

Analysis,  provisional,  58,  59. 

Antithesis,  140-143. 

Beecher,  Henry  Ward,  19,  130, 

192,  193,  250. 
Beveridge,  Senator,  145. 
Bible,  value  of  its  study,   183, 

184. 

Biography,    value    of    reading, 

175,  176. 

Books,  reading  essential,  172- 
185. 

Brevity,  important  for  introduc- 
tion, 78-80. 

Bright,  John,  114. 

Bryan,  William  ).,  93,  314. 

Burke,  Edmund,  92,  123,  160, 
161. 

Clay,  Henry,  188,  189. 

Clearness,  essential  quality  of 
style,  100;  meaning  and  meth- 
ods, 102;  and  words,  105- 
117;  aids  to,  119-127. 

Climax,  151-153. 

Composition  of  an  oration,  73- 

Conclusion  of  an  oration,  28- 
30;  purpose  of,  29;  planning 
the,  63,  64 ;  thought  and  style, 
86-94. 

Conversation,  56,  57. 


Copiousness,  122. 
Curtis,    George    William,    133, 
281. 

Delivery,  methods  of,  196-206; 

reading,  197-199;  memorizing, 

199,  200;  use  of  notes,  201; 

no   visible  helps,  202;   spirit 

of,  203,  204. 
Directness  in  introduction,  84, 

.8S- 

Discussion,  part  of  an  oration, 
25-28;  plan  of,  60-63. 

Elocution,  value  of,  187-193. 
Epigram,  120,  121,  148-150. 

Feeling  essential  to  eloquence, 

170,  171. 
Figures  of  speech,  127-140. 

Grady,  Henry  W.,  132,  301. 

Hayne,  Colonel,  81. 
Henry,  Patrick,  146-148,  209. 
History,  value  of  study,  174. 
Hoar,  Senator,  145,  339. 
Kurd,  Frank  H.,  92. 

Imagination,  value  to  orator, 
169. 

Introduction  of  an  oration,  16- 
•21 ;  planning  the,  64-67; 
<H**iit*er--tff--7z8-8$+-  brevity, 
78-80;  sinjplicity,  80-83;  in- 
teresting, 83,  84;  direct,  84; 
conciliatory,  84,  85. 


Index 


Lincoln,    Abraham,     141,     181, 
182,  214,  226,  227. 

Macaulay,  Lord,  152. 
Maclaren,  Alexander,  388. 
Material,   gathering,   53-57. 
Metaphor,  131-139. 
Mind,  keen  and  logical  essen- 
tial, 169. 

Object  of  an  oration,  48-52. 
Oration,  defined,  5-10;  purpose 
of,  9,  10;  parts  of,  14-30; 
introduction,  16-21,  64-67; 
qualities  of,  78-85;  proposi- 
tion, 21-25;  discussion,  25- 
28,  60-63;  conclusion,  28-30, 
63,  64,  86-94;  plan,  33-39; 
choice  of  theme,  40-47;  ob- 
ject, 48-52;  gathering  mate- 
rial for,  53-57;  ordering  of 
material,  58-69;  analysis,  58, 
59;  statement  of  proposition, 
59,  60;  preparation  of  a 
speech  illustrated,  66;  com- 
position, 73-77;  adaptation  to 
audience,  96;  simplicity  in 
structure,  99;  aids  to  clear- 
ness, 119-127;  methods  of  de- 
livery, 106-206. 

Orations  for  further  study,  list 
of,  404-406;  subjects  for, 
407-421. 

Orator,  the,  gifts  and  habits, 
169-171;  mind,  169;  imagina- 
tion, 169;  feeling,  170;  read- 
ing for,  172-185;  value  of 
writing,  186,  187;  elocution 
for,  187-193;  study  essential, 
194;  oratorical  spirit,  194. 

Oratorical  style,  general  quali- 
ties, 95-162. 

Oratory,  types  of,  1 1 ;  determi- 
native, 1 1 ;  demonstrative,  12, 
13;  defined,  95;  essential 
characteristics,  96-127;  three 


essential    qualities    of    style, 
100-162,    163-165;    figures    of 
speech,  127-140;  need  of,  204- 
206. 
Ordering  of  material,  58-69. 

Paul,  St.,  381,  383,  386. 

Phillips,  Wendell,  120,  121,  138, 
139,  143,  149,  230. 

Pitt,  124. 

Plan  of  an  oration,  33-39;  rea- 
sons for,  34-39. 

Poetry,  value  of  study,  178. 

Proposition  or  object  of  an 
oration,  21-25;  statement  of, 
59,6o. 

Reading,  55,  56. 
Repetition,  124-127. 
Rhetorical   question,    144-148. 
Rhythm,   154-159. 
Ruskin,  87. 

Sermons,  reading  of  value  to 
orator,  180. 

Simile,  129,  130. 

Simplicity  in  introduction,  80- 
83 ;  in  structure,  99. 

Speaker,  relation  of  clearness 
to,  117-119. 

Speech,  illustration  of  plan  of, 
66. 

Speeches  for  study,  209-403; 
list  of  for  further  study,  404- 
406;  subjects  for,  407-421. 

Style,  three  great  qualities, 
100-162;  essential  qualities, 
163-165;  relation  to  of  read- 
ing, 172-185. 

Sumner,  Charles,  91,  116,  117, 
190. 

Tennyson,  Lord,  138. 


Index 

Theme,  choice  9f,  40-47;  prac-  Webster,    Daniel,    81,    82,    90, 

tical,  41;  original,  42;  attrac-  113,  129,  133,  155,  157,  IQO. 

tive,    42-44;    adaptation    of,  Wilson,  Woodrow,  398. 

44-47.  Words,  choice  of,  105-112;  how 

Thinking,  clear,  essential,  104;  to  get  and  use,  102;  Saxon, 

strong,  165.  112-117;    nouns    and    verbs, 

Thought  in  preparation,  53-55-  163,  164. 

Thurston,  John  M.,  324-338.  Writing,  186,  187. 


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